Sky was the first who ruled over the whole
world. And having wedded Earth, he begat first 
the Hundred-handed, as they are named: Briareus, 
Gyes, Cottus, who were unsurpassed in size and 
might, each of them having a hundred hands and fifty 
heads.? After these, Earth bore him the Cyclopes, 

that the Sky-god and the Earth-goddess are the parents of 
the principal spirits who dispense life and death, weal and 
woe, among mankind. See Maurice Delafosse, Haut-Sénégal- 
Niger (Paris, 1912), iii. 173 sqgq. Similarly the Manggerai, a 
people of West Flores, in the Indian Archipelago, personify 
Sky and Earth as husband and wife; the consummation of 
their marriage is manifested in the rain, which fertilizes 
Mother Earth, so that she gives birth to her children, the 
produce of the fields and the fruits of the trees. The sky is 
called langit ; it is the male power: the earth is called alang ; 
it is the female power. Together they form a divine couple, 
called Moeri Kraéng. See H. B. Stapel, ‘‘Het Manggér- 
aische Volk (West Flores),” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- 
Land- en Volkenkunde, lvi. (Batavia and the Hague, 1914), 
. 163. 

Pa Compare Hesiod, Theog. 147 sqq. Instead of Gyes, some 
MSS. of Hesiod read Gyges, and this form of the name is 
supported by the Scholiast on Plato, Laws, vii. p. 798 σ. 
Compare Ovid, Fasti, iv. 593; Horace, Odes, ii. 17. 14, iii. 
4. 69, with the commentators. 

. 

Β 2 

oo 

αὐτῷ τεκνοῖ Γῆ Κύκλωπας, “Apynyv! Στερόπην 
Βρόντην, ὧν ἕκαστος εἶχεν ἕνα ὀφθαλμὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ 
μετώπου. ἀλλὰ τούτους μὲν Οὐρανὸς δήσας εἰς 
Τάρταρον ἔρριψε (τόπος δὲ οὗτος ἐρεβώδης ἐστὶν 
ἐν “Αὐδου, τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ γῆς ἔχων διάστημα ὅσον 
ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ γῆ), τεκνοῖ δὲ αὖθις ἐκ Τῆς παῖδας 
μὲν τοὺς Τιτᾶνας προσαγορευθέντας, ᾿Ωκεανὸν 
Κοῖον Ὑπερίονα Kpetov ᾿Ιαπετὸν καὶ νεώτατον 3 
ἁπάντων Κρόνον, θυγατέρας δὲ τὰς κληθείσας 
Τιτανίδας, Τηθὺν Ῥέαν Θέμιν Μνημοσύνην Poi- 
βην Διώνην Θείαν. 

᾿Αγανακτοῦσα δὲ Γῆ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπωλείᾳ τῶν εἰς 
Τάρταρον ῥιφέντων ὃ παίδων πείθει τοὺς Τιτᾶνας 
ἐπιθέσθαι τῷ πατρί, καὶ δίδωσιν ἀδαμαντίνην 
ἅρπην Kpove. οἱ δὲ ᾽Ωκεανοῦ χωρὶς ἐπιτίθενται, 
καὶ Κρόνος ἀποτεμὼν τὰ αἰδοῖα τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς 
τὴν θάλασσαν ἀφίησεν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν σταλαγμῶν 
τοῦ ῥέοντος αἵματος ἐρινύες ἐγένοντο, ᾿Αληκτὼ 
Τισιφόνη Μέγαιρα. τῆς δὲ ἀρχῆς ἐκβαλόντες 

1 “Apynv Heyne: ἅρπην EA. 

2 νεώτατον KOR*: γεννεώτατον BT: γενναιότατον VLN. 

3 ῥιφέντων E: ῥιφθέντων A. 

1 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 139 sqq. 

2 Compare Hesiod, 7'heog. 617 sqq. and for the description 
of Tartarus, 717 sqgg. According to Hesiod, a brazen anvil 
would take nine days and nights to fall from heaven to earth, 
and nine days and nights to fall from earth to Tartarus. 

8 Compare Hesiod, 7’heog. 182 sqgq. who agrees in describ- 
ing Cronus as the youngest of the brood. As Zeus, who 
succeeded his father Cronus on the heavenly throne, was 
likewise the youngest of his family (Hesiod, Theog. 453 sqq.), 
we may conjecture that among the ancient Greeks or their 
ancestors inheritance was at one time regulated by the 
custom of ultimogeniture or the succession of the youngest, 
as to which see Folk-Lore wn the Old Testament, i. 429 sqq. 

to wit, Arges, Steropes, Brontes,' of whom each had 
one eye on his forehead. But them Sky bound and 
cast into Tartarus, a gloomy place in Hades as far 
distant from earth as earth is distant from the sky.? 
And again he begat children by Earth, to wit, the 
Titans as they are named: Ocean, Coeus, Hyperion, 
Crius, Iapetus, and, youngest of all, Cronus; also 
daughters, the Titanides as they are called: Tethys, 
Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Phoebe, Dione, Thia.® 
But Earth, grieved at the destruction of her chil- 
dren, who had been cast into Tartarus, persuaded 
the Titans to attack their father and gave Cronus 
an adamantine sickle. And they, all but Ocean, 
attacked him, and Cronus cut off his father’s 
genitals and threw them into the sea; and from 
the drops of the flowing blood were born Furies, 
to wit, Alecto, Tisiphone, and Megaera.* And, 
having dethroned their father, they brought up their 

In the secluded highlands of Arcadia, where ancient customs 
and traditions lingered long, King Lycaon is said to have 
been succeeded by his youngest son. See Apollodorus, iii. 8. 1. 

4 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 156-190. Here Apollodorus 
follows Hesiod, according to whom the Furies sprang, 
not from the genitals of Sky which were thrown into the 
sea, but from the drops of his blood which fell on Earth 
and impregnated her. The sickle with which Cronus did 
the deed ts said to have been flung by him into the 
sea at Cape Drepanum in Achaia (Pausanias, vii. 23. 4). 
The barbarous story of the mutilation of the divine father by 
his divine son shocked the moral sense of later ages. See 
Plato, Republic, ii. pp. 377 &-378 a, Huthyphro, pp. 5 E-64 ; 
Cicero, De natura deorwm, ii. 24. 63 sqq. Andrew Lang 
interpreted the story with some probability as one of a 
world-wide class of myths intended to explain the separation 
of Earth and Sky. See his Custom and Myth (London, 1884), 

p. 45 sqq.; and as to myths of the forcible separation of 
aoe and Earth, see E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture’, 1. 

84. 

τοὺς te καταταρταρωθέντας ἀνήγαγον ἀδελφοὺς 
καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν Κρόνῳ παρέδοσαν. 

Ὃ δὲ τούτους μὲν <év> τῷ Ταρτάρῳ πάλιν 
δησας καθεῖρξε, τὴν δὲ ἀδελφὴν Ῥέαν γήμας, 
ἐπειδὴ Γῆ τε καὶ Οὐρανὸς ἐθεσπιῴδουν αὐτῷ 
λέγοντες ὑπὸ παιδὸς ἰδίον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρεθή- 
σεσθαι, κατέπινε τὰ γεννώμενα. καὶ πρώτην μὲν 
γεννηθεῖσαν Ἑστίαν κατέπιεν, εἶτα Δήμητραν 
καὶ Ἥραν, μεθ᾽ ἃς Πλούτωνα καὶ Ποσειδῶνα. 
ὀργισθεῖσα δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις Ῥέα παραγίνεται μὲν 
εἰς Κρήτην, ὁπηνίκα τὸν Δία ἐγκυμονοῦσα ἐτύγ- 
χανε, γεννᾷ δὲ ἐν ἄντρῳ τῆς Δίκτης Δία. καὶ 
τοῦτον μὲν δίδωσι τρέφεσθαι Κούρησί τε καὶ ταῖς 
Μελισσέως ' παισὶ νύμφαις, ᾿Αδραστείᾳ τε καὶ 
Ἴδῃ. αὗται μὲν οὖν τὸν παῖδα ἔτρεφον τῷ τῆς 
᾿Αμαλθείας γάλακτι, οἱ δὲ Kovpntes ἔνοπλοι ἐν 

1 Μελισσέως Zenobius, Cent. ii. 48 : μελισσέων EA... 

1 Compare Hesiod, T’heog. 453-467. . 
2 According to Hesiod, Rhea gave birth to Zeus in Crete, 
and the infant god was hidden in a cave of Mount Aegeum 
(Theog. 468-480). Diodorus Siculus (v. 70) mentions the 
legend that Zeus was born at Dicte in Crete, and that the 
od afterwards founded a city on the site. But according to 
Diodoras, or his authorities, the child was brought up in a 
cave on Mount Ida. The ancients were not agreed as to 
whether the infant god had been reared on Mount Ida or Mount 
Dicte. Apollodorus declares for Dicte, and he is supported 
by Virgil (Georg. iv. 153), Servius (on Virgil, Aen. iii. 104), 
and the Vatican Mythographers (Scriptores rerum mythi- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, Cellis, 1834, vol.i. pp. 34, 79, 
First Vatican Mythographer, 104, Second Vatican Mytho- 
rapher, 16). On the other hand the claim of Mount Ida is 
avoured by Callimachus (Hymn, i. 51), Ovid (Fasti, iv. 207), 
and Lactantius Placidus (on Statius, heb. iv. 784). The 
wavering of tradition on this point is indicated by Apollo- 

brethren who had been hurled down to Tartarus, 
and committed the sovereignty to Cronus. 

But he again bound and shut them up in Tartarus, 
and wedded his sister Rhea; and since both Earth and 
Sky foretold him that he would be dethroned by his 
own son, he used to swallow his offspring at birth. 
His first-born Hestia he swallowed, then Demeter and 
Hera, and after them Pluto and Poseidon.! Enraged 
at this, Rhea repaired to Crete, when she was big 
with Zeus, and brought him forth in a cave of Dicte.? 
She gave him to the Curetes and to the nymphs 
Adrastia and Ida, daughters of Melisseus, to nurse. 
So these nymphs fed the child on the milk of 
Amalthea ;3 and the Curetes in arms guarded the 

dorus, who while he calls the mountain Dicte, names one of 
the god’s nurses Ida. 

3 As to the nurture of Zeus by the nymphs, see Calli- 
machus, Hymn i. 46 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 70. 2 aq. ; 
Ovid, Fastt, v. 111 sgqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 139; id. Astronom. 
ii. 13; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 104; Lactantius Placidus, 
on Statius, Theb. iv. 784; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 34, 79 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 104; Second Vatican Mythographer, 16). 
According to Callimachus, Amalthea was a goat. Aratus 
also reported, if he did not believe, the story that the 
supreme god had been suckled by a goat (Strabo, viii. 7. 5, 
p.- 387), and this would seem to have been the common 
opinion (Diodorus Siculus, v. 70. 3; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 
13 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 16). According to one 
account, his nurse Amalthea hung him in his cradle on a tree 
‘*in order that he might be found neither in heaven nor on 
earth nor in the sea” (Hyginus, Fab. 139). Melisseus, the 
father of his nurses Adrastia and Ida, is said to have been a 
Cretan king (Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 13); but his name is 
probably due to an attempt to rationalize the story that the 
infant Zeus was fed by bees. See Virgil, Georg. i. 149 sqq. 
with the note of Servius on v, 153; First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 104 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 16. 

τῷ ἄντρῳ τὸ βρέφος φυλάσσοντες τοῖς δόρασι 
τὰς ἀσπίδας συνέκρουον, ίνα μὴ τῆς τοῦ παιδὸς 
φωνῆς ὁ Κρόνος ἀκούσῃ. Ρέα δὲ λίθον σπαρ- 
γανώσασα δέδωκε Κρόνῳ καταπιεῖν ὡς τὸν 
γεγεννημένον παῖδα. 

II. ᾽᾿Επειδὴ δὲ Ζεὺς ἐγενήθη! τέλειος, λαμβάνει 
Μῆτιν τὴν ᾽Ωκεανοῦ συνεργόν, ἣ δίδωσι Κρόνῳ 
καταπιεῖν φάρμακον, ὑφ᾽ οὗ ἐκεῖνος ἀναγκασθεὶς 
“πρῶτον μὲν ἐξεμεῖ. τὸν λίθον, ἔ ἔπειτα τοὺς παῖδας 
obs κατέπιε" μεθ᾽ ὧν Ζεὺς τὸν πρὸς Κρόνον καὶ 
Τιτᾶνας ἐξήνεγκε πόλεμον. μαχομένων δὲ αὐτῶν 

1 ἐγενήθη EB: ἐγεννήθη Rac. 

1 As tothe Curetes in their capacity of guardians of the 
infant Zeus, see Callimachus, Hymn, i. 52 sqq.; Strabo, x. 
3. 11, p. 468; Diodorus Siculus, v. 70, 2-4; Lucretius, ii 
633-639 ; Virgil, Georg. iii. 150 sg.; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 207 sqq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 139; Servius, on Virgil, ‘Aen. iii. 104; Lac- 
tantius Placidus, on opr Theb. iv. 784; male vege rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 34, 79 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 104 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
16). The story of the way in | which they protected the divine 
infant from his inhuman parent by clashing their weapons 
may reflect a real custom, by the observance of which human 
parents endeavoured to guard their infants against the 
assaults of demons. See Folk-lore in the Old Testament, iii. 
472 sqq. 

2 As to the trick by which Rhea saved Zeus from the maw 
of his father Cronus, see Hesiod, T’heoy. 485 sqq.; Pausanias, 
viii. 36. 3, ix. 2. 7, ix. 41. 6, x. 24.6; Ovid, Faatz, iv. 199- 
206 ; Hyginus, Fab. 139; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 104 ; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, heb. iv. 784; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 34, 79 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 104 ; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 16). The very stone which Cronus swallowed and 
afterwards spewed out was shown at Delphi down to the 
second century of our era; oil was daily poured on it, and on 

babe in the cave, clashing their spears on their 
shields in order that Cronus might not hear the 
child’s voice.! But Rhea wrapped a stone in swaddling 
clothes and gave it to Cronus to swallow, as if it - 
were the new-born child.”

But when Zeus was full-grown, he took Metis,
daughter of Ocean, to help him, and she gave Cronus 
a drug to swallow, which forced him to disgorge first 
the stone and then the children whom he had swal- 
lowed,? and with their aid Zeus waged the war 
against Cronus and the Titans. They fought for 

festival days unspun wool was laid on it (Pausanias, x. 24. 6). 
We read that, on the birth of Zeus’s elder brother Poseidon, 
his mother Rhea saved the baby in like manner by giving his 
father Cronus a foal to swallow, which the deity seems to 
have found more digestible than the stone, for he is not said 
to have spat it out again (Pausanias, viii. 8.2). Phalaris, the 
notorious tyrant of Agrigentum, dedicated in the sanctuary 
of Lindian Athena in Rhodes a bow! which was enriched with 
a relief representing Cronus in the act of receiving his children 
at the hand of Rhea and swallowing them. An inscription 
on the bow! set forth that it was a present from the famous 
artist Daedalus to the Sicilian king Cocalus. These things 
we learn from a long inscription which was found in recent 
years at Lindus: it contains an inventory of the treasures 
preserved in the temple of Athena, together with historical 
notes upon them. See Chr. Blinkenberg, La Chronique 
du temple Lindien (Copenhagen, 1912), p. 332 (Académie 
Royale des Sciences οὐ des Lettres de Dunemark, Extrait du 
Bulletin de année 1912, No. 5-6). 

’ As to the disgorging of his offspring by Cronus, see 
Hesiod, Theog. 493 sqq., who, however, says nothing about 
the agency of Metis in administering an emetic, but attributes 
the stratagem to Earth (Gaia). 

+ As to the war of Zeus on the Titans, sec Hesiod, Z'heog. 
617 sqq.; Horace, Odes, iii. 4. 42 8ηᾳ.; Hyginus, Fab. 118. 

ἐνιαυτοὺς δέκα ἡ Γῆ τῷ Διὶ ἔχρησε τὴν νίκην, 
τοὺς καταταρταρωθέντας ἂν ἔχῃ συμμάχους" ὁ 
δὲ τὴν φρουροῦσαν αὐτῶν τὰ δεσμὰ Κάμπην 
ἀποκτείνας ἔλυσε. καὶ Κύκλωπες τότε Au μὲν 
διδόασι βροντὴν καὶ ἀστραπὴν καὶ κεραυνόν, 
Πλούτωνι δὲ κυνέην, ἸΙοσειδῶνι δὲ τρίαιναν: 
οἱ δὲ τούτοις ὁπλισθέντες κρατοῦσι Τιτάνων, καὶ 
καθείρξαντες αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ Ταρτάρῳ τοὺς ἑκατόγ- 
χειρας κατέστησαν φύλακας. αὐτοὶ δὲ διακλη- 
ροῦνται περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ λαγχάνει Ζεὺς μὲν 
τὴν ἐν οὐρανῷ δυναστείαν, Torebiy δὲ τὴν ἐν 
θαλάσσῃ, Πλούτων δὲ τὴν ἐν “Acdov. 
᾿Εγένοντο δὲ Τιτάνων ἔ ἔκγονοι Ὠκεανοῦ μὲν καὶ 
Τηθύος ᾿᾽Ωκεανίδες,8 ᾿Ασία Στὺξ λέκτρα Δωρὶς 

1 κυνέην E: κυανέην A. 

3 κατέστησαν ἘΠ: καθίστασαν A, καθιστᾶσι Bekker. See 
R. Wagner, Epitoma Vaticana, p. 84. 

5. The MSS. add τρισχίλιαι (A) or τρισχίλιοι (E). The 
Me seems to have been interpolated from Hesiod, Theog. 

4. 

1 The most ancient oracle at Delphi was said to be that of 
Earth ; in her office of prophetess the goddess was there 
succeeded by Themis, who was afterwards displaced by 
Apollo. See Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1 sqq. ; Pausanias, x. 5. 
5 sq. It is said that of old there was an oracle of Earth at 
Olympia, but it no longer existed in the second century of our 
era. See Pausanias, v. 14. 10. At Aegira in Achaia the 
oracles of Earth were delivered in a subterranean cave by 
a priestess, who had previously drunk bull’s blood as a means 
of inspiration. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 147 ; compare 
Pausanias, vii. 25. 13. Th the later pel of antiquity the 
oracle of Earth at Delphi was explained by some philosophers 
on rationalistic principles: they supposed that the priestess 
was thrown into the prophetic trance by natural exhalations 
from the ground, and they explained the decadence of the 

Io 

ten years, and Earth prophesied victory! to Zeus if 
he should have as allies those who had been hurled 
down to Tartarus. So he slew their gaoleress Campe, 
and loosed their bonds. And the Cyclopes then gave 
Zeus thunder and lightning and a thunderbolt,? and 
on Pluto they bestowed a helmet and on Poseidon 
a trident. Armed with these weapons the gods 
overcame the Titans, shut them up in Tartarus, and 
appointed the Hundred-handers their guards ;* but 
they themselves cast lots for the sovereignty, and 
to Zeus was allotted the dominion of the sky, to 
Poseidon the dominion of the sea, and to Pluto the 
dominion in Hades.‘ 

Now to the Titans were born offspring: to Ocean 
and Tethys were born Oceanids, to wit, Asia, Styx, 

oracle in their own time by the gradual cessation of the 
exhalations. The theory is scouted by Cicero. See Plutarch, 
De defectu oraculorum, 40 sqq. ; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 19. 
38, i. 36. 79, ii. 57. 117. A similar theory is still held by 
wizards in Loango, on the west coast of Africa; hence in 
order to receive the inspiration they descend into an artificial 
pit or natural hollow and remain there for some time, absorb- 
ing the blessed influence, just as the Greek priestesses for a 
similar purpose descended into the oracular caverns at Aegira 
and Delphi. See Die Loango Expedition, iii. 2, von Dr. E. 
Pechuél-Loesche (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 441. As to the oracular 
cavern at Delphi and the inspiring exhalations which were 
supposed to emanate from it, see Diodorus Siculus, xvi. 26 ; 
Strabo, ix. 3. 5, p. 419; Pausanias, x. 5. 7; Justin, xxiv. 6. 
6-9. That the Pythian priestess descended into the cavern 
to give the oracles appears from an expression of Plutarch 
(De defectu oraculorum, 51, κατέβη μὲν εἰς τὸ μαντεῖον). As to 
the oracles of Earth in antiquity, see A. Bouché-Leclercq, 
Histoire de la Divination dans I’ Antiquité, ii. 251 sqq.; L. R. 
Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. 8 sqq. 

2 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 501-506. 

ὃ Compare Hesiod, Theog. 717 sqq. 

4 Compare Homer, 11. xv. 187 sqq.; Plato, Gorgias, p. 523a. 

II 

Evpovoun [Αμφιτρίτη) Μῆτις, Koiov δὲ καὶ 
Φοίβης ᾿Αστερία καὶ Λητώ, “Ὑπερίονος δὲ καὶ 
Θείας "Has “Ἥλιος Σελήνη, Κρείου δὲ καὶ Εὐρυ- 
βίας τῆς Πόντου ᾿Αστραῖος Πάλλας “Πέρσης, 
8 ᾿Ιαπετοῦ δὲ καὶ "Actas! ἴΑτλας, ὃς ἔχει τοῖς 
ὦμοις τὸν οὐρανόν, καὶ Προμηθεὺς καὶ Ἔπι- 
μηθεὺς καὶ Μενοίτιος, ὃν κεραυνώσας ἐν τῇ 
4 τιτανομαχίᾳ Ζεὺς κατεταρτάρωσεν. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ 
Κρόνου καὶ Φιλύρας Χείρων᾽ διφυὴς Κένταυρος, 
᾿Ηοῦς δὲ καὶ ᾿Αστραίου ἄ ἄνεμοι καὶ ἄστρα, Πέρσου 
δὲ καὶ ᾿Αστερίας “Ἑκάτη, Πάλλαντος. δὲ καὶ 
5 Στυγὸς } Νίκη Κράτος Ζῆλος Βία. τὸ δὲ τῆς 
Στυγὺς ὕδωρ ἐκ πέτρας ἐν i “Αἰδου ῥέον Ζεὺς 
ἐποίησεν ὅρκον, ταύτην αὐτῇ τιμὴν διδοὺς ἀνθ᾽ 
ὧν αὐτῷ κατὰ Τιτάνων μετὰ τῶν τέκνων συνε- 
μάχησε. 
6 Πόντου δὲ καὶ Τῆς Φόρκος ? Θαύμας Νηρεὺς 

1 The MSS. add τῶν ᾽Ωκεανοῦ, which Heyne, Westermann 
Miiller, and Bekker alter into τῆς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ. 

2 Φόρκος Heyne, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, (compare ii. 
4, 2): Φόρκυς A. 

1 Compare Hesiod,’ Theog. 346-366, who mentions all the 
Oceanids named by Apollodorus except Amphitrite, who was 
a Nereid. See Apollodorus, i. 2.7; Hesiod, Theog. 243. 

2 As to the offspring of Coeus and Phoebe, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 404 sqq. 

3 As to the offspring of Hyperion and Thia, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 371 sqq. 

* As to the offspring of Crius and Eurybia, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 375 sqq. 

5 As to the offspring of Iapetus and Asia, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 507-520. 

6 It is said that Cronus assumed the shape of a horse when 
he consorted with Philyra, and that, we are told, was why 

Electra, Doris, Eurynome, Amphitrite, and Metis; 1} 
to Coeus and Phoebe were born Asteria and La- 
tona ;* to Hyperion and Thia were born Dawn, Sun, 
and Moon ;* to Crius and Eurybia, daughter of Sea 
(Pontus), were born Astraeus, Pallas, and Perses ;4 
to Iapetus and Asia was born Atlas, who has the sky 
on his shoulders, and Prometheus, and Epimetheus, 
and Menoetius, he whom Zeus in the battle with the 
Titans smote with a thunderbolt and hurled down to 
Tartarus.5 And to Cronus and Philyra was born 
Chiron, a centaur of double form;® and to Dawn 
and Astraeus were born winds and stars;’? to Perses 
and Asteria was born Hecate ;® and to Pallas and 
Styx were born Victory, Dominion, Emulation, and 
Violence.® But Zeus caused oaths to be sworn by 
the water of Styx, which flows from a rock in Hades, 
bestowing this honour on her because she and 
her children had fought on his side against the 
Titans.10 

And to Sea (Pontus) and Earth were born Phorcus, 
Chiron was born a centaur, half-man, half-horse. See 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 554. 

7 As to the offspring of Dawn and Astraeus, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 378 sqq. 

8 As to this parentage of Hecate, see Hesiod, Theog. 
409 sqq. But the ancients were not agreed on the subject. 
See the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii.467. He 
tells us that according to the Orphic hymns, Hecate was a 
daughter of Deo; according to Bacchylides, a daughter of 
Night ; according to Musaeus, a daughter of Zeus and Asteria; 
and according to Pherecydes, a daughter of Aristaeus. 

® For this brood of abstractions, the offspring of Styx and 
Pallas, see Hesiod, Theog. 383 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. p. 30, ed. 
Bunte. 

10 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 389-403. As to the oath by the 
water of Styx, see further Hesiod, Theog. 775 sqq.; compare 
Homer, Ii. xv. 37 8ᾳ., Od. v. 186 8ᾳ.; Homeric Hymn to 
Apollo, 86 sq. 

EvpuBia Κητώ. Θαύμαντος μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἠλέκτρας 
Ἶρις καὶ ἅρπυιαι, Δελλὼ «καὶ» ᾿Ωκυπέτη, Φόρκου 
δὲ καὶ Κητοῦς Φορκίδες «καὶ; Γοργόνες, περὶ ὧν 
ἐροῦμεν ὅταν τὰ κατὰ Περσέα λέγωμεν, Νηρέως δὲ 
καὶ Δωρίδος ῖ Νηρηΐδες, ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα Κυμοθόη 
Σπειὼ Γλαυκονόμη Ναυσιθόη ᾿Αλίη, Ἐρατὼ Law 
᾿Αμφιτρίτη Εὐνίκη Θέτις, Εὐλεμένη ᾿Αγαύη Εὐ- 
δώρη Δωτὼ Φέρουσα, Γαλάτεια ᾿Ακταίη Ποντομέ- 
δουσα ᾿Ἱπποθόη Λυσιάνασσα, ζυμὼ ᾿Ηιόνη ᾿Αλε- 
μήδη Πληξαύρη Evepdytn, Upwra Καλυψὼ 
Πανόπη Κραντὼ Neopunpis, Ἵππονόη Ἰάνειρα 
Πολυνόμη Αὐτονόη Μελίτη, Διώνη Νησαίη Δηρὼ 
Evayopn Ψαμάθη, Εὐμόλπη Ἰόνη Δυναμένη Κητὼ 
ἐμνώρεια. 

III. Ζεὺς δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν Ἥραν, καὶ τεκνοῖ 
Ηβην Εϊλείθνιαν “Apny,® μέγνυται δὲ πολλαῖς 
θνηταῖς τε καὶ ἀθανάτοις γυναιξίν. ἐκ μὲν οὖν 
Θέμεδος τῆς" Οὐρανοῦ γεννᾷ θυγατέρας ὥρας, 
Εἰρήνην Εὐνομίαν Δίκην, μοίρας, Κλωθὼ Λάχεσιν 
Ατροπον, ἐκ Διώνης δὲ ᾿Αφροδίτην, ἐξ Εὐρυνόμης 

1 The MSS. add τῶν ’Qxeavov, which Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, and Bekker alter into τῆς ᾿Ωκεαγοῦ. 

2 Μελίτη Heyne, comparing Hesiod, Theog. 246, Homer, 
Tl. xviii. 42, etc.: Μελίη A. 

3 "Ἄρην Gale: ἄργην R: ἀργὴν E: ἄργην B. 

ὁ τῆς Εἰ: τοῦ A. 

2 As to the offspring of Sea (Pontus, conceived as mascu- 
line) and Earth (conceived as feminine), see Hesiod, Theog. 
233 δηᾳ.; Hyginus, Fad. p. 28, ed. Bunte. 

? As to the offspring of Thaumas and Electra, see Hesiod, 

* As to the parentage of the Phorcids an.j] Gorgons, see 

Thaumas, Nereus, Eurybia, and Ceto.1 .Now to 
Thaumas and Electra were born Iris and the Harpies, 
Aello and Ocypete ; 3 and to Phorcus and Ceto were 
born the Phorcids and Gorgons,® of whom we shall 
speak when we treat of Perseus. To Nereus and 
Doris were born the Nereids,# whose names are 
Cymothoe, Spio, Glauconome, Nausithoe, Halie, 
Erato, Sao, Amphitrite, Eunice, Thetis, Eulimene, 
Agave, Eudore, Doto, Pherusa, Galatea, Actaea, 
Pontomedusa, Hippothoe, Lysianassa, Cymo, Eione, 
Halimede, Plexaure, Eucrante, Proto, Calypso, 
Panope, Cranto, Neomeris, Hipponoe, Ianira, Poly- 
nome, Autonoe, Melite, Dione, Nesaea, Dero, 
Evagore, Psamathe, Eumolpe, Ione, Dynamene, Ceto, 
and Limnoria.

Now Zeus wedded Hera and begat Hebe,
Ilithyia, and Ares,> but he had intercourse with many 
women, both mortals and immortals. By Themis, 
daughter of Sky, he had daughters, the Seasons, to 
wit, Peace, Order, and Justice; also the Fates, to wit, 
Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropus;® by Dione he had 

Hesiod, Theog. 270 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. p. 29, ed. Bunte. 
As to the monsters themselves, see Apollodorus, ii. 4. 2 sq. 

4 For lists of Nereids, see Homer, Il. xviii. 38-49 ; Hesiod, 

Theog. 240-264 ; Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 417-423 ; Virgil, 
Georg. iv. 334-344; Hyginus, Fab. pp. 28 sg., ed. Bunte. 
‘ δ As to the offspring of Zeus and Hera, see Homer 11. v. 
889 sqq. (Ares), xi. 270 sg. (Ilithyia), Od. xi. 603 sq. (Hebe) ; 
Hesiod, Theog. 921 sqqg. According to Hesiod, Hera was the 
last consort whom Zeus took to himself; his first wife was 
Metis, and his second Themis (Zheog. 886, 901, 921). 

6 For the daughters of Zeus and Themis, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 901 sqq. 

δὲ τῆς ‘Oxeavod χάριτας, ᾿Αγλαΐην Ἐὐφροσύνην 
Θάλειαν, ἐκ δὲ Στυγὸς Περσεφόνην, ἐκ δὲ Μνη- 
μοσύνης μούσας, πρώτην μὲν Καλλιόπην, εἶτα 
Κλειὼὼ Μελπομένην Εὐτέρπην ᾿Ερατὼ Τερψι- 
χόρην Οὐρανίαν Θάλειαν Ἰ]ολυμνίαν. 

Καλλιόπης μὲν οὖν καὶ Oidypov, κατ᾽ ἐπί- 
κλησιν δὲ ᾿Απόλλωνος, Λίνος, ὃν Ἡρακλῆς 
ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ Opdeds ὁ ἀσκήσας κιθαρῳδίαν, ὃς 
ἄδων ἐκίνει λίθους τε καὶ δένδρα. ἀποθανούσης δὲ 
Εὐρυδίκης τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, δηχθείσης ὑπὸ 
ὄφεως, κατῆλθεν εἰς “Αἰδον θέλων ἀνάγειν; αὐτήν, 

1 ἀνάγειν Heyne: ἀγαγεῖν A. 

1 As to Dione, mother of Aphrodite, see Homer, 17. v. 370 
eqq-; Euripides, Helena, 1098; Hyginus, Fab. p. 30, ed. 
Bunte. Hesiod represents Aphrodite as born of the sea-foam 
which gathered round the severed genitals of Sky (Uranus). 
See Hesiod, Theog. 188 sqq. 

2 As to the parentage of the Graces, see Hesiod, Theog. 
907 sqq.; Pausanias, ix. 35.5 ; Hyginus, Fab. p. 30, ed. Bunte. 

3 According to the usual account, the mother of Persephone 
was not Styx but Demeter. See Hesiod, Theog. 912 sq.; 
Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 1 sqq.; Pausanias, viii. 37. 9; 
Hyginus, Fab. p. 30, ed. Bunte. 

* As to the names and parentage of the Muses, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 75 sqq., 915 sqq. 

> Accounts differ as to the parentage of Linus. According 
to one, he was a son of Apollo by the Muse Urania (Hyginus, 
Fab. 161); according to another, he was a son of Apollo 
by Psamathe, daughter of Crotopus (Pausanias, ii. 19. 8); 
according to another, he was a son of Apollo by Aethusa,. 
daughter of Poseidon (Contest of Homer and Hesiod, p. 570, 
ed. Evelyn-White, Loeb Classical Inbrary); according to 
another, he was a son of Magnes by the Muse Clio (Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 831). 

6 That Orpheus was a son of Oeagrus by the Muse Calliope 
is affirmed also by Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 23 sqq.; 
Conon, Narrat. 45; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 831 

Aphrodite ;! by Eurynome, daughter of Ocean, he 
had the Graces, to wit, Aglaia, Euphrosyne, and 
Thalia ;2_ by Styx he had Persephone;* and by 
Memory (Mnemosyne)he had the Muses, first Calliope, 
then Clio, Melpomene, Euterpe, Erato, Terpsichore, 
Urania, Thalia, and Polymnia.*‘ 

Now Calliope bore to Oeagrus or, nominally, to 
Apollo, a son Linus,> whom Hercules slew; and 
another son, Orpheus,® who practised minstrelsy and 
by his songs moved stones and trees. And when 
his wife Eurydice died, bitten by a snake, he went 
down to Hades, being fain to bring her up,’ and he 

the author of The Contest o Homer and Hesiod, p. 570, ed. 
Evelyn-White ; Hyginus, Fab. 14; and the First and Second 
Vatican Mythographers (Scriptores rerum mythicarum La- 
tens, ed. G. H. e, vol. i. pp. 26, 90). The same view was 
held by Asclepiades, but some said that his mother was the 
Muse Polymnia (Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 
23). Pausanias roundly denied that the musician’s mother 
was the Muse Calliope (ix. 30. 4). That his father was 
Oeagrus is mentioned also by Plato (Sympos. P- 179 Ὁ), Dio- 
dorus Siculus (iv. 25. 2), and Clement of Alexandria (Protrept. 
7, p- 63, ed. Potter). As to the power of Orpheus to move 
stones and trees by his singing, see Euripides, Bacchae, 561 
sqq.; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 26 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 25. 2; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 24; Conon, Narrat. 45; 
Horace, Odes, i. 12. 7 sqq.; Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus, 1036 
eqq.; td., Hercules Furens, 572 sq. 

7 As to the descent of Orpheus to hell to fetch up Eurydice, 
compare Pausanias, ix. 30. 6; Conon, Narrat. 45; Virgil, 
Georg. iv. 454 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 8 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 164; Seneca, Hercules Furens, 569 sqq.; td. Hercules 
Oetaeus, 1061 sqq.; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. 
viii. 59 and 60; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 26 sq., 90 (First Vatican M yom enn 
76; Second Vatican Mythographer, 44). That Eurydice was 
killed by the bite of a snake on which she had accidentally 
trodden is mentioned by Virgil Ovid, Hyginus, and the 
Vatican Mythographers. 

VOL. I. ς 

καὶ Πλούτωνα ἔπεισεν ἀναπέμψαι. ὁ δὲ ὑπέ- 
σχετο τοῦτο ποιήσειν, ἂν μὴ πορευόμενος Ὄρ- 
φεὺς ἐπιστραφῇ πρὶν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὑτοῦ παρα- 
γενέσθαι' ὁ δὲ ἀπιστῶν ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐθεάσατο 
τὴν γυναῖκα, ἡ δὲ πάλιν ὑπέστρεψεν. εὗρε δὲ 
Ορφεὺς καὶ τὰ Διονύσου μυστήρια, καὶ τέθαπται 
περὶ τὴν Πιερίαν διασπασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν μαινάδων. 
Κλειὼ δὲ Πιέρον τοῦ Μάγνητος ἠράσθη κατὰ 
μῆνιν ᾿Αφροδίτης (ὠνείδισε γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν τοῦ 
9 [4 »” fe) Ἁ 3 7 3 
Αδώνεδος ἔρωτα), συνελθοῦσα δὲ ἐγέννησεν ἐξ 
3 a nm ¢€ , 2 , ς , 
αὐτοῦ παῖδα Ὕαἀκινθον, οὗ Θάμυρις ὁ Φιλάμ- 
μωνος καὶ ᾿Αργιόπης νύμφης ἔσχεν! ἔρωτα, 
πρῶτος ἀρξάμενος ἐρᾶν ἀρρένων. ἀλλ᾽ Ὑάκινθον 
μὲν ὕστερον ᾿Απόλλων ἐρώμενον ὄντα δίσκῳ 
1 ἔσχεν EA: ἴσχει Hercher, Wagner. But ἔχειν ἔρωτα is 
od Greek. See Herodotus, v. 32; Apollodorus, Hit. ii. 6. 

oO 
On the other hand Apollodorus has ἴσχειν ἔρωτα elsewhere 
(i. 9. 8, 1. 9. 23, 11. 3. 1, ili. 14. 4). 

1 On Orpheus as a founder of mysteries, compare Euri- 
pides, Rhesus, 943 sq.; Aristophanes, Frogs, 1032; Plato, 
Protagoras, Ὁ. 369D; id. Republic, ii. 7, pp. 3655-3664 ; 
Demosthenes, Or. xxv. 11, p. 772; Diodorus Siculus, i. 23, 
i. 96. 2-6, iii. 65. 6, iv. 25. 3, v. 77. 3; Pausanias, ii. 30. 2, 
ix. 30. 4, x. 7. 2; Plutarch, Frag. 84 (Plutarch, Didot ed. 
vol. v. p. 55). According to Diodorus Siculus (i. 23), the 
mysteries of Dionysus which Orpheus instituted in Greece 
were copied by him from the Egyptian mysteries of Osiris. 
The view that the mysteries of Dionysus were based on those 
of Osiris has been maintained in recent years by the very able 
and learned French scholar, Monsieur Paul Foucart. See his - 
treatise, Le culte de Dionysos en Attique (Paris, 1904), pp. 8 
8ηᾳ. ; id. Les mystéres d@Kleusie (Paris, 1914), pp. 1 sqq., 
445 sqq. 

2 As to the death of Orpheus at the hands of the Maenads 
or the Thracian women, see Pausanias, ix. 30. 5; Conon, 
Narrat. 45; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 24; Virgil, Georg. iv. 
520 δᾳᾳ. ; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 1 gq. Usually the women are 

persuaded Pluto to send her up. The god promised 
to do so,if on the way Orpheus would not turn round 
until he should be come to his own house. But he 
disobeyed and turning round beheld his wife; so 
she turned back. Orpheus also invented the 
mysteries of Dionysus,! and having been torn in 
pieces by the Maenads? he is buried in Pieria. Clio 
fell in love with Pierus, son of Magnes, in consequence 
of the wrath of Aphrodite, whom she had twitted 
with her love of Adonis; and having met him she 
bore him a son Hyacinth, for whom Thampyris, the 
son of Philammon and a nymph Argiope, conceived 
a passion, he being the first to become enamoured ot 
males. But afterwards Apollo loved Hyacinth and 
killed him involuntarily by the cast of a quoit.* And 

said to have been offended by the widower’s constancy to 
the memory of his late wife, and by his indifference to their 
charms and endearments. But Eratosthenes, or rather the 
writer who took that name, puts a different complexion on 
the story. He says that Orpheus did not honour Dionysus, 
but esteemed the sun the greatest of the gods, and used to 
rise very early every day in order to see the sunrise from the 
top of Mount Pangaeum. This angered Dionysus, and he 
stirred up the Bassarids or Bacchanals to rend the bard limb 
from limb. Aeschylus wrote a tragedy on the subject called 
the Bassarids or Bassarae. See Tragicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck? (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 9 sq. 
2 As to the death of Hyacinth, killed by the cast of Apollo’s 
uoit, see Nicander, Ther. 901 sqq.; Pausanias, iii. 19. 4 8q.; 
Gatien: Dial. deorum, xiv.; Philostratus, Imag. i. 23 (24) ; 
Palaephatus, De incredib. 47; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 162 sqq.; 
Servius, on Virgil, Hcl. iii. 63; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Theb. iv. 223 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latin, 
ed. G. H.*Bode, vol. i. pp. 37, 135 sq. (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 117; Second Vatican Mythographer, 181). The 
usual story ran that Apollo and the West Wind, or, according 
to others, the North Wind, were rivals for the affection of 
Hyacinth; that Hyacinth preferred Apollo, and that the 

c 2 

βαλὼν ἄκων ἀπέκτεινε, Θάμυρις δὲ κάλλει 
διενογκὼν καὶ ,“κιθαρῳδίᾳ περὶ μουσικῆς ἤρισε 
μούσαις, συνθέμενος, ἂν μὲν κρείττων εὑρεθῇ, 
πλησιάσειν πάσαις, ἐὰν δὲ ἡττηθῇ, στερηθήσεσθαι 
οὗ ἂν ἐκεῖναι θέλωσι. καθυπέρτεραι δὲ αἱ μοῦσαι 
γενόμεναι καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς κιθα- 

4 ρῳδίας ἐστέρησαν. Εὐτέρπης δὲ καὶ ποταμοῦ 
Στρυμόνος Ῥῆσος, ὃν ἐν Τροίᾳ Διομήδης ἀπέ- 
κτεινεν" ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, Καλλιόπης ὑπῆρχεν. 
Θαλείας δὲ καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐγένοντο Κορύβαντες, 
Μελπομένης δὲ καὶ ᾿Αχελῴον Σειρῆνες, περὶ ὧν 
ἐν τοῖς περὶ ᾽Οδυσσέως ἐροῦμεν. 

δ “Hoa δὲ χωρὶς εὐνῆς ἐγέννησεν “Ηφαιστον" ὡς 
δὲ “Ὅμηρος λέγει, καὶ τοῦτον ἐκ Διὸς ἐγέννησε. 

jealous West Wind took his revenge by blowing a blast which 
diverted the quoit thrown by Apollo, so that it struck 
Hyacinth on the head and killed him. From the blood of the 
slain youth sprang the hyacinth, inscribed with letters which 
commemorated his tragic death ; though the ancients were not 
at one in the reading of them. Some, like Ovid, read in them 
the exclamation AI AI, that is, ““ Alas, alas!” Others, like 
the Second Vatican Mythographer, fancied that they could 
detect in the dark lines of the flower the first Greek letter (Ὁ) 
of Hyacinth’s name. 

1 This account of Thamyris and his contest with the Muses 
is repeated almost verbally by Zenobius, Cent. iv. 27, and by 
a Scholiast on Homer, 17. ii. 595. As to the bard’s rivalry 
with the Muses, and the blindness they inflicted on him, see 
Homer, Jl. ii. 594-600 ; compare Euripides, Rhesus, 915 sqq.; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
p- 60 (First Vatican Mythographer, 197). The story of the 
punishment of Thamyris in hell was told in the epic poem The 
Minyad, attributed to Prodicus the Phocaean (Pausanias, iv. 
33. 7). In the great picture of the underworld painted by 
Polygnotus at Delphi, the blind musician was portrayed 
sitting with long flowing locks and a broken lyre at his feet 
(Pausanias, x. 30. 8). 

Thamyris, who excelled in beauty and in minstrelsy 
engaged in a musical contest with the Muses, the 
agreement being that, if he won, he should enjoy 
them all, but that if he should be vanquished he 
should be bereft of what they would. So the 
Muses got the better of him and bereft him both or 
his eyes and of his minstrelsy.1_ Euterpe had by the 
river Strymon a son Rhesus, whom Diomedes slew at 
Troy;? but some say his mother was Calliope. 
Thalia had by Apollo the Corybantes ;* and Melpo- 
mene had by Achelous the Sirens, of whom we shall 
speak in treating of Ulysses.‘ 

Hera gave birth to Hephaestus without intercourse 
with the other sex, but according to Homer he was 

2 As to the death of Rhesus, see Homer, Il. x. 474 sqq.; 
compare Conon, Narrat.4. It is the subject of Euripides’s 
tragedy Rhesus; see particularly verses 756 sqg. Euripides 
represents Rhesus as a son of the river Strymon by one of the 
Muses (vv. 279, 915 sgq.), but he does not name the particular 
Muse who bore him. 

3 Very discrepant accounts were given of the parentage of 
the Corybantes. Some said that they were sons of the Sun 
by Athena ; others that their parents were Zeus and the 

use Calliope ; others that their father was Cronus. See 
Strabo, x. 3. 19, p. 472. According to another account, their 
mother was the Mother of the Gods, who settled them in 
Samothrace, or the Holy Isle, as the name Samothrace was 
believed to signify. The name of the father of the Corybantes 
was kept a secret from the profane vulgar, but was revealed 
to the initiated at the Samothracian mysteries. See Diodorus 
Siculus, iii. 55. 8 sq. 

* As to the Sirens, see Apollodorus, Epitome, vii. 18 sq. 
Elsewhere (i. 7. 10) Apollodorus mentions the view that the 
mother of the Sirens was Sterope. 

5 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 927 sq.; Lucian, De sacrificits, 6. 
So Juno is said to have conceived Mars by the help of the 
goddess Flora and without intercourse with Jupiter (Ovid, 
Fasti, v. 229 sq.). The belief in the possible impregnation 

ῥίπτει δὲ αὐτὸν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ Ζεὺς “Hpa δεθείσῃ 
βοηθοῦντα: ταύτην γὰρ ἐκρέμασε! Ζεὺς ἐξ Ολύμ- 
που χειμῶνα ἐπιπέμψασαν Ἡρακλεῖ, ὅτε Τροίαν 
ἑλὼν ἔπλει. πεσόντα δ᾽ φαιστον ἐν Λήμνῳ καὶ 
πηρωθέντα τὰς βάσεις διέτωσε Θέτις. 

Μίγνυται δὲ Ζεὺς Myredi,? μεταβαλλούσῃ εἰς 
πολλὰς ἰδέας ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ συνελθεῖν, καὶ αὐτὴν 
γενομένην ἔγκυον καταπίνει φθάσας, ἐπείπερ 

1 ἐκρέμασε EK: ἐκκρεμάσασα RB, ἐξεκρέμασε C. 
4 μήτιδι Εἰ, Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p. 23D: @érids A. 

of women without sexual intercourse appears to have been 
common, if not universal, among men at a certain stage of 
social evolution, and it is still held by many savages. See 
Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 3rd ed. i. 92 sqq.; Folk-lore in the Old 
Testament, ii. 204, notes; A. et G. Grandidier, Ethnograpme 
de Madagascar, ii. (Paris, 1914), pp. 245 sq. The subject is 
fully discussed by Mr. E. 5. Hartland in his Primitive 
Paternity (London, 1909-1910). 

1 Compare Homer, Jl. i. 571 δ8ᾳ., 577 sq. In these lines 
Hephaestus plainly recognizes Hera as his mother, but it is 
not equally clear that he recognizes Zeus as his father ; the 
epithet ‘‘father” which he applies to him may refer to the 
god’s general paternity in relation to gods and men. 

2 See Homer, 11. i. 590 ag. 

3 See Homer, 11. xv. 18 sqq., where Zeus is said to have 
tied two anvils to the feet of Hera when he hung her out of 
heaven. Compare Apollodorus, ii. 7. 1; Nonnus, in Wester- 
mann’s Mythograpm Graecit (Brunswick, 1843), Appendix 
Narrationum, xxix. 1, pp. 371 ag. | 

+ The significance of lameness in myth and ritual is obscure. 
The Yorubas of West Africa say that Shankpanna, the god of 
small-pox, is Jame and limps along with the aid of a stick, one 
of his legs being withered. See (Sir) A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba- 
speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 
1894), p. 73. The Ekoi of Southern Nigeria relate how the 
first fire on earth was stolen from heaven by a boy, whom the 
Creator (Obassi Osaw) punished with lameness for the theft. 

one of her children by Zeus.!_ Him Zeus cast out of 
heaven, because he came to the rescue of Hera in 
her bonds.?, For when Hercules had taken Troy 
and was at sea, Hera sent a storm after him; so Zeus 
hung her from Olympus.’ Hephaestus fell on Lem- 
nos and was lamed of his legs,‘ but Thetis saved 
him.5 

Zeus had intercourse with Metis, who turned into 
many shapes in order to avoid his embraces. When 
she was with child, Zeus, taking time by the forelock 

See P. Amaury Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush (London, 
1912), pp. 370 sg. This lame boy seems to play the part of a 
good fairy in Ekoi tales, and he is occasionally represented in 
a ‘‘stilt play” by an actor who has a short stilt bound round 
his right leg and limps like a cripple. See P. Amaury Talbot, 
op. cit. pp. 58, 285. Among the Edo of Benin ‘‘custom 
enjoined that once a year a lame man should be dragged around 
the city, and then as far as a place on the Enyai road, called 
Adaneha. This was probably a ceremony of purification.” 
See ὟΝ. N. Thomas, Anthropological Report on the Edo-speak- 
ang peoples of Nigeria, Part I. (London, 1910), p. 35. Ina race 
called ‘‘the King’s Race,” which used to be run by lads on 
Good Friday or Easter Saturday in some parts of the Mark of 
Brandenburg, the winner was called ‘‘the King,” and the last 
to come in was called ‘‘the Lame Carpenter.” One of the 
Carpenter’s legs was bandaged with splints as if it were 
broken, and he had to hobble along on a crutch. Thus he 
was led from house to house by his comrades, who collected 
eggs to bake a cake. See A. Kuhn, Mdrkische Sagen und 
Marchen (Berlin, 1843), pp. 323 sq. 

5 As to the fall of Hephaestus on Lemnos, see Homer, Jl. 
i. 590 sqq.; Lucian, De sacrificits, 6. The association of the 
fire-god with Lemnos is supposed to have been suggested by 
a volcano called Moschylus, which has disappeared— perhaps 
submerged in the sea. See H. F. Tozer, The Islands of the 
Aegean, pp. 269 sqq.; R. C. Jebb on Sophocles, Philoctetes, 
800, with the Appendix, pp. 243-245. According to another 
account, Hephaestus fell, not on Lemnos, but into the sea, 
where he was saved by Thetis. See Homer, 17. xviii. 394 8qq. 

éxeye «Τῇ; yervncev' παῖδα peta τὴν μέλλουσαν 
ἐξ αὐτῆς γεννᾶσθαι κόρην, ὃς οὐρανοῦ δυνάστης 
γενήσεται. τοῦτο φοβηθεὶς κατέπιεν αὐτήν" ὡς 
δ᾽ ὁ τῆς γεννήσεως ὃ ἐνέστη χρόνος, πλήξαντος 
αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν πελέκει Προμηθέως ἢ καθάπερ 
ἄλλοι λέγουσιν Ἡφαίστου, ἐκ κορυφῆς, ἐπὶ ποτα- 
μοῦ Τρίτωνος, ᾿Αθηνᾶ σὺν ὅπλοις ἀνέθορεν. 

IV. Τῶν δὲ Κοίον θυγατέρων ᾿Αστερία μὲν 
ὁμοιωθεῖσα ὄρτυγι ἑαυτὴν εἰς θάλασσαν ἔρριψε, 
φεύγουσα τὴν πρὸς Δία συνουσίαν: καὶ πόλιες 
an’ ἐκείνης ᾿Αστερία πρότερον κληθεῖσα, ὕστερον 
δὲ Δῆλος. Λητὼ δὲ συνελθοῦσα Ail κατὰ τὴν 
γῆν ἅπασαν td’ Ἥρας ἠλαύνετο, μέχρις εἰς 
Δῆλον ἐλθοῦσα γεννᾷ πρώτην Αρτεμιν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς 
μαιωθεῖσα ὕστερον ᾿Απόλλωνα ἐγέννησεν. 

1 ἔλεγε «Γῆ: γεννήσειν Heyne, comparing Hesiod, Theog. 
890 sq.: ἔλεγε γεννήσειν A, Westermann, Miller, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner. 

2 γεννᾶσθαι E, Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, Ὁ. 23 Ὁ: 
γένεσθαι A. 

δ γεννήσεως A, Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p. 23 D: 
γενέσεως Εἰ, Wagner. 

1 See Hesiod, Theog. 886-900, 9298-929P, ed. Evelyn- 
White; Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p.23p. Hesiod says 
that Zeus acted on the advice or warning of Earth and Sky. 
The Scholiast on Hesiod, quoted by Goettling and Paley in 
their commentaries, says that Metis had the power of turning 
herself into any shape she pleased. | 

2 Compare the Scholiast on Homer, Jl. i. 195, who cites 
the first book of Apollodorus as his authority. According to 
the usual account, followed by the vase-painters, it was 
Hephaestus who cleft the head of Zeus with an axe and so 
delivered Athena. See Pindar, Olymp. vii. 35 (65) sqq.; 
Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p.23p. According to Euripides 
(Ion, 454 sqg.), the delivery was effected by Prometheus ; but 
according to others it was Palamaon or Hermes who split the 

swallowed her, because Earth said that, after 
giving birth to the maiden who was then in her 
womb, Metis would bear a son who should be the lord 
of heaven. From fear of that Zeus swallowed her. 
And when the time came for the birth to take place, 
Prometheus or, as others say, Hephaestus, smote the 
head of Zeus with an axe, and Athena, fully armed, 
leaped up from the top of his head at the river Triton.

Of the daughters of Coeus, Asteria in the
likeness of a quail flung herself into the sea in order 
to escape the amorous advances of Zeus, and a city 
was formerly called after her Asteria, but afterwards 
it was named Delos.* But Latona for her intrigue 
with Zeus was hunted by Hera over the whole earth, 
till she came to Delos and brought forth first Artemis, 
by the help of whose midwifery she afterwards gave 
birth to Apollo.4 

head of the supreme god and so allowed Athena to leap forth. 
See the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. vii. 35 (65). 

8 Compare Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 36 sqq.; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 401; Hyginus, Fab. 53; Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. iii. 73; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iv. 
795; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 13, 79 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 37; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 17). 

4 As to the birth of Apollo and Artemis, see the Homeric 
Hymn to Apollo, 14 sqq.; Pindar, On Delos, Ὁ. 560, ed. 
Sandys; Hyginus, Fab. 140; and the writers cited in 
the preceding note. The usual tradition was that Latona 

ave birth both to Artemis and to Apollo in Delos, which 
ormerly had been called Asteria or Ortygia. But the 
author of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo distinguishes 
Ortygia from Delos, and says that, while Apollo was born in 
Delos, Artemis was born in Ortygia. Thus distinguished 
from Delos, the island of Ortygia is probably to be identified, 
as Strabo thought, with Rhenia, an uninhabited island a 
little way from Delos, where were the graves of the Delians ; 
for no dead body might be buried or burnt in Delos (Strabo, 

Ἄρτεμις μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ θήραν ἀσκήσασα 
παρθένος ἔμεινεν, ᾿Απόλλων δὲ τὴν μαντικὴν 
μαθὼν παρὰ Πανὸς τοῦ Διὸς καὶ Ὕβρεως 1 
ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς, χρησμῳδούσης τότε Θέμιδος" 
ὡς δὲ ὁ φρουρῶν τὸ μαντεῖον ᾿Τύθων ὄφις ἐκώλυεν 
αὐτὸν παρελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ χάσμα, τοῦτον ἀνελὼν τὸ 
μαντεῖον παραλαμβάνει. κτείνει δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ 
καὶ Τιτυόν, ὃς ἣν Διὸς υἱὸς καὶ τῆς ᾿Ορχομενοῦ 
θυγατρὸς *“Eddpns,? ἣν Ζεύς, ἐπειδὴ συνῆλθε, 

1 σγβρεως EA, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 772 (all 
MSS.), Westermann : Θύμβρεως Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth., 
Argum. (p. 297, ed. Boeckh), Aegius, Heyne, Miller, 

Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. 
2 °Eadpns Aegius: ἐλάνης A: ἑλένης ΕἸ. 

x. 5. 5, p. 486). Not only so, but it was not even lawful 
either toa born or to die in Delos; expectant mothers and 
dying folk were ferried across to Rhenia, there to give birth 
or to die. However, Rhenia is so near the sacred isle that 
when Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, dedicated it to the 
Delian Apollo, he connected the two islands by a chain. 
See Thucydides, 111. 104; Diodorus Siculus, xii. 58. 1; 
Pausanias, ii. 27. 1. The notion that either a birth or 
a death would defile the holy island is illustrated by 
an inscription found on the acropolis of Athens, which 
declares it to be the custom that no one should be 
born or die within any sacred precinct. See ᾿Ἐφημερὶς 
ἀρχαιολογική, Athens, 1884, pp. 167 sq. The desolate and 
ruinous remains of the ancient necropolis, overgrown hy 
asphodel, may still be seen on the bare treeless slopes of 
Rhenia, which looks across the strait to Delos. See H. F. 
Tozer, The Islands of the Aegean (Oxford, 1890), pp. 14 sq. 
The quaint legend, recorded by Apollodorus, that immediately 
after her birth Artemis helped her younger twin brother 
Apollo to be born into the world, is mentioned also by 
Servius (on Virgil, Aen. iii. 73) and the Vatican Mytho- 
graphers (see the reference in the last note). The legend, 
these writers inform us, was told to explain why the maiden 
goddess Artemis was invoked by women in childbed, 

Now Artemis devoted herself to the chase and 
remained a maid; but Apollo learned the art of 
prophecy from Pan, theson of Zeus and Hybris,! 
and came to Delphi, where Themis at that time used 
to deliver oracles;? and when the snake Python, 
which guarded the oracle, would have hindered him 
from approaching the chasm,? he killed it and took 
over the oracle. Not long afterwards he slew also 
Tityus, who was a son of Zeus and Elare, daughter of 
Orchomenus; for her, after he had debauched her, 

1 Pan, son of Zeus and Thymbreus (Thymbris? Hybris ”), 
is mentioned by a Scholiast on Pindar, who distinguishes 
him from Pan, the son of Hermes and Penelope. the 
Argument to the Pythians, Ὁ. 297, ed. Boeckh. 

# As to the oracle of Themis at Delphi, see Aeschylus, 
Eumenides, 1 sqq.; Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1259 sqq.; 
Pausanias, x. 5. 6; Scholiast on Pindar, Argument to the 
Pythans, Ὁ. 297, ed. Boeckh. According to Ovid (Meta- 
morph. i. 367 sqq.), it was Themis, and not Apollo, whom 
Deucalion consulted at Delphi about the best means of 
repeo ling the earth after the great flood. 

The reference is to the oracular chasm at which the 
priestess, under the supposed influence of its divine exhala- 
tions, delivered her prophecies. See Diodorus Siculus, xvi. 
26; Strabo, ix. 3.5, p. 419; Justin, xxiv. 6. 9. 

4 As to Apollo’s slaughter of the Python, the dragon that 
guarded the oracle at Delphi, see Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 12 ; 
td. De defectu oraculorum, 15; Aelian, Var. Hest. iii. 1; 
Pausanias, ii. 7. 7, ii. 30. 3, x. 6. 5 sg.; Ovid, Metamorph. i. 
437 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 140. From Plutarch and Aelian we 
learn that Apollo had to go to Tempe to be purified for the 
slaughter of the dragon, and that both the slaughter of the 
dragon and the purification of the god were represented 
every eighth year in a solemn festival at Delphi. See my 
note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7 (vol. iii. pp. 53 eqq.). The Pythian 
games at Delphi were instituted in honour of the dead 
dragon (Ovid and Hyginus, li.cc.; compare Clement of 
Alexandria, Protrept. 2, p. 29,ed. Potter), probably to soothe 
his natural anger at being slain. 

δείσας Hpav ὑπὸ γῆν ἔκρυψε, καὶ τὸν κυοφορη- 
. aA Ν 4 3 »Ὁ 
θέντα παῖδα Τιτυὸν ὑπερμεγέθη εἰς φῶς ἀνή- 
yayev. οὗτος ἐρχομένην eis Πυθὼ Λητὼ θεω- 
ρήσας, πόθῳ κατασχεθεὶς ἐπισπᾶται" ἡ δὲ τοὺς 
παῖδας ἐπικαλεῖται καὶ κατατοξεύουσιν αὐτόν. 
κολάζεται δὲ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον" γῦπες γὰρ αὐτοῦ 
τὴν καρδίαν év” Aidou ἐσθίουσιν. 
b 
᾿Απέκτεινε δὲ ᾿Απόλλων καὶ tov Ολύμπον 
A ᾽ 4Φ ς A > 4 
παῖδα Μαρσύαν. οὗτος yap εὑρὼν αὐλούς, obs 
4 3 a ὃ ὰ \ A 4 > A a 
ἔρριψεν ᾿Αθηνᾶ διὰ τὸ τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῆς ποιεῖν 

1 δρχομένην ER, compare Homer, Od. xi. 581: ἐρχόμενος A. 

1 Compare Scholiast on Homer, Od. vii. 324 ; Eustathius 
on Homer, Od. vii. 324, p. 1581 ; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
i. 761 8ᾳ., with the Scholiast on v. 761. The curious story 
how Zeus hid his light o’ love under the earth to save her 
from the jealous ‘rage of Hera was told by the early mytho- 
logist and antiquarian Pherecydes of Athens, as we learn from 
the Scholiast on μα κει Rhodius (/.c.). Pherecydes was a 
contemporary of Herodotus and Hellanicus, and wrote in the 
first half of the fifth century B.c. Apollodorus often refers 
to him, and appears to have made much use of his writings, 
as I shall have occasion to observe in the course of these 
notes. With regard to Elare or Elara, the mother of Tityus, 
some people thought that she was a daughter of Minyas, not 
of Orchomenus (Scholiast on Homer, and Eustathius, Jl.cc.). 
Because Tityus was brought up under the earth, he was said 
to be earth-born (ynyevfs, Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. i. 761). Homer calls him simply a son of Earth 
(Od. xi. 576), and in this he is followed by Virgil (Aen. vi. 
595). 

3. As to the crime and punishment of Tityus, see Homer, 
Od. xi. 576-581; Pindar, Pyth. iv. 90 (160) sqq., with the 
Scholiast on v. 90 (160); Lucretius, iii. 984 sgq.; Virgil, Aen. 
vi. 595 sgq.; Horace, Odes, ii. 14. 8 8ᾳ., iii. 4. 77 8qq., iii. 11. 
21 sq., iv. 6. 2 8ᾳ.; Hyginus, Fab. 55; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latni, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 4, 110 

Zeus hid under the earth for fear of Hera, and brought 
forth to the light the son Tityus, of monstrous size, 
whom she had borne in her womb.! When Latona 
came to Delphi, Tityus beheld her, and overpowered 
by lust drew her to him. But she called her children 
to her aid, and they shot him down with their arrows. 
And he is punished even after death ; for vultures eat 
his heart in Hades.? 

Apollo also slew Marsyas, the son of Olympus. 
For Marsyas, having found the pipes which Athena 
had thrown away because they disfigured her face,® 

(First Vatican Mythograpber, 13; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 104). The tomb of Tityus was shown at Panopeus 
in Phocis; it was a mound or barrow about a third of a 
furlong in circumference. See Pausanias, x. 4. 5. In Euboea 
there was shown a cave called Elarium after the mother of 
Tityus, and Tityus himself had a shrine where he was 
worshipped as a hero (Strabo, ix. 3. 14, p. 423). The death 
of Tityus at the hands of Apollo and Artemis was represented 
on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae (Pausanias, iii. 18. 15), 
and it was the subject of a group of statuary dedicated by 
the Cnidians at Delphi (Pausanias, x. 11.1). His sufferings 
in hell were painted by Polygnotus in his famous picture of 
the underworld at Delphi. fhe great artist represented the 
sinner worn to a shadow, but no longer racked by the vultures 
gnawing at his liver (Pausanias, x. 29. 3). 

3 As she played on the pipes, she is said to have seen her 

uffed and swollen cheeks reflected in water. See Plutarch, 

e cohbenda tra, 6; Athenaeus, xiv. 7, p. 616 EF; Propert- 
ius, iii. 22 (29). 16 sgqq.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 697 sqq.; id. Ars 
Amat. iii. 505 8ᾳ.; Hyginus, Fab. 165; Fulgentius, Mytholoy. 
iii. 9 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 40, 114 (First Vatican Mythographer, 125 ; Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 115). On the acropolis at Athens 
there was a group of statuary representing Athena smitin 
Marsyas because he had picked up the flutes which she ha 
- thrown away (Pausanias, 1.24.1). The subject was a favourite 
theme in ancient art. See my note on Pausanias, l.c. (vol. ii. 

pp. 289 sqq.). 

ἄμορφον, ἦλθεν εἰς ἔδει» περὶ μουσικῆς ᾿Απόλλωνι. 
. " "» "» , ἃ , 
συνθεμένων δὲ αὐτῶν wa ὁ νικήσας ὃ βούλεται 
: ~ 4 \ 
διαθῇ τὸν ἡττημένον. τὴς κρίσεως γινομένης τὴν 
bapa στρέψας ἡνηγωνίζετο ὁ ᾿Απόλλων, καὶ 
ταὐτὸ Towed ἐκέλεισεῖ τὸν Μαρσύαν" τοῦ δὲ 
e 
gdurarowres εὑρεθεὶς κρείσσων ὁ ᾿Απόλλων, 
κρεμάσας ter ΔΙαρσύαν ἔκ τινος ὑπερτενοῦς 
᾿ Ν ΟΝ \ δέ Φ ὃ ͵ θ 
ἥτίσπιος, ἐκτεμὼν τὸ δέρμα οὕτως ὁὀεέφθειρεν. 
Ὥρωνῳ δὲ ἼΑρτεμις ἀπέκτεινεν ἐν Δήλῳ. 
mopman γηγενῆ λέγουσιν ὑπερμεγέθη τὸ σῶμα" 
eeecvdws δὲ αὐτὸν Ποσειδῶνος καὶ Εὐρυάλης 
χέει. ἐδωρήσατο δὲ αὐτῷ Ποσειδῶν διαβαίνειν 
ry Cudaccay, οὗτος «πρώτην; 3. μὲν ἔγημε 
δέν, ἣν ἔρριψεν εἰς “Αἰδου περὶ μορφῆς ἐρί- 
Ἥρα" 8 αὖθις δὲ ἐλθὼν εἰς Χίον Mepo 
vagay Ἥρα" 8 αὖθις δὲ ἐλθὼν εἰς Χίον Μερόπην 

& φκόλευσε A: ἐκέλευε Εἰ, Wagner. 

ὃς πρώτην» conjecturally inserted by MHercher and 
Wagner. 

2 Ἥρᾳ Wagner (apparently a misprint.) 

2 Astothe musical contest between Marsyas and Apollo, 
and the punishment of the vanquished Marsyas, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iii. 59; Pausanias, ii. 22.9; Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 
382 sqq.; id. Fasti, vi. 703 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 165; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 
40, 114 (First Vatican Mythographer, 125; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 115). There has been some doubt as to the 
interpretation of the words τὴν κιθάραν στρέψας ; but that 
they mean simply ‘‘ turned the lyre upside down,” as Heyne 
correctly explained them, is shown by a comparison with 
the parallel passages in Hyginus (* sitharae versabat”’) and 
the Second Vatican Mythographer (‘invertit citharam, et 
canere coepit. Inversis autem tibiis, quum se Marsya 
Apollint aequiparare nequiret” etc.). That the tree on 
which Marsyas was hanged was a pine is affirmed by many 
ancient writers besides Apollodorus. See Nicander, Aleav- 
pharmaca, 301 sq., with the Scholiast’s note ; Lucian, Trago- 

engaged in a musical contest with Apollo. They 
agreed that the victor should work his will on the 
vanquished, and when the trial took place Apollo 
turned his lyre upside down in the competition and 
bade Marsyas do the same. But Marsyas could not, 
So Apollo was judged the victor and despatched 
Marsyas by hanging him on a tall pine tree and 
stripping off his skin.! 

And Artemis slew Orion in Delos.?, They say that 
he was of gigantic stature and born of the earth ; 
but Pherecydes says that he was a son of Poseidon 
and Euryale.* Poseidon bestowed on him the power 
of striding across the sea.* He first married Side,° 
whom Hera cast into Hades because she rivalled 
herself in beauty. Afterwards he went to Chios and 

dopodagra, 314 sq.; Archias Mitylenaeus, in Anthologia 
Palatina, vii. 696; Philostratus Junior, Imagines, i. 3; 
Longus, Pastor. iv. 8; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 81; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiltades, i. 353 sqq- Pliny alone describes the tree as a 
plane, which in his time was still shown at Aulocrene on the 
way from Apamea to Phrygia (Nat. Hist. xvi. 240). The 
skin of the flayed Marsyas was exhibited at Celaenae within 
historical times. See Herodotus, vii. 26; Xenophon, Ana- 
basis, 1. 2. 8; Livy, xxxviii. 13. 6; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1. 
1-5; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 106. : 

2 See Homer, Od. ν. 121-124 ; Horace, Odes, iii. 4. 70 84ᾳᾳ. 

ὃ The same account of Orion’s parentage was given by 
Hesiod, whom Pherecydes probably followed. See Erato- 
sthenes, Catasterism. 32 ; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 34. 

4 Some thought that Orion waded through the sea (so. 
Virgil, Aen. x. 763 8qq.), others that he walked on the top 
of it (so Eratosthenes, Catasterism. 32; Scholiast on Nicander, 
Ther. 15; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 34). 

5 As Side means ‘‘ pomegranate” in Greek, it has been 
supposed that the marriage of Orion to Side is a mythical 
expression for the ripening of the pomegranate at the season 
when the constellation Orion is visible in the nightly sky. 
See W. Pape, Worterbuch der griechischen Higennamen® 
(Brunswick, 1884), ii. 1383. 

τὴν Οἰνοπίωνος ἐμνηστεύσατο. μεθύσας δὲ 
Οἰὐἰνοπίων αὐτὸν κοιμώμενον ἐτύφλωσε καὶ παρὰ 
τοῖς αἰγιαλοῖς ἔρριψεν. ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ «Ἡφαίστου; 
χαλκεῖον ἐλθὼν καὶ ἁρπάσας παῖδα ἕνα, ἐπὶ τῶν 
ὥμων ἐπιθέμενος ἐκέλευσε ποδηγεῖν πρὸς τὰς 
ἀνατολάς. ἐκεῖ δὲ παραγενόμενος ἀνέβλεψεν 
ἐξακεσθεὶς 5 ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλιακῆς ἀκτῖνος, καὶ διὰ 
ταχέων ἐπὶ τὸν Οἰνοπίωνα ἔσπευδεν. ἀλλὰ τῷ 
μὲν Ποσειδῶν ἡφαιστότευκτον ὑπὸ γῆν κατε- 
σκεύασεν οἶκον, ᾿Ωρίωνος δ᾽ ᾿Ηὼς ἐρασθεῖσα 
ἥρπασε καὶ ἐκόμισεν εἰς Δῆλον" ἐποίει γὰρ αὐτὴν 
᾿Αφροδίτη συνεχῶς ἐρᾶν, ὅτι “Apes συνευνάσθη. 
ὁ δ᾽ ᾿᾽Ωρίων, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ἀνῃρέθη 
δισκεύειν "Αρτεμιν προκαλούμενος, ὡς δέ τινες, 
βιαζόμενος Ὦπιν μίαν τῶν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων παρα- 
γενομένων παρθένων ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐτοξεύθη. 

1 « Ἡφαίστου: a conjecture of Heyne, who proposed to 
read « εἰς Λῆμνον; ἐπὶ τὸ χαλκεῖον -- Ἡφαίστου", comparing 
Eratosthenes, Cataster. 32. 

2 ἐξακεσθεὶς Hercher: éxxaels MSS. and editors, including 
Wagner. 

1 This quaint story of Orion and Oenopion is told also by 
Eratosthenes, Catasterism. 32 ; the old Scholiast on Aratus, 
Phaenomena, . 322, quoted in Eptcorum Graecorum Fraq- 
menta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 89; the Scholiast on Nicander, 
Ther. 15; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 34; Servius, on Virgil,. 
Aen. x. 763; and the First Vatican Mythographer, 33 
(Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 

. 12), except that this last writer substitutes Minos, king of 

rete, for Oenopion. The name of the guide whom Orion 
took on his back to guide him to the sunrise was Cedalion 
(Lucian, De domo, 28; Eratosthenes, Scholiast on Aratus, 
and Hyginus, ll.cc.). Sophocles made the story the theme 
of a satyric drama called Cedalion, of which a few fragments 
have come down to us. See Tragicorum Graecorum Frag- 

wooed Merope, daughter of Oenopion. But Oeno- 
pion made him drunk, put out his eyes as he 
slept, and cast him on the beach. But he went to 
the smithy of Hephaestus, and snatching up a lad 
set him on his shoulders and bade him lead him to 
the sunrise. Being come thither he was healed by 
the sun’s rays, and having recovered his sight he 
hastened with all speed against Oenopion. But for 
him Poseidon had made ready a house under the 
earth constructed by Hephaestus.) And Dawn 
fell in love with Orion and carried him off and 
brought him to Delos; for Aphrodite caused 
Dawn to be perpetually in love, because she had 
bedded with Ares. But Orion was killed, as some 
say, for challenging Artemis to a match at quoits, 
but some say he was shot by Artemis for offering 
violence to Opis, one of the maidens who had come 
from the Hyperboreans.? 

menta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 202 sq.; The Fragments of Sopho- 
cles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 8 sqg. Euripides repre- 
sents the blinded Polymestor praying to the Sun to restore 
his sight (Hecuba, 1067 sqq.). 

® Compare Scholiast on Homer, Od. v. 121, who calls the 
maiden Upis. According to another, and more hyper 
received, account, Orion died of the bite of a scorpion, whic 
Artemis sent against him because he had attempted her 
chastity. For this service the scorpion was raised to the 
rank of a constellation in the sky, and Orion attained to a 
like dignity. That is why the constellation Orion flies for 
ever from the constellation Scorpion round the sky. See 
Aratus, Phaenomena, 634 sqq.; Nicander, Ther. 13 sqq.; 
Eratosthenes, Catasterism. 32 ; Scholiast on Homer, 17. xviii. 
486 ; Scholiast on Homer, Od. v. 121; Lactantius Placidus, 
on Statius, Theb. iii. 27; Scholiast on Caesar Germanicus, 
Aratea, p. 386, ed. Eyssenhardt, in his edition of Martianus 
Capella. The Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xviii. 486, cites as his 
authority Euphorion, a grammarian and poet of the fourth 
century 8.c. 

VOL. I. D 

Ποσειδῶν δὲ ᾿Αμφιτρίτην [τὴν ᾽Ωκεανοῦ) γαμεῖ, 
καὶ αὐτῷ γίνεται Τρίτων καὶ “Podn, ἣν “Ηλιος 
ἔγημε. 

Υ. Πλούτων δὲ Περσεφόνης ἐρασθεὶς Διὸς 
συνεργοῦντος ἥρπασεν αὐτὴν κρύφα. Δημήτηρ 
δὲ μετὰ λαμπάδων νυκτός τε καὶ ἡμέρας κατὰ 
πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν ζητοῦσα περιήει' μαθοῦσα δὲ 
παρ᾽ Ἑ, ρμιονέων ὅτι Πλούτων αὐτὴν ἥρπασεν, 

1 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 930 sqq. 

2 Rhode, more commonly in the form Rhodos, is a personi- 
fication of the island of Rhodes, which Pindar calls the 
Bride of the Sun (Olymp. vii. 14), because it was the great 
seat of the worship of the Sun in ancient Greece. A Rhodian 
inscription of about 220 B.c. records public prayers offered 
by the priests ‘‘to the Sun and Rhodos and all the other 
gods and goddesses and founders and heroes who have the 
city and the land of the Rhodians in their keeping.” See 
P. Cauer, Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum?, p. 123, No. 181; 
Ch. Michel, Recueil d Inscriptions Grecques, p. 24, No. 21 ; 
H. Collitz and F. Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt- 
Inschrifien, vol. iii. p. 412, No. 3749. Every year the 
Rhodians threw into the sea a chariot and four horses for 
the use of the Sun, apparently supposing that after riding a 
whole year across the sky his old chariot and horses must be 
quite worn out. See Festus, s.v. ‘‘ October equus,” p. 181, 
ed. C. O. Miiller. 

ὃ This account of the rape of Persephone and Demeter’s 
quest of her is based on the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. The 
opening passage, including the explanation of the Laughless 
Stone, is quoted verbally by Zenobius (Cent. i. 7) and the 
Scholiast on Aristophanes (Knights, 785), but without mention 
of their authority. For other accounts of the rape of Persephone 
and Demeter’s quest of her, see Diodorus Siculus, v. 4. 1-3, 
v. 68. 2; Cicero, In Verrem, Act. II. lib. 4, cap. 48 ; Ovid, 
Fastt, iv. 419 sqg.; id. Metamorph. v. 346 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 146; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, v. 347 ; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 106-108 
(Second Vatican Mythographer, 93-100). All these writers 

Poseidon wedded Amphitrite, daughter of Ocean, 
and there were born to him Triton! and Rhode, who 
was married to the Sun.?

Pluto fell in gpve with Persephone and with the
help of Zeus carried her off secretly.2 But Demeter 
went about seeking her all over the earth with 
torches by night and day, and learning from the 
people of Hermion that Pluto had carried her off,‘ 

ee in mentioning Sicily as the scene of the rape of Perse- 
phone ; Cicero and Ovid identify the place with Enna (Henna), 
of which Cicero gives a vivid description. The author of the 
Homeric Hymn to Demeter says (vv. 16 sg.) that the earth 
yawned ‘‘in the Nysian plain,” but whether this was a real 
or a mythical place is doubtful. See T. W. Allen and Εἰ. E. 
Sikes, The Homeric Hymns, p. 4 (on Hymni. 8). It was 
probably the luxuriant fertility of Sicily, and particularly the 
abundance of its corn, which led later writers to place the 
scene of the rape in that island. In Ovid’s version of the 
visit of Demeter to Eleusis (Fastt, iv. 507 sqq.), Celeus is not 
the king of the place but a poor old peasant, who receives 
the disguised goddess in his humble cottage. 

4 This visit paid by the mourning Demeter to Hermion, 
when she was searching for the lost Persephone, is not 
mentioned by the author of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 
nor, so far as I know, by any other ancient writer except 
Zenobius (Cent. i. 7) and the Scholiast on Aristophanes 
(Knights, 785), both of whom, however, merely copied 
Apollodorus without naming him. But compare Pausanias, 
ii. 35. 4-8, who mentions the sanctuary of Subterranean 
Demeter at Hermion, and describes the curious sacrificial 
ritual observed at it. At Hermion there was a chasm which 
was supposed to communicate with the infernal regions, 
and through which Hercules was said to have dragged up 
Cerberus (Pausanias, ii. 35. 10). The statement of Apollo- 
dorus in the present passage suggests that according to local 
tradition Pluto dragged down his bride to hell through the 
same chasm. So convinced were the good people of Hermion 
that they possessed a private entrance to the nether regions 
that they very thriftily abstained from the usual Greek 
practice of placing money in the mouths of their dead 

p 2 

ὀργιζομένη θεοῖς κατέλιπεν * οὐρανόν, εἰκασθεῖσα 

ὲ γυναικὶ ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Ελευσῖνα. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν 
ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης κληθεῖσαν ᾿Αγέλαστον ἐκάθισε 
πέτραν παρὰ τὸ Καλλίχορον φρέαρ καλούμενον, 
ἔπειτα πρὸς Κελεὸν ἐλθοῦσα τὸν βασιλεύοντα 
τότε ᾿Ελευσινίων, ἔνδον οὐσῶν γυναικῶν, καὶ 
λεγουσῶν τούτων παρ᾽ αὑτὰς καθέξεσθαι, γραῖά 
τις Ἰάμβη σκώψασα τὴν θεὸν ἐποίησε μειδιᾶσαι. 
διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς θεσμοφορίοις τὰς γυναῖκας 
σκώπτειν λέγουσιν. 

Ὄντος δὲ τῇ τοῦ Κελεοῦ γυναικὶ Μετανείρᾳ 
παιδίον, τοῦτο ἔτρεφεν ἡ n Δημήτηρ παραλαβοῦσα" 
βουλομένη δὲ αὐτὸ ἀθάνατον ποιῆσαι, τὰς νύκτας 
εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιήρει τὰς 
θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ. καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ παραδόξως 
αὐξανομένου τοῦ Δημοφῶντος (τοῦτο γὰρ ἣν 

1 κατέλιπεν Zenobius, Cené. i. 7, Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Knights, 785: ἀπέλιπεν A. 

(Strabo, ix. 6. 12, p. 373). Apparently they thought that 
it would be a waste of money to pay Charon for ferrying 
them across to hell when they could get there for nothing 
from their own backdoor. 

1 Compare Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 98 sqq., who says 
- that Demeter, sad at heart, sat down by ‘the wayside at the 
Majiden’s Well, under the shadow of an olive-tree. Later in 
the poem (vv. 270 sqq.) Demeter directs the people of Eleusis 
to build her a temple and altar ‘‘ above Callichorum ”—that 
is, the Well of the Fair Dances. Apollodorus identifies the 
well beside which Demeter sat down with the Well of the 
Fair Dances. But from Pausanias (i. 38. 6, i. 39. 1) we learn ὁ 
that the two wells were different and situated at some 
distance from each other, the Well of the Fair Dances being 
close to the Sanctuary of Demeter, and the Maiden’s Well, 
or the Flowery Well, as Pausanias calls it, being outside 
Eleusis, on the road to Megara. In the course of the modern 

she was wroth with the gods and quitted heaven, 
and came in the likeness of a woman to Eleusis. 
And first she sat down on the rock which has been 
named Laughless after her, beside what is called the 
Well of the Fair Dances! ; thereupon she made her 
way to Celeus, who at that time reigned over the 
Eleusinians. Some women were in the house, and 
when they bid her sit down beside them, a certain 
old crone, Iambe, joked the goddess and made her 
smile.2 For that reason they say that the women 
break jests at the Thesmophoria.® 

But Metanira, wife of Celeus, had a child and 
Demeter received it to nurse, and wishing to make 
it immortal she set the babe of nights on the fire and 
stripped off its mortal flesh. But as Demophon—for 

excavation of the sanctuary at Eleusis, the Well of the Fair 
Dances was discovered just outside the portal of the sacred 
precinct. It is carefully built of polygonal stones, and the 
mouth is surrounded by concentric circles, round which the 
women of Eleusis probably tripped in the dance. See 
Πρακτικὰ τῆς ᾿Αρχαιολογικῇς ‘Eraplas, Athens, 1892, pp. 33 aq. 
In antiquity solemn oaths were sworn by the water of the 
well (Alciphron, iii. 69). 

2 As to the jesting of the old woman with Demeter, see 
Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 194-206 ; Scholiast on Nicander, 
Alexipharmaca, 130, who calls Demeter’s host Hippothoon, 
son of Poseidon. 

3 The jests seem to have been obscene in form (Diodorus 
Siculus, v. 4. 6), but they were probably serious in intention ; 
for at the Thesmophoria rites were performed to ensure the 
fertility of the fields, and the lewd words of the women may 
have been thought to quicken the seed by sympathetic 
magic. See Scholia in Lucianum, ed. H. Rabe {ΠΡ ΒΡΙΟΣ 
1906), pp. 275 sq.; Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 
62 sq., 116, ii. 17 sqq. 

ὄνομα τῷ παιδί) ἐπετήρησεν ἡ Πραξιθέα,. καὶ 
καταλαβοῦσα εἰς πῦρ ἐγκεκρυμμένον ἀνεβόησε" 
διόπερ τὸ μὲν βρέφος ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀνηλώθη, 
ἡ θεὰ δὲ αὑτὴν ἐξέφηνε. Τριπτολέμῳ δὲ τῷ 
πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν Μετανείρας 5 παίδων δίφρον 
κατασκευάσασα πτηνῶν δρακόντων τὸν πυρὸν 
ἔδωκεν, ᾧ τὴν ὅλην οἰκουμένην δι’ οὐρανοῦ αἰρό- 
μενος κατέσπειρε. Πανύασις δὲ Τριπτόλεμον 
᾿Ελευσῖνος λέγει" φησὶ γὰρ Δήμητρα πρὸς αὐτὸν 
ἐλθεῖν. Φερεκύδης δέ φησιν αὐτὸν ᾽Ωκεανοῦ 
καὶ Γῆς. 

Διὸς δὲ Πλούτωνι τὴν Κόρην ἀναπέμψαι κελεύ- 
σαντος, ὁ Πλούτων, | ἵνα μὴ πολὺν χρόνον παρὰ 
τῇ μητρὶ καταμείνῃ, ῥοιᾶς ἔδωκεν αὐτῇ φαγεῖν 

1 ἢ Πρἀξιθέα A, Bekker: Μετάνειρα, τί πράξει θεά Heyne, 
Westermann: Μετάνειρα, τί πράσσει ἣ θεά Miiller: ἡ Μετά- 
veipa Hercher, Wagner. 

2 Meravelpas Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Her- 
cher, Wagner: Πραξιθέας A. 

1 See Appendix, ‘‘ Putting Children on the Fire.”’ 

2 Compare Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28, 
pp. Ἴ sq. ed. C. Lang ; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 559 sqq.; id. Tristia, 
lil. (9) 1 8q.; Hyginus, Fab. 147; «id. Astronom. ii. 
14; Sarnia on Virgil, Georg. i. 19 and 163; Lactantius 
Placidus, on Statius, Theb. ii. 382; Seriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latni, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 3, 107 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 8; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 97). The dragon-car of Triptolemus was mentioned 
by Sophocles in his lost tragedy Triptolemus. See Tragi- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck’, p. 262, frag. 
539; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. 
p. 243, frag. 596. In Greek vase- paintings Triptolemus is 
often represented in his dragon-car. As to the representa- 
tions of the car in ancient art, see Stephani, in Compte 
Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1859, pp. 82 sgg.; my note on 
Pausanias, vii. 18. 3 (vol. iv. pp. 142 sg.)}; and especially 

that was the child’s name—grew marvellously by 
day, Praxithea watched, and discovering him buried 
in the fire she cried out; wherefore the babe was 
consumed by the fire and the goddess revealed her- 
self! But for Triptolemus, the elder of Metanira’s 
children, she made a chariot of winged dragons, and 
gave him wheat, with which, wafted through the sky, 
he sowed the whole inhabited earth.?, But Panyasis 
affirms that Triptolemus was a son of Eleusis, for he 
says that Demeter came to him. Pherecydes, how- 
ever, says that he was a son of Ocean and Earth.® 
But when Zeus ordered Pluto to send up the Maid, 
Pluto gave her a seed of a pomegranate to eat, in 
order that she might not tarry long with her mother. 

A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. (Cambridge, 1914), pp. 211 8qg., who 
shows that on the earlier monuments Triptolemus is repre- 
sented sitting on a simple wheel, which probably represents 
the sun. Apparently he was a mythical embodiment of the 
first sower. See Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 72 sq. 

3 The accounts given of the parentage of Triptolemus were 
very various (Pausanias, i. 14. 2 sq.), which we need not 
wonder at when we remember that he was probably a purely 
mythical personage. As to Eleusis, the equally mythical hero 
who is said to have given his name to Eleusis, see Pausanias, 
viii. 38. 7. He is called Eleusinus by Hyginus (Fab. 147) 
and Servius (on Virgil, Georg. i. 19). 

4 The Maid (Kore) is Persephone. As to her eating a seed 
or seeds of a pomegranate, see Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 
371 8qq., 411 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. v. 333 sqq.; id. Faste, 
iv. 601 sqq.; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 39 and Aen. iv. 462; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Thebd. iii. 511; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 3, 108 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 7; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 100). There is a widespread belief that if a living 

erson visits the world of the dead and there partakes of 
food, he cannot return to the land of the living. Thus, the 
ancient Egyptians believed that, on his way to the spirit 
land, the soul of a dead person was met by a goddess (Hathor, 

͵ ς A 3 “- 4 Ν 
κόκκον. ἡ δὲ οὐ προϊδομένη τὸ συμβησόμενον 
κατηνάλωσεν αὐτόν. καταμαρτυρήσαντος δὲ 

> fol 2 4, a 3 \ 4 
αὐτῆς ᾿Ασκαλάφου τοῦ ᾿Αχέροντος καὶ Γοργύρας, 
τούτῳ μὲν Δημήτηρ ἐν “Aidov βαρεῖαν ἐπέθηκε 
πέτραν, Περσεφόνη δὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν τὸ 
μὲν τρίτον μετὰ Πλούτωνος ἠναγκάσθη μένειν, 
τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖς. 

Nouit, or Nit), who offered him fruits, bread, and water, and 
that, if he accepted them, he could return to earth no more. 
See G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de VOrient 
Classiques, les Origines (Paris, 1895), p. 184. Similarly, the 
natives of New Caledonia, in the South Pacific, say that when 
@ man dies, messengers come from the other world to guide 
his soul through the air and over the sea to the spirit land. 
Arrived there, he is welcomed by the other souls and bidden 
to a banquet, where he is offered food, especially bananas. 
If he tastes them, his doom is fixed for ever: he cannot 
return to earth. See the missionary Gagniére, in Annales 
de la Propagation de la Fot, xxxii. (Lyons, 1860), pp. 439 sq. 
The Eastern Melanesians believe that living people can go 
down to the land of the dead and return alive to the upper 
world. Persons who have done so relate how in the nether 
world they were warned by friendly ghosts to eat nothing 
there. See R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 
1891), pp. 277, 286. Similar beliefs prevail and similar tales 
are told among the Maoris of New Zealand. For example, a 
woman who believed that she had died and passed to the 
spirit land, related on her return how there she met with her 
dead father, who said to her, ‘‘ You must go back to the earth, 
for there is no one now left to take care of my grandchild. 
But remember, if you once eat food in this place, you can 
never more return to life; so beware not to taste anything 
offered to you.”’ See E. Shortland, Tradztions and Super- 
stitions of the New Zealanders (London, 1856), pp. 150-152. 
Again, they tell of a great chief named Hutu, who performed 
the same perilous journey. On reaching the place of departed 
spirits he encountered a certain being called Hine nui te po, 
that is, Great Mother Night, of whom he inquired the way 
down to the nether world: She pointed it out to him and 

Not foreseeing the consequence, she swallowed it; 
and because Ascalaphus, son of Acheron and Gorgyra, 
bore witness against her, Demeter laid a heavy rock 
on him in Hades.! But Persephone was compelled 
to remain a third of every year with Pluto and the 
rest of the time with the gods.? 

gave him a basket of cooked food, saying, ‘‘ When you reach 
the lower regions, eat sparingly of your provisions that the 
may last, and you may not be compelled to partake of their 
food, for if you do, you cannot return upwards again.” See 
R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maut, or New Zealand and its Inhabi- 
tants, 2nd ed. (London, 1870), p. 271. And the same rule 
holds good of fairyland, into which living people sometimes 
stray or are enticed to their sorrow. ‘‘ Wise people recom- 
mend that, in the circumstances, a man shoul not utter a 
word till he comes out again, nor, on any account, taste fairy 
food or drink. If he abstains he is very likely before lon 
dismissed, but if he indulges he straightway loses the wi 
and the power ever to return to the society of men.” See 
J. G. Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands 
of Scotland (Glasgow, 1900), p. 17. See further E. 5. Hart- 
land, The Science of Fairy Tales (London, 1891), pp. 40 sqq. 
1 As to the talebearer Ascalaphus, below, ii. 5. 12. Ac- 
cording to another account, Persephone or Demeter punished 
him by turning him into a screech-owl. See Ovid, Meta- 
morph. v. 538 8qq.; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 39 and on 
Aen. iv. 462; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, heb. iii. 511; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
p- 108 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 100). 
~ 3 Apollodorus agrees with the author of the Homeric Hymn 
to Demeter (vv. 398 sqq., 445 sqq.) that Persephone was to 
spend one-third of each year with her husband Pluto in the 
nether world and two-thirds of the year with her mother and 
the other gods in the upper world. But, according to another 
account, Persephone was to divide her time equally between 
the two regions, passing six months below the earth and six 
months above it. See Ovid, Fastt, iv. 613 sq.; 1d. Metamorph. 
v. 564 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 146 ; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 
39; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latin, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. p. 108 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 100). 

VI. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Δήμητρος ταῦτα λέγεται: 
Γῇ δὲ περὶ Τιτάνων ἀγανακτοῦσα γεννᾷ Γίγαντας 
ἐξ Οὐρανοῦ, μεγέθει μὲν σωμάτων ἀνυπερβλή- 
τους, δυνάμει δὲ ἀκαταγωνίστους, of φοβεροὶ μὲν 
ταῖς ὄψεσι κατεφαίνοντο, καθειμένοι βαθεῖαν 
κόμην ἐκ κεφαλῆς καὶ γενείων, εἶχον δὲ τὰς 
βάσεις φολίδας δρακόντων. ἐγένοντο δέ, ὡς μέν 
τίνες λέγουσιν, ἐν Φλέγραις, ὡς δὲ ἄλλοι, ἐν 
Παλλήνῃ. ἠκόντιζον δὲ εἰς οὐρανὸν] πέτρας καὶ 
δρῦς ἡμμένας. διέφερον δὲ πάντων ἸΠορφυρίων 
τε καὶ ᾿Αλκυονεύς, ὃς δὴ καὶ ἀθάνατος ἦν ἐν ἧπερ 
ἐγεννήθη γῇ μαχόμενος. οὗτος δὲ καὶ τὰς Ἡλίου 
βόας ἐξ Ἐρυθείας ἤλασε. τοῖς δὲ θεοῖς λόγιον 
ἣν ὑπὸ θεῶν μὲν μηδένα τῶν Γιγάντων ἀπολέσθαι 
ἦν ὑπὸ θεῶν μὲν μηδένα τῶν Tuyav 
δύνασθαι, συμμαχοῦντος δὲ θνητοῦ τινος τελευ- 
τήσειν. αἰσθομένη δὲ Τ᾽ τοῦτο ἐξήτει φάρμακον, 
ἵνα μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ θνητοῦ δυνηθῶσιν ἀπολέσθαι. Ζεὺς 

1 οὐρανὸν E:: οὐρανοὺς A. 

1 According to Hesiod (Theog. 183 sqq.), Earth was im- 
pregnated by the blood which dropped from heaven when 
Cronus mutilated his father Sky (Uranus), and in due time 
she gave birth to the giants. As to the battle of the gods 
and giants, see J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 63; Horace, 
Odes, iii. 4. 49 8ᾳ.; Ovid, Metamorph. i. 150 sqq.; Claudian, 
Gigantomachia ; Sidonius Apollinaris, Carm. xii. 15 sqq., ed. 
Baret; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. pp. 4, 92 (First Vatican Mythographer, 11; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 53). The account which 
Apollodorus here gives of it is supplemented by the evidence 
of the monuments, especially temple-sculptures and vase- 
paintings. See Preller-Robert, Griechische Mythologie, i. 
67 sqq. Compare M. Mayer, Die Giganten und Titanen, 
(Berlin, 1887). The battle of the gods and the giants was 
sculptured on the outside of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, 
as we learn from the description of Euripides (Jon, 208

Such is the legend of Demeter. But Earth,
vexed on account of the Titans, brought forth the 
giants, whom she had by Sky.! These were match- 
less in the bulk of their bodies and invincible in 
their might; terrible of aspect did they appear, with 
long locks drooping from their head and chin, and 
with the scales of dragons for feet.2 They were 
born, as some say, in Phlegrae, but according to others 
in Pallene.2 And they darted rocks and burning 
oaks at the sky. Surpassing all the rest were 
Porphyrion and Alcyoneus, who was even immor- 
tal so long as he fought in the land of his birth. 
He also drove away the cows of the Sun from 
Erythia. Now the gods had an oracle that none of 
the giants could perish at the hand of gods, but that 
with the help of a mortal they would be made an 
end of. Learning of this, Earth sought for a simple 
to prevent the giants from being destroyed even by 

sqq.). On similar stories see Appendix, ‘‘ War of Earth on 
Heaven.” 

2 Compare Ovid, Metamorph. i. 184, Tristia, iv. 7. 17; 
Macrobius, Sat. i. 20. 9; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 578 ; 
Claudian, Gigant. 80sq.; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 92 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 
53). Pausanias denied that the giants were serpent-footed 
(Pausanias, vill. 29. 3), but they are often so represented on 
the later monuments of antiquity. See Kuhnert, in W. H. 
Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und rém. Mythologie, i. 1664 
sqq.; M. Mayer, Die Giganten und Titanen, pp. 274 sqq. 

3 Phlegra is said to have been the old name of Pallene 
(Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Φλέγρα). The scene of the battle 
of the gods and giants was laid in various places. See 
Diodorus Siculus, v. 71; Strabo, v. 4. 4 and 6, pp. 243, 245, 
vi. 3, 5, p. 281, vii. p. 330, frag. 25 and 27, x. 5. 16, p. 489, 
xi. 2. 10, p. 495; Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my note. Vol- 
canic phenomena and the discovery of the fossil bones of 
large extinct animals seem to have been the principal sources 
of these tales. 

δ᾽ ἀπειπὼν φαίνειν Hoi te καὶ Σελήνῃ καὶ ᾿Ηλίῳ 

A 4 [4 > ‘ 4 1 A € A 
TO μὲν φάρμακον αὐτὸς ἔτεμε φθάσας, Ἡρακλέα 
δὲ σύμμαχον δι᾽ ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐπεκαλέσατο. κἀκεῖνος 
πρῶτον μὲν ἐτόξευσεν ᾿Αλκυονέα" πίπτων δὲ ἐπὶ 
τῆς γῆς μᾶλλον ἀνεθάλπετο' ᾿Αθηνᾶς δὲ ὑπο- 
θεμένης ἔξω τῆς Παλλήνης 5 εἵλκυσεν αὐτόν. 
κἀκεῖνος μὲν οὕτως ἐτελεύτα, ἸΠορφυρίων δὲ 
Ἡρακλεῖ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἐφώρμησε καὶ “Ἥρᾳ. 
Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτῷ πόθον “ρας ἐνέβαλεν, ἥτις καὶ 
καταρρηγνύντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς πέπλους καὶ βιά- 
ζεσθαι θέλοντος βοηθοὺς ἐπεκαλεῖτο" καὶ Διὸς 
κεραυνώσαντος αὐτὸν Ἡρακλῆς τοξεύσας ἀπέκ- 
τεινε. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ᾿Απόλλων μὲν ᾿Εφιάλτου 
τὸν ἀριστερὸν ἐτόξευσεν ὀφθαλμόν, Ἡρακλῆς δὲ 

A 4 wv A 4 » 
τὸν δεξιόν: Εὔρυτον δὲ θυρσῷ Διόνυσος ἔκτεινε, 
Κλυτίον δὲ δᾳσὶν ὃ Ἑκάτη, Μίμαντα ὁ δὲ Ηφαι- 
στος βαλὼν μύδροις. ᾿Αθηνᾶ δὲ ᾽᾿Ε γκελάδῳ φεύ- 
γοντι Σικελίαν ἐπέρριψε τὴν νῆσον, Πάλλαντος 
δὲ τὴν δορὰν ἐκτεμοῦσα ταύτῃ κατὰ τὴν μάχην 

1 ἔτεμε Ἐ! : ἔταμε A. 

3 Παλλήνης Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Her- 
cher, Wagner: σελήνης A. 

3 δᾳασὶν M. Mayer, Die Giganten und Titanen (Berlin, 
1987), pp- 204 sqg.: φασὶν A. 

4 Μίμαντα M. Mayer, op. cit. pp. 204 ag. comparing Clau- 

dian, Gig. 85, and Sidonius Apol inaris, Carm. xv. (Migne, 
xii. Baret), 25 : μᾶλλον MSS. and editors, including Wagner. 

1 Compare Pindar, Nem. iv. 27 (43) sqq., Isthm. vi. 31 (45) 
8qq. with the Scholia; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 63. 
The Scholiast on Pindar, Isthm. vi. 32 (47), mentions, like 
Apollodorus, that Alcyoneus had driven away the oxen of 
the Sun. The reason why Hercules dragged the wounded 

a mortal. But Zeus forbade the Dawn and the Moon 
and the Sun to shine, and then, before anybody else 
could get it, he culled the simple himself, and by 
means of Athena summoned Hercules to his help. 
Hercules first shot Alcyoneus with an arrow, but 
when the giant fell on the ground he somewhat 
revived. However, at Athena’s advice Hercules 
dragged him outside Pallene, and so the giant died.} 
But in the battle Porphyrion attacked Hercules and 
Hera. Nevertheless Zeus inspired him with lust for 
Hera, and when he tore her robes and would have 
forced her, she called for help, and Zeus smote him 
with a thunderbolt, and Hercules shot him dead with 
an arrow.? As for the other giants, Ephialtes was 
shot by Apollo with an arrow in his left eye and by 
Hercules in his right ; Eurytus was killed by Diony- 
sus with a thyrsus, and Clytius by Hecate with torches, 
and Mimas by Hephaestus with missiles of red-hot 
metal. Enceladus fled, but Athena threw on him 
in his flight the island of Sicily*; and she flayed 
Pallas and used his skin to shield her own body in 

giant from Pallene before despatching him was that, as 
Apollodorus has explained above, the giant was immortal 
so long as he fought on the land where he had been born. 
That, too, is why the giant revived when in falling he 
touched his native earth. 

2 Compare Pindar, Pyth. viii. 12 (15) sqq., who says that 
the king of the giants (Porphyrion) was shot by Apollo, not 
Hercules. Tzetzes agrees with Apollodorus (Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 63). 

* According to Euripides (Ion, 215 sq.), Mimas was killed 
by Zeus with a thunderbolt ; according to Apollonius (Argon. 
iil. 1226 sq.) and Claudian (Gigant. 87 sq.), he was slain by 
Ares. 

4 Compare Virgil, Aen. iii. 578 84ᾳᾳ. The combat of Athena 
with Enceladus was sculptured on the temple of Apollo at 
Delphi. See Euripides, lon, 209 sq. 

τὸ ἴδεον ἐπέσκεπε σῶμα. Πολυβώτης δὲ διὰ τῆς 
θαλκόδης διωχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἡ ἧκεν εἰς 
Ko: Ποσειδῶν δὲ τῆς νήσου μέρος ἀπορρήξας 
ἐπέρριψεν αὐτῷ, τὸ λεγόμενον Νίσυρον. Ἑρμῆς 
δὲ τὴν "Αἰδος κυνῆν ἔχων κατὰ τὴν μάχην 
Ἱππόλυτον ἀπέκτεινεν, ᾿Άρτεμις δὲ ἸΓρατίωνα, 1 
μοῖραι δ᾽ ᾿Αγριον καὶ Θόωνα χαλκέοις ῥοπάλοις 

i a 3 τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους κεραυνοῖς Ζεὺς βαλὼν 

φθειρε' πάντας δὲ ἩἫἩρακλῆς ἀπολλυμένους 
ἐτόξευσεν. 

Ὥς δ᾽ ἐκράτησαν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν Γιγάντων, Ρῆ 
μᾶλλον χολωθεῖσα μίγνυται Ταρτάρῳ, καὶ γεννᾷ 
Τυφῶνα ἐν Κιλικίᾳ,3 μεμιγμένην ἔχοντα φύσιν 
ἀνδρὸς καὶ θηρίου. οὗτος μὲν καὶ μεγέθει καὶ 
δυνάμει πάντων διήνεγκεν ὅσους ἐγέννησε Γῆ, ἦν 
δὲ αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν ἄχρι μηρῶν ἄπλετον μέγεθος 
ἀνδρόμορφον, ὥστε ὑπερέχειν μὲν πάντων τῶν 
ὁρῶν, ἡ δὲ κεφαλὴ πολλάκις καὶ τῶν ἄστρων 
eave: χεῖρας δὲ εἶχε τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑσπέραν 
ἐκτεινομένην τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολάς" ἐκ τούτων 

1 ἩΓρατίωνα probably corrupt. Various emendations have 
been suggested, as Αἰγαίωνα (Heyne, M. Mayer, op. cit. 
PP. 201 sq.), Εὐρυτίωνα, ‘Palwva (Hercher). 

2 μαχόμεναι Heyne, Westermann, M. Mayer, op. cit. 
᾿ 208 : μαχομένας A: μαχομένους RR® Heyne ἮΝ the text), 
tiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

3 κιλικίᾳ Heyne, Westermann, Miller, Bekker, Hercher : 
Σικελίᾳ A, 

4 For ἐκ τούτων we should perhaps read ἐξ ὥμων or ἐκ τῶν 
ὥμων. See Hesiod, Theog. 824 sq. ἐκ δέ of ὥμων | ἦν 
ἑκατὸν κεφαλαὶ ὄφιος, ‘Bewoto δράκοντος. Compare M. Mayer, 
op. cit. p. 227. 

1 According to one account the Pallas whom Athena flayed, 
and whose skin she used as a covering, was her own father, 

the fight.1 Polybotes was chased through the sea by 
Poseidon and came to Cos; and Poseidon, breaking 
off that piece of the island which is called Nisyrum, 
threw it on him.2, And Hermes, wearing the helmet 
of Hades,® slew Hippolytus in the fight, and Artemis 
slew Gration. And the Fates, fighting with brazen 
clubs, killed Agrius and Thoas. The other giants 
Zeus smote and destroyed with thunderbolts and all 
of them Hercules shot with arrows as they were 
dying. 

When the gods had overcome the giants, Earth, 
still more enraged, had intercourse with Tartarus and 
brought forth Typhon in Cilicia,4 a hybrid between 
man and beast. In size and strength he surpassed 
all the offspring of Earth. As far as the thighs he 
was of human shape and of such prodigious bulk 
that he out-topped all the mountains, and his head 
often brushed the stars. One of his hands reached 
out to the west and the other to the east, and from 

who had attempted her chastity. See Clement of Alexandria, 
Protrept, ii. 28, p. 24, ed. Potter; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 355; Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 23. 59. 

2 Compare Strabo, x. 5. 16, p. 489. 

8 The helmet of Hades was thought to render the wearer 
invisible. Compare Homer, Iliad, v. 844 sq.; Hesiod, Shield 
of Hercules, 226 sq. 

4 As to Typhon, or Typhoeus, as he is also called, who was 
especially associated with the famous Corycian cave in 
Cilicia, see Hesiod, Theog. 820 sqq.; Pindar, Pyth. i. 15 8ᾳᾳ.; 
Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus, 351 sqq.; Antoninus Liberalis, 
Transform. 28; Ovid, Metamorph. v. 321 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 152; Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey ; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 4, 29, 92 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 11 and 86; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 53). As to the Corycian cave, see Adonis, 
Altis, Osiris, 3rd ed. i. 152 sqg. According to Hesiod (Theog. 
821), Typhoeus was the youngest child of Earth. 

δὲ ἐξεῖχον ἑκατὸν κεφαλαὶ δρακόντων. τὰ δὲ 
ἀπὸ μηρῶν σπείρας εἶχεν ὑπερμεγέθεις ἐχιδνῶν, 
e 
ὧν ὁλκοὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκτεινόμενοι κορυφὴν 
συριγμὸν πολὺν ἐξίεσαν. πᾶν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα 
κατεπτέρωτο, αὐχμηραὶ δὲ ἐκ κεφαλῆς καὶ γενύων 
τρίχες ἐξηνέμωντο, πῦρ δὲ ἐδέρκετο τοῖς ὄμμασι. 
τοιοῦτος ὧν ὁ Τυφὼν καὶ τηλικοῦτος ἡμμένας 
βάλλων πέτρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν οὐρανὸν μετὰ 
A e A fo] 
συριγμῶν ὁμοῦ καὶ Bons ἐφέρετο' πολλὴν δὲ ἐκ 
τοῦ στόματος πυρὸς ἐξέβρασσε ζάλην. θεοὶ δ᾽ 
e 
ὡς εἶδον αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ οὐρανὸν ὁρμώμενον, εἰς Αἴγυπ- 
τον φυγάδες ἐφέροντο, καὶ διωκόμενοι τὰς ἰδέας 
/ 1 > A 7, \ δὲ / \ Μ᾿ 
μετέβαλον: εἰς ζῷα. Ζεὺς πόρρω μὲν ὄντα 
a » a / δ / 
Τυφῶνα ἔβαλλε κεραυνοῖς, πλησίον δὲ γενόμενον 
ἀδαμαντίνῃ κατέπληττεν 5 ἅρπῃ, καὶ φεύγοντα 
ἄχρι τοῦ Κασίου ὄρους συνεδίωξε" τοῦτο δὲ ὑπέρ- 
Kettat Συρίας. κεῖθι δὲ αὐτὸν κατατετρωμένον 
IQA 3 A / \ \ A , 
ἰδὼν εἰς χεῖρας συνέβαλε. Τυφὼν δὲ ταῖς σπεί- 
pats περιπλεχθεὶς κατέσχεν αὐτόν, καὶ τὴν ἅρπην 
περιελόμενος τά τε τῶν χειρῶν καὶ ποδῶν διέτεμε 
νεῦρα, ἀράμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὦμων διεκόμισεν 
3. δ ὃ ὰ A θ 4 3 Κ 8 \ 
αὐτὸν διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς Κιλικίαν ὃ καὶ 
παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον κατέθετο. 
ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ νεῦρα κρύψας ἐν ἄρκτου δορᾷ 
κεῖθι ἀπέθετο, καὶ κατέστησε φύλακα * Δελφύνην 
Spdxawav> ἡμίθηρ δὲ ἦν αὕτη ἡ κόρη. “Ἰὡρμῆς δὲ 
1 μετέβαλον E: μετέβαλλον A. : 
2 , ) 7 
κατέπληττεν Εἰ: κατέπτησεν A: κατέπτησσεν Heyne, 

Westermann, Miiller: κατέπτηξεν Bekker: κατέπλησσεν 
Hercher. 

3 KiAtclay Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: Σικελίαν AE. 

4 κατέστησε φύλακα EB: κατέστησε : «φύλακα: κατέστησε 

Bekker, Hercher. 

them projected a hundred dragons’ heads. From the 
thighs downward he had huge coils of vipers, which 
when drawn out, reached to his very head and 
emitted a loud hissing. His body was all winged ἢ: 
unkempt hair streamed on the wind from his head 
and cheeks; and fire flashed from his eyes. Such 
and so great was Typhon when, hurling kindled 
rocks, he made for the very heaven with hissings 
and shouts, spouting a great jet of fire from his 
mouth. But when the gods saw him rushing at 
heaven, they made for Egypt in flight, and being 
pursued they changed their forms into those of ani- 
mals.2, However Zeus pelted Typhon at a distance 
with thunderbolts, and at close quarters struck him 
down with an adamantine sickle, and as he fled pur- 
sued him closely as far as Mount Casius, which over- 
hangs Syria. There, seeing the monster sore wounded, 
he grappled with him. But Typhon twined about him 
and gripped him in his coils, and wresting the sickle 
from him severed the sinews of his hands and feet, 
and lifting him on his shoulders carried him through 
the sea to Cilicia and deposited him on arrival in the 
Corycian cave. Likewise he put away the sinews there 
also, hidden in a bearskin, and he set to guard them 
the she-dragon Delphyne, who was a half-bestial 
maiden. But Hermes and Aegipan stole the sinews 

1 Or ‘‘ feathered.” But Antoninus Liberalis (Transform. 
28) speaks of Typhon’s numerous wings. 

3 Compare Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 28; Ovid, 
Metamorph. v. 319 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 152; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 29 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 86). The story of the transformation of the 

ods into beasts in Egypt was probably invented by the 
reeks to explain the Egyptian worship of animals, as Lucian 
shrewdly perceived (De sacrificiis, 14). 

VOL, I. E 

καὶ Αἰγίπαν ἐκκλέψαντες τὰ νεῦρα ἥρμοσαν τῷ 
Aut λαθόντες. Ζεὺς δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀνακομισάμενος 
ἰσχύν, ἐξαίφνης ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐπὶ πτηνῶν ὀχούμενος 
ἵππων ἅρματι, βάλλων κεραυνοῖς ἐπ᾽ ὄρος ἐδίωξε 
Τυφῶνα τὸ λεγόμενον Νῦσαν, ὅπου μοῖραι αὐτὸν 
διωχθέντα ἠπάτησαν' πεισθεὶς yap ὅτε ῥωσθή- 
σεται μᾶλλον, ἐγεύσατο τῶν ἐφημέρων καρπῶν. 
διόπερ ἐπιδιωκόμενος αὖθις ἧκεν εἰς Θράκην, καὶ 
, A A [τὰ Μ Ν 

μαχόμενος περὶ τὸν Αἷμον ὅλα ἔβαλλεν ὄρη. 
τούτων δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ κεραυνοῦ πάλιν 
3 7 \ > ana ΝΜ δώ 

ὠθουμένων πολὺ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐξέκλυσεν αἷμα" 
καί φασιν ἐκ τούτου τὸ ὄρος κληθῆναι Αἷμον. 
φεύγειν δὲ ὁρμηθέντι αὐτῷ" διὰ τῆς Σικελικῆς 
θαλάσσης Ζεὺς ἐπέρριψεν Αἴτνην ὄρος ἐν Σικε- 
λίᾳ' τοῦτο δὲ ὑπερμέγεθές ἐστιν, ἐξ οὗ μέχρι 
δεῦρό φασιν ἀπὸ τῶν βληθέντων κεραυνῶν γίνε- 
σθαι πυρὸς ἀναφυσήματα. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τού- 
των μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο ἡμῖν λελέχθω. 

VII. Γρομηθεὺς δὲ ἐξ ὕδατος καὶ γῆς ἀνθρώ- 
πους πλάσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πῦρ, λάθρᾳ Διὸς 
ἐν νάρθηκι κρύψας. ὡς δὲ ἤσθετο Ζεύς, ἐπέταξεν 

l ὁρμηθέντι αὐτῷ Εἰ : ὁρμηθέντος αὐτοῦ A. 

1 According to Nonnus (Dionys. i. 481 sqq.), it was Cadmus 
who, disguised as a shepherd, wheedled the severed sinews 
of Zeus out of pe ae y pretending that he wanted them 
for the strings of a lyre, on which he would play ravishing 
music to the monster. The barbarous and evidently very 
ancient story seems to be alluded to by no other Greek 
writers. 

2 This story of the deception practised by the Fates on 
Typhon seems to be otherwise unknown. 

* Haemus, from haima (blood); hence ‘‘ the Bloody Moun- 
tain.” It is said that a city of Egypt received the same name 
for the same reason (Stephanus Byzantius, 8.v. ‘Hpo). 

: THE LIBRARY, I. vi. 3-vu. 1 

and fitted them unobserved to Zeus.! And having 
recovered his strength Zeus suddenly from heaven, 
riding in a chariot of winged horses, pelted Typhon 
with thunderbolts and pursued him to the mountain 
called Nysa, where the Fates beguiled the fugitive ; 
for he tasted of the ephemeral fruits in the persuasion 
that he would be strengthened thereby.? So being 
again pursued he came to Thrace, and in fighting at 
Mount Haemus he heaved whole mountains. But 
when these recoiled on him through the force of the 
thunderbolt, a stream of blood gushed out on the 
mountain, and they say that from that circumstance 
the mountain was called Haemus.? And when he 
started to flee through the Sicilian sea, Zeus cast 
Mount Etna in Sicily upon him. That is a huge 
mountain, from which down to this day they say that 
blasts of fire issue from the thunderbolts that were 
thrown.4 So much for that subject.

Prometheus moulded men out of water and
earth ὅ and gave them also fire, which, unknown to 
Zeus, he had hidden in a stalk of fennel.6 But when 

* As to Typhon under Mount Etna see Aeschylus, Pro- 
metheus Vinctus, 363 sqq.; Pindar, Pyth. i. 17 (32) sqq.; Ovid, 
Fasti, iv. 491 sq., Metamorph. v. 352 sq. 

5 As to the creation of the human race by Prometheus, 
compare Philemon in Stobaeus, Florilegium, ii. 27; Pausa- 
nias, x. 4.4; Lucian, Dialog: deorum, i. 1; Libanius, Orat. 
xxv. 31, vol. ii. p. 552, ed. R. Foerster ; Ovid, Metamorph. 
i. 82 sqq.; Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 35. It is to be observed that in 
the earliest versions of the legend (Hesiod, Theog. 510 sqq., 
Works and Days, 48 sqq.; Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus) 
Prometheus appears only as the benefactor, not the creator, 
of mankind. 

6 Compare Hesiod, Works and Days, 50 sqq., Theog. 565 
sqq.; Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus, 107 sqq.; Plato, 
Protagoras, 11, p.321; Hyginus, Fab. 144; τά. Astronom. 11. 15. 
According to Servius (on Virgil, Eel. vi. 42), Prometheus 

Ε 2 

Ἡφαίστῳ τῷ Καυκάσῳ ὄρει τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ 
προσηλῶσαι" τοῦτο δὲ Σκυθικὸν ὄρος ἐστίν. ἐν 
δὴ τούτῳ προσηλωθεὶς Προμηθεὺς πολλῶν ἐτῶν 
ἀριθμὸν ἐδέδετο" καθ᾽ ἑκάστην δὲ ἡμέραν ἀετὸς 
φιπτάμενος αὐτῷ τοὺς λοβοὺς ἐνέμετο τοῦ ἥπατος 
αὐξανομένου ' διὰ νυκτός. ; καὶ Προμηθεὺς μὲν 
πυρὸς κλαπέντος δίκην ἔτεινε ταύτην, μέχρις 
Ἡρακλῆς αὐτὸν ὕστερον ἔλυσεν, ws ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ 
Ἡρακλέα δηλώσομεν. 

Προμηθέως δὲ παῖς Δευκαλίων ἐγένετο. οὗτος 
βασιλεύων τῶν περὶ τὴν Φθίαν τόπων γαμεῖ 
Πύρραν τὴν ᾿Επιμηθέως καὶ ΠΠανδώρας, ἣν ἔπλα- 
σαν θεοὶ πρώτην γυναῖκα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφανίσαι Ζεὺς 

1 χοῦ ἥπατος αὐξανομένου Heyne, Hercher, Wagner: τῶν 
ἡπκάτων αὐξανομένων AK, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

aa a  τετυ εξ ες ο 
stole the fire by applying ἃ torch to the sun’s wheel. Stories 
of the original theft of fire are widespread among mankind. 
See Appendix, ‘‘ Myths of the Origin of Fire.” The 

lant Cent) in which Prometheus is said to have carried 
the stolen fire is commonly identified with the giant fennel 
Ferula communis). See L. Whibley, Companion to Greek 
dies? (Cambridge, 1916), p. 67. Tournefort found the 
plant growing abundantly in Skinosa, the ancient Schinussa, 
a small deserted island south of Naxos (Plin. Nat. Hist. iv. 
68). He describes the stalk as about five feet high and three 
inches thick, with knots and branches at intervals of about 
ten inches, the whole being covered with a tolerably hard 
rind. ‘‘ This stalk is filled with a white pith, which, being 
very dry, catches fire just like a wick; the fire keeps alight 
perfectly in the stalk and consumes the pith only gradually, 
without damaging the rind; hence people use this plant to 
carry fire from one place to another ; our sailors laid in a 
supply of it. This custom is of great antiquity, and may 
serve to explain a passage in Hesiod, who, speaking of the 
fire which Prometheus stole from heaven, says that he carried 
it away in a stalk of fennel.” He tells us, further, that the 
Greeks still call the plant nartheca. Sec P. de Tournefort, 

§2 

Zeus learned of it, he ordered Hephaestus to nail his 
body to Mount Caucasus, which is a Scythian moun- 
tain. On it Prometheus was nailed and kept bound 
for many years. Every day an eagle swooped on 
him and devoured the lobes of his liver, which grew . 
by night. That was the penalty that Prometheus 
paid for the theft of fire until Hercules afterwards 
released him, as we shall show in dealing with 
Hercules.! 

And Prometheus had a son Deucalion.? He reign- 
ing in the regions about Phthia, married Pyrrha, the 
daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora, the first wo- 
man fashioned by the gods. And when Zeus would 

Relation @un Voyage du Levant (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 93. 
The plant is common all over Greece, and may be seen in 
particular abundance at Phalerum, near Athens. See W. G. 
Clark, Peloponnesus (London, 1858), p. 111; J. Murr, Die 
Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen Mythologie (Innsbruck, 1890), 
p- 231. In Naxos Mr. J.T. Bent saw orange gardens divided 

y hedges of tall reeds, and he adds: ‘‘In Lesbos this reed 
is still called νάρθηκα (νάρθηξ), a survival of the old word for 
the reed by which Prometheus brought down fire from 
heaven. One can understand the idea well: a peasant to-day 
who wishes to carry a light from one house to another will 

ut it into one of these reeds to prevent its being blown out.” 

e J. Theodore Bent, The Cyclades (London, 1885), p. 365. 
Perhaps Bent mistook fennel for a reed. The rationalistic 
Diodorus Siculus explained the myth of the theft of fire by 
saying that Prometheus was the inventor of the fire-sticks, by 
the friction of which against each other fire is kindled. See 
Diodorus Siculus, v. 67. 2. But Greek tradition attributed 
the invention of fire-sticks to Hermes. See the Homeric 
Hymn to Hermes, 108 sqq. . 

1 As to the release of Prometheus, see ii. 5. 11. 

2 The whole of the following account of Deucalion and 
Pyrrha is quoted, with a few trifling verbal changes, by the 
Scholiast on Homer, Jliad, i. 126, who cites Apollodorus as 
his authority. 

3 As to the making of Pandora, see Hesiod, Works and 
Days, 60 sqq., Theog. 571 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 142. 53 

, ΄, ͵ x κι 
μ Δευκαλιὼν τεκτηνάμενος λάρνακα, καὶ τὰ 
ἤ 
ἐπιτήδεια ἐνθέμενος, εἰς ταύτην μετὰ Πύρρας 
εἰσέβη.2 Ζεὺς δὲ πολὺν ὑετὸν ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ yeas 
τὰ πλεῖστα μέρη τῆς Ἑλλάδος κατέκλυσεν, ὥστε 
διαφθαρῆναι πάντας ἀνθρώπους, ὀλίγων χωρὶς οἱ 
συνέφυγον ὃ εἰς τὰ πλησίον ὑψηλὰ ὄρη. τότε δὲ 
καὶ τὰ κατὰ Θεσσαλίαν ὄρη διέστη, καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς 
Ἰσθμοῦ καὶ Πελοποννήσου συνεχέθη πάντα. 
Δευκαλίων δὲ ἐν τῇ λάρνακι διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης 
φερόμενος «ἐφ; ἡμέρας ἐννέα καὶ νύκτας «τὰς;» 
ἴσας τῷ Παρνασῷ προσίσχει, κἀκεῖ τῶν ὄμβρων 
παῦλαν λαβόντων ἐκβὰς θύει Διὶ φυξίῳ. Ζεὺς 
δὲ πέμψας Ἑρμῆν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπέτρεψεν αἱρεῖ- 
σθαιῦ ὅ τι βούλεται’ ὁ δὲ αἱρεῖται ἀνθρώπους 
αὐτῷ γενέσθαι. καὶ Διὸς εἰπόντος ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς 
ἔθαλλεν αἴρων λίθους, καὶ ods μὲν ἔβαλε Δευ- 
καλίων, ἄνδρες ἐγένοντο, ods δὲ Πύρρα, γυναῖκες. 
ὅθεν καὶ λαοὶ μεταφορικῶς ὠνομάσθησαν ἀπὸ τοῦ 
λᾶας ὁ λίθος. 
Γίνονται δὲ ἐκ Πύρρας Δευκαλίωνι παῖδες 

τὸ γαλκοῦν ἠθέλησεϊ γένος, ὑποθεμένονυ 1Προ- 
"0c 

ἠθέλησε EK, Scholiast on Homer, J/. i. 126 (citing Apollo- 
dorus): ἤθελε A. 

3 εἰσέβη A: εἰσέδυ E: ἐνέβη Scholiast on Homer, JJ. i. 126. 

3 συνέφυγον Εἰ, Scholiast on Homer, J/. i. 126; συνεφύτων 
R®: συνεφοίτων A. 

4 συνεχέθη A, Westermann, Bekker: συνεχύθη Heyne, 
Miller, Hercher, Wagner. But the passive aorist συνεχέθη 
of xéw is recognized by the EHtymologicum Magnum, s.v. 
χέω, p. 809, 46, and rightly defended by Lobeck, Phry- 
gichus, pp. 731 sq. 

δ αἱρεῖσθαι E: αἰτεῖσθαι A, Scholiast on Homer, JI. i. 126: 
ἐλέσθαι Hercher. 

destroy the men of the Bronze Age, Deucalion by 
the advice of Prometheus constructed a chest,! and 
having stored it with provisions he embarked in it 
with Pyrrha. But Zeus by pouring heavy rain from 
heaven flooded the greater part of Greece, so that 
all men were destroyed, except a few who fled to 
the high mountains in the neighbourhood. It was 
then that the mountains in Thessaly parted, and that 
all the world outside the Isthmus and Peloponnesus 
was overwhelmed. But Deucalion, floating in the 
chest over the sea for nine days and as many nights, 
drifted to Parnassus, and there, when the rain ceased, 
he landed and sacrificed to Zeus, the god of Escape. 
And Zeus sent Hermes to him and allowed him 
to choose what he would, and he chose to get men. 
And at the bidding of Zeus he taok up stones and 
threw them over his head, and the stones which 
Deucalion threw became men, and the stones which 
Pyrrha threw became women. Hence people were 
called metaphorically people (laos) from laas, “a 
stone.’’ 2 

And Deucalion. had children by Pyrrha, first 

1 As to rT ἘΝ see Lucian, De dea Syria, 12 sq.; 
Ovid, Metamorph. i. 125-415; Hyginus, Fab. 153; Servius, 
on Virgil, Eclog. vi. 41; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 57 sq., 99 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 189; Second Vatican Mythographer, 73) ; 
Folk-lore in the Old Testament, i. 146 sqq. Another person 
who is said to have escaped alive from the flood was a certain 
Cerambus: the story ran that the nymphs wafted him aloft 
on wings over the Thessalian mountains. See Ovid, Meta- 
morph. vil. 353 sqq. 

2 Compare Pindar, Olymp. ix. 41 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 153. 

“Ἕλλην μὲν πρῶτος, ὃν ἐκ Διὸς γεγεννῆσθαι ἷ 
«ἔνιοι;» λέγουσι, «δεύτερος δὲν 52. ᾿Αμφικτύων ὁ 
μετὰ Κραναὸν βασιλεύσας τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, θυγάτηρ 
8 δὲ Πρωτογένεια, ἐξ ἧς καὶ Διὸς ᾿Αέθλιος. “Ελ- 
Anvos δὲ καὶ νύμφης Ὀρσηΐδος ὃ Δῶρος Ἐξοῦθος 
Αἴολος. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ἀφ᾽ αὑτοῦ τοὺς καλου- 
μένους Τραικοὺς προσηγόρευσεν “Ἑϊλληνας, τοῖς δὲ 
παισὶν ἐμέρισε τὴν χώραν" καὶ Ἐξοῦθος μὲν λαβὼν 
τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐκ Κρεούσης τῆς ae ae 
᾿Αχαιὸν ἐγέννησε καὶ Ἴωνα, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αχαιοὶ καὶ 
Ἴωνες καλοῦνται, Δῶρος δὲ τὴν πέραν χώραν 
Πελοποννήσου λαβὼν τοὺς κατοίκους ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ 
Δωριεῖς ἐκάλεσεν, Αἴολος δὲ βασιλεύων τῶν περὶ 
τὴν Θεσσαλίαν τόπων τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας Αἰολεῖς 
προσηγόρευσε, καὶ γήμας ᾿Εναρέτην τὴν Δηιμάχου 
παῖδας μὲν ἐγέννησεν ἑπτά, Κρηθέα Σίσυφον 
᾿Αθάμαντα Σαλμωνέα Δηιόνα Μάγνητα Περιήρην, 
θυγατέρας δὲ πέντε, Κανάκην ᾿Αλκυόνην Πεισι- 
δίκην Καλύκην Περιμήδην. 
Περιμήδης μὲν οὖν καὶ ᾿Αχελῴου Ἱπποδάμας 
καὶ ᾿Ορέστης, Πεισιδίκης δὲ καὶ Μυρμιδόνος 
4 ἴΑντιφος καὶ "Axtwp. ᾿Αλκυόνην δὲ Κ ἢἣνξ ἔγημεν 
1 γεγεννῆσθαι A, Scholiast on Homer, Ji. xiii. 307 (citing 
Apollodorus) : γεγενῆσθαι Ra 
Evo. . . δεύτερος δὲ in Scholiast on Homer, .6. 

8 ὀροηίδος PR°: ’Opecddos Heyne: Ὀθρηίδος Scholiast on 
Plato, Sympos. p. 208 p, Hercher. . 

1 This passage as to the children of Deucalion is quoted by 
the Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, xiii. 307, who names Apollo- 
dorus as his authority. 

? As to Hellen and his sons, see Strabo, viii. 7. 1, p. 383; 
Pausanias, vii. 1.2; Conon, Narrat. 27. According to the 
Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, i. 2, Xuthus was a son of Aeolus. 

Hellen, whose father some say was Zeus, and second 
Amphictyon, who reigned over Attica after Cranaus ; 
and third a daughter Protogonia, who became the 
mother of Aethlius by Zeus.!_ Hellen had Dorus, 
Xuthus, and Aeolus? by anymph Orseis. Those who 
were called Greeks he named Hellenes after himself,® 
and divided the country among his sons. Xuthus 
received Peloponnese and begat Achaeus and Iun by 
Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus, and from Achaeus 
and Ion the Achaeans and Ionians derive their names. 
Dorus received the country over against Peloponnese 
and called the settlers Dorians after himself.‘ 
Aeolus reigned over the regions about Thessaly and 
named the inhabitants Aeolians.5 He married 
Enarete, daughter of Deimachus, and begat seven 
sons, Cretheus, Sisyphus, Athamas, Salmoneus, Deion, 
Magnes, Perieres, and five daughters, Canace, Alcyone, 
Pisidice, Calyce, Perimede.® 

Perimede had Hippodamas and Orestes by Ache- 
lous; and Pisidice had Antiphus and Actor by Myr- 
midon. Alcyone was married by Ceyx, son of Lucifer.’ 

8 According to the Parian Chronicle, the change of the 
national name from Greeks (Gratkoi) to Hellenes took place 
in 1521 p.c. See Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. 
C. Miller, i. 542 sg. Compare Aristotle, Meteorologica, i. 14, 
p. 352; Etymologicum Magnum, Ὁ. 239, 8.0. Τραικός ; 
Stephanus Byzantius, 8.0. Γραικός ; Pausanias, iii. 20. 6, with 
my note; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, 
vol. ii. p. 160. 

4 As to the early seats of the Dorians, see Herodotus, i. 56. 

δ. As to the Aeolians of Thessaly, compare Pausanias, x. 
8. 4; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 67. 2. 

6 As to Aeolus, his descendants, and their settlements, see 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 67. 2-7; Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iv. 
107 (190). 

7 According to Ovid (Metamorph. xi. 271 sqg.), Ceyx re- 
flected his father’s brightness in his face. 

« a : 
Ewodopov παῖς. οὗτοι δὲ δι᾽ ὑπερηφάνειαν 
ἀπώλοντο" ὁ μὲν γὰρ τὴν γυναῖκα ἔλεγεν “Ἥραν, 
ἡ δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα Δία, Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀπωρνέωσε, 
καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀλκυόνα ἐποίησε τὸν δὲ κήυκα. 
Κανάκη δὲ ἐγέννησεν 1 ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος πλέα 
καὶ Νιρέα καὶ ᾿Επωπέα καὶ ᾿Αλωέα καὶ Τρίοπα. 
3 Ἁ \ φ ΝΜ ᾽ / \ , 
Αλωεὺς μὲν οὖν ἔγημεν ᾿Ιφιμέδειαν τὴν Τρίοπος, 
ἥτις Ποσειδῶνος ἠράσθη, καὶ συνεχῶς φοιτῶσα 
ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, χερσὶν ἀρυομένη τὰ κύματα 
τοῖς κόλποις ἐνεφόρει. συνελθὼν δὲ αὐτῇ Iloces- 
ὃ A ὃ ’ > ἢ ὃ 70 \ ayy or 
ὧν dvo ἐγέννησε παῖδας, ΩὩτον καὶ Ἐφιάλτην, 
τοὺς ᾿Αλωάδας λεγομένους. οὗτοι κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν 
ηὔξανον πλάτος μὲν πηχυαῖον μῆκος δὲ ὀργυιαῖον" 
ἐννέα δὲ ἐτῶν γενόμενοι, καὶ τὸ μὲν πλάτος πηχῶν 
ὄχοντες ἐννέα τὸ δὲ μέγεθος ὀργυιῶν ἐννέα, πρὸς 
θεοὺς 5 μάχεσθαι διενοοῦντο, καὶ τὴν μὲν Ὄσσαν 
3 Ν wv ΝΜ 9. δ \ \ ν 
ἐπὶ τὸν "Ὄλυμπον ἔθεσαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Ὄσσαν 
A \ / a 2» A 4 ? , 
θέντες τὸ ἸΠήλιον διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν τούτων ἠπείλουν 
3 3 \ 3 / Ν \ 4 
εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀναβήσεσθαι, καὶ τὴν μὲν θάλασσαν 
χώσαντες τοῖς ὄρεσι ποιήσειν 8 ἔλεγον ἤπειρον, 
A \ fo) 7 3 [οὶ \ 3 4 \ 
τὴν δὲ γῆν θάλασσαν ἐμνῶντο δὲ ᾿Εφιάλτης μὲν 
Ἥραν ἾΩτος δὲ ΓΑρτεμιν. ἔδησαν δὲ καὶ "Αρην. 
1 Δγέννησεν Scaliger, Heyne (in text), Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἐποίησεν A. Heyne 

conjectured ἐκύησεν. 2 θεοὺς Εἰ : θεὸν A. 
3 ποιήσειν A: ἐκποιήσειν KE, Wagner. 

1 Compare Scholiast on Aristophanes, Birds, 250 ; Schol. 
on Homer, Jl. ix. 562; Eustathius on Homer, l.c. p. 776. 
The story may be a reminiscence of an ancient Greek custom, 
in accordance with which kings are said to have been regu- 
larly called Zeus. See J. Tzetzes, Antehomerica, 102 sq.; 
id., Chiliades, i. 474; A.B. Cook, ‘‘ The European Sky-yod,” 
Folk-lore, xv. (1904), pp. 299 sqq. 

2 Compare Lucian, Halcyon, 1; Schol. on Aristophanes, 
Birds, 250; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 410 sqg., especially 710 8qq.; 

These perished by reason of their pride; for he said 
that his wife was Hera, and she said that her hus- 
band was Zeus.! But Zeus turned them into birds; 
her he made a kingfisher (alcyon) and him a gannet 
ceyx).? 

os had by Poseidon Hopleus and Nireus and 
Epopeus and Aloeus and Triops. Aloeus wedded 
Iphimedia, daughter of Triops; but she fell in love 
with Poseidon, and often going to the sea she would 
draw up the waves with her hands and pour them 
into her lap. Poseidon met her and begat two sons, 
Otus and Ephialtes, who are called the Aloads.§ 
These grew every year a cubit in breadth and a 
fathom in height; and when they were nine years 
old,* being nine cubits broad and nine fathoms high, 
they resolved to fight against the gods, and they set 
Ossa on Olympus, and having set Pelion on Ossa 
they threatened by means of these mountains to 
ascend up to heaven, and they said that by filling up 
the sea with the mountains they would make it dry 
land, and the land they would make sea. And 
Ephialtes wooed Hera, and Otus wooed Artemis; 
moreover they put Aresin bonds.5 However, Hermes 
Hyginus, Fab. 65. The identification of the sea-bird ceyx 
is doubtful. See D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, Glossary of 
Greek Birds (Oxford, 1895), p. 81. 

8. As to the Aloads, see Homer, Od. xi. 305 sqq.; Virgil, 
Aen. vi. 582 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 28. 

4 This answers to the ἐννέωροι of Homer (Qd. xi. 31), the 
meaning of which has been disputed. See Merry, on Homer, 
Od. x. 19. Hyginus (Fab. 28) understood ἐννέωροι in the 
same way as Apollodorus (‘‘ cum essent annorum novem”’). 

5 They are said to have imprisoned him for thirteen months 
in a brazen pot, from which he was rescued, in a state of 

reat exhaustion, by the interposition of Hermes. See 

omer, Il. v. 385 sqq. Compare my note, ‘‘ Ares in the 
brazen pot,” The Classical Renew, ii. (1888) p. 222. 

τοῦτον μὲν οὖν Ἑρμῆς ἐξέκλεψεν, ἀνεῖλε δὲ τοὺς 
Arwadas ἐν Νάξῳ Δρτεμις δι’ ἀπάτης: ἀλλά- 
ἰδέ 3 ἔλ, ὃ a J 1 3 n 
ξασα γὰρ τὴν ἰδέαν εἰς ἔλαφον διὰ μέσων αὐτῶν 
ς Υ͂ fo) ~ 
ἤδησεν, of δὲ βουλόμενοι εὐστοχῆσαι τοῦ 
θηρίου" ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἠκόντισαν. 

Καλύκης δὲ καὶ ᾿Αεθλίον παῖς ᾿᾽Ενδυμίων γίνε- 
ται, ὅστις ἐκ Θεσσαλίας Αἰολέας ἀγαγὼν Ἦλιν 
ᾧκισε. λέγουσι δὲ αὐτόν τινες ἐκ Διὸς γενέσθαι. 
τούτου κάλλει διενεγκόντος ἠράσθη Σελήνη, Ζεὺς 
δὲ αὐτῷ δίδωσιν ὃ βούλεται ἑλέσθαι" ὁ δὲ αἱρεῖται 
κοιμᾶσθαι διὰ παντὸς ἀθάνατος καὶ ἀγήρως μένων. 

9 ’ δὲ ὶ (ὃ ’, ἃ »ν 

Ενδυμίωνος δὲ καὶ vidos νύμφης, ἢ ὥς τινες 
3 7 3 A 3 ’ ? \ 
Ιφιανάσσης, Αἰτωλός, ὃς ἀποκτείνας Απιν τὸν 
Φορωνέως καὶ φυγὼν εἰς τὴν Κουρήτιδα χώραν, 
κτείνας τοὺς ὑποδεξαμένους Φθίας καὶ ᾿Απόλ- 
λωνος υἱούς, Δῶρον καὶ Λαόδοκον καὶ Πολυποίτην, 
3 x, e A \ 4 3 ᾽ὔ 3 7 
ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν χώραν Αἰτωλίαν ἐκάλεσεν. 

Αἰτωλοῦ δὲ καὶ ἸΠρονόης τῆς Φόρβου Πλευρὼν 
καὶ Καλυδὼν ἐγένοντο, ad’ ὧν αἱ ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ 

ἢ ’ ,ὕ \ \ 4 es 
πόλεις ὠνομάσθησαν. ἸΠλευρὼν μὲν οὖν γήμας 
Ἐανθίππην τὴν Δώρου παῖδα ἐγέννησεν ᾿Αγήνορα, 
θυγατέρας δὲ Στερόπην καὶ Στρατονίκην καὶ Λαο- 

4 4 A δὲ \ Αἱ , an 3 
φόντην Καλυδῶνος δὲ καὶ Αἰολίας τῆς ᾿Αμυ- 
θάονος ᾿Επικάστη «καὶ; IIpwroyévera, ἐξ ἧς καὶ 
Ἄρεος ᾽Οξυλος. ᾿Αγήνωρ δὲ ὁ Πλευρῶνος γήμας 
Ἔπικάστην τὴν Καλυδῶνος ἐγέννησε Ἰ]ορθάονα 

1 μέσων ER*, Hercher, Wagner: μέσον A: μέσου Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

2 χοῦ θηρίον Heyne, Hercher, Wagner: τὸ θηρίον AE, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

3 νηίδος νύμφης Hercher, Wagner: σηίδος R®: σηίδος νύμ- 
ons ἢ νηΐίδος A. 

4 Λαοφόντην Heyne: Λεοφόντην A: Λεωφόντην Hercher. 

rescued Ares by stealth, and Artemis killed the 
Aloads in Naxos by a ruse. For she changed herself 
into a deer and leaped between them, and in their 
eagerness to hit the quarry they threw their darts 
at each other.! 

Calyce and Aethlius had a son Endymion who led 
Aeolians from Thessaly and founded Elis. But some 
say that he was a son of Zeus. As he was of surpas- 
sing beauty, the Moon fell in love with him, and Zeus 
allowed him to choose what he would, and he chose 
to sleep for ever, remaining deathless and ageless.? 

Endymion had by a Naiad nymph or, as some say, by 
Iphianassa, a son Aetolus, who slew Apis, son of 
Phoroneus, and fled to the Curetian country. There 
he killed his hosts, Dorus and Laodocus and Polypoe- 
tes, the sons of Phthia and Apollo, and called the 
country Aetolia after himself.® 

Aetolus and Pronoe, daughter of Phorbus, had sons, 
Pleuron and Calydon, after whom the cities in Aeto- 
lia were named. Pleuron wedded Xanthippe, daughter 
of Dorus, and begat a son Agenor, and daughters, 
Sterope and Stratonice and Laophonte. Calydon 
and Aeolia, daughter of Amythaon, had daughters, 
Epicaste and Protogonia, who had Oxylus by Ares. 
And Agenor, son of Pleuron, married Epicaste, 
daughter of Calydon, and begat Porthaon and 

1 Compare Hyginus, Fab. 28. 

2 As to Endymion and the Moon, see Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. iv. 57 sq., with the Scholiast; Pausanias, v. 1. 4; 
Mythographt Graeci, ed Westermann, pp. 319 84ᾳ., 324; 
Hyginus, Fab. 271. The present passage of Apollodorus is 
quoted almost verbally by Zenobius, Cent. iii. 76, but as 
usual without mention of his authority. The eternal sleep 
of Endymion was proverbial. See Plato, Phaedo, 17, p. 720; 
Macarius, Cent. iii. 89; Diogenianus, Cent. iv. 40; Cicero, 
De finibus, v. 20. 55; compare id. Tuscul. Disput. i. 38. 92. 

3 Compare Pausanias, v. 1. 8; Conon, Narrat. 14. ΕἸ 

καὶ Δημονίκην, ἧς καὶ “Apeos Εὔηνος Μῶλος 
Πύλος Θέστιος. 

Εὔηνος μὲν οὖν ἐγέννησε Μάρπησσαν, ἣν 
᾿Απόλλωνος μνηστευομένου Ἴδας ὁ ᾿Αφαρέως 
ἥρπασε, λαβὼν παρὰ Ποσειδῶνος ἅρμα ὑπό- 
πτερον. διώκων δὲ Εὔηνος ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος ἐπὶ τὸν 
Λυκόρμαν ἦλθε ποταμόν, καταλαβεῖν δ᾽ οὐ δυνά- 
μενος τοὺς μὲν ἵππους ἀπέσφαξεν, ἑαυτὸν δ᾽ εἰς 
τὸν ποταμὸν ἔβαλε: καὶ καλεῖται ἘΕϊηνος ὁ 
ποταμὸς ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου. Ἴδας δὲ εἰς Μεσσήνην 
παραγίνεται, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁ ᾿Απόλλων περιτυχὼν 
ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν κόρην. μαχομένων δὲ αὐτῶν περὶ 
τῶν τῆς. παιδὸς γάμων, Ζεὺς διαλύσας ἐπέτρεψεν 
αὐτῇ τῇ παρθένῳ ἑλέσθαι ὁποτέρῳ βούλεται 
συνοικεῖν" ἡ δὲ δείσασα, ὡς ἂν μὴ γηρῶσαν αὐτὴν 
᾿Απόλλων καταλίπῃ, τὸν Ἴδαν εἵλετο ἄνδρα. 

Θεστίῳ δὲ ἐξ Εὐρυθέμιδος τῆς Κλεοβοίας ἐγέ- 
VOVTO θυγατέρες μὲν ᾿Αλθαία Anda Ὑπερμνήστρα, 
ἄρρενες δὲ Ἴφικλος Εὔιππος Ἰλήξιππος Εὐρύ- 
πυλος. 

Πορθάονος δὲ καὶ Εὐρύτης «τῆς» Ἱπποδάμαν- 
τος ἐγένοντο παῖδες Οἰνεὺς Αγρεὸς ᾿Αλκάθοος 
Μέλας Λευκωπεύς, θυγάτηρ δὲ Σ Στερόπη, ἐξ ἧς 
καὶ ᾿Αχελῴου Σειρῆνας γενέσθαι λέγουσιν. 

VIII. Οἰνεὺς δὲ βασιλεύων Καλυδῶνος παρὰ 

1 As to Evenus and Marpessa, see Scholiast on Homer, 
Iliad, ix. 557; Eustathius, on Homer, l.c. p. 776 ; Plutarch, 
Parailela, 40; Hyginus, Fab. 242 (who calls Evenus a son of 
Hercules). According to the first two of these writers, 
Evenus, like Oenomaus, used to set his daughter’s suitors to 
run a chariot race with him, promising to bestow her on the 
winner ; but he cut off the heads of his vanquished competi- 
tors and nailed them to the walls of his house. This seems 

Demonice, who had Evenus, Molus, Pylus, and 
Thestius by Ares. 

Evenus begat Marpessa, who was wooed by Apollo, 
but Idas, son of Aphareus, carried her off in a winged 
chariot which he received from Poseidon.! Pursuing 
him in a chariot, Evenus came to the river Lycormas, 
but when he could not catch him he slaughtered his 
horses and threw himself into the river, and the 
river is called Evenus after him. But Idas came to 
Messene, and Apollo, falling in with him, would have 
robbed him of the damsel]. As they fought for the 
girl’s hand, Zeus parted them and allowed the maiden 
herself to choose which of the two she would marry ; 
and she, because she feared that Apollo might desert 
her in her old age, chose Idas for her husband.? 

Thestius had daughters and sons by Eurythemis, 
daughter of Cleoboea: the daughters were Althaea, 
Leda,? Hypermnestra, and the males were Iphiclus, 
Evippus, Plexippus, and Eurypylus. 

Porthaon and Euryte, daughter of Hippodamas, 
had sons, Oeneus, Agrius, Alcathous, Melas, Leuco- 
peus, and a daughter Sterope, who is said to have 
been the mother of the Sirens by Achelous.

Reigning over Calydon, Oeneus was the
to be the version of the story which Apollodorus had before 
him, though he has abridged it. 

2 Compare Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, ix. 557 (who cites 
Simonides) ; Eustathius, on Homer, l.c. p. 776; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 561; Pausanias, v. 18. 2. 

3 Pausanias (iii. 13. 8) agrees with Apollodorus in saying 
that Leda was the daughter of Thestius, who was a son of 
Agenor, who was a son of Pleuron ; and he cites the epic 
poem of Areus as his authority for the genealogy. 

Awovicov φυτὸν ἀμπέλου πρῶτος ᾿ ἔλαβε. γήμας 
δὲ ᾿Αλθαίαν τὴν Θεστίου γεννᾷ Τοξέα, ὃ ὃν αὐτὸς 
ἔκτεινεν ὑπερπηδήσαντα τὴν τάφρον, καὶ παρὰ 
τοῦτον Θυρέα καὶ Κλύμενον," καὶ θυγατέρα 
Topynv, ἣν ᾿Ανδραίμων ἔ ἔγημε, καὶ Δηιάνειραν, ἣ ἣν 
᾿Αλθαίαν λέγουσιν ἐκ Διονύσου γεννῆσαι. αὕτη 
δ᾽ Auto εἰ καὶ Ta κατὰ πόλεμον ἤσκει, καὶ περὶ 
τῶν γάμων αὐτῆς Ἡρακλῆς πρὸς ᾿Αχελῷον ἐπά- 
λαισεν. ἐγέννησε δὲ ᾿Αλθαία παῖδα ἐξ Οἰνέως 
Μελέαγρον, ὃν ἐξ “A peos γεγεννῆσθαί φασι. τού- 
του δ᾽ ὄντος ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ παραγενομένας τὰς 
μοίρας φασὶν εἰπεῖν, «ὅτι;» 3 τότε “τελευτήσει 
Μελέαγρος," ὅταν ὁ καιόμενος ἐπὶ τῆς “ἐσχάρας 
δαλὸς κατακαῇ. τοῦτο ἀκούσασα τὸν δαλὸν 
ἀνείλετο ᾿Αλθαία καὶ κατέθετο εἰς λάρνακα. 
Μελέαγρος δὲ ἀνὴρ “ἄτρωτος καὶ γενναῖος γενό- 
μενος τόνδε τὸν τρόπον ἐτελεύτησεν. ἐτησίων 
καρπῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ γενομένων τὰς ἀπαρχὰς 

1 πρῶτος ER®: πρῶτα A. 

2 Κλύμεμον Bekker, Wagner (misprint). 

3 ὅτι omitted in AE, but inserted by Diodorus Siculus in 
the parallel passage, iv. 34. 6. 

+ τελευτήσει Μελέαγρος AE, Zenobius, Cent. v. 33: τελευ- 
τήσειν Μελέαγρον LN. 

1 Compare Hyginus, Fab. 129. 

2 So Romulus 15 said to have killed Remus for leaping over 
the rising wall of Rome (Livy, i. 7. 2). 

ὃ See Apollodorus, ii. 7. 5, with the note. 

‘The whole of the following account of the life and 
death of Meleager is quoted, with a few verbal changes 
and omissions, by Zenobius (Cent. v. 33). The story is 
told by Bacchylides (Hpinic. v. 93 844.) and, though 
without any express mention of the burning brand or of 
Meleager’s death, by Homer (Iliad, ix. 529-599). Compare 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 270 sqq.; 

first who received a vine-plant from Dionysus.! He 
married Althaea, daughter of Thestius, and begat 
Toxeus, whom he slew with his own hand because he 
leaped over the ditch.2, And besides Toxeus he had 
Thyreus and Clymenus, and a daughter Gorge, whom 
Andraemon married, and another daughter Deianira, 
who is said to have been begotten on Althaea by 
Dionysus. This Deianira drove a chariot and prac- 
tised the art of war, and Hercules wrestled for her 
hand with Achelous.? Althaea had also a son Melea- 
ger,* by Oeneus, though they say that he was begotten 
by Ares. It is said that, when he was seven days old, 
the Fates came and declared that Meleager should die 
when the brand burning on the hearth was burnt out. 
On hearing that, Althaea snatched up the brand and 
deposited it in a chest.5 Meleager grew up to be an 
invulnerable and gallant man, but came by his end 
in the following way. In sacrificing the firstfruits of 

Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. ii. 481; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 46 sq. 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 146). It was made the theme 
of tragedies by Sophocles and Euripides. See Aug. Nauck, 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta? (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 219 
sq-, 525 sqq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. by A. Ὁ. 
Pearson, ii. 64 sqq. 

5 For the story of the burning brand on which the life of 
Meleager depended, see also Aeschylus, Choeph. 604 8qq.; 
Bacchylides, Epinic. v. 136 δ4ᾳ.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34. 
6 sq.; Pausanias, x. 31. 4; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 2 ; 
Dio Chrysostom, Or. Ixvii. vol. ii. p. 231, ed. L. Dindorf ; 
Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, ix. 534 ; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 
445-525 ; Hyginus, Fab. 171, 174; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Theb. ii. 481; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latins, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 47 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
146). The story belongs to a widespread class of tales con- 
cerned with the ‘‘external soul,” or the belief that a person’s 
life is bound up with an animal or object outside of his own 
body. See Balder the Beautiful, ii. 94 8qq. 

: ός 
VOL. I. F 

Οἰνεὺς θεοῖς πᾶσι θύων μόνης ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐξελά- 
θετο. ἡ δὲ μηνίσασα κάπρον ἐφῆκεν ἔξοχον 
μεγέθει τε καὶ ῥώμῃ, ὃς τήν τε γῆν ἄσπορον 
ἐτίθει καὶ τὰ βοσκήματα καὶ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας 
διέφθειρεν. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν κάπρον τοὺς ἀρίστους 
ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάντας συνεκάλεσε, καὶ τῷ 
κτείναντι τὸν θῆρα τὴν δορὰν δώσειν. ἀριστεῖον 
ἐπηγγείλατο. οἱ δὲ συνελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ 
κάπρου θήραν ἦσαν οἵδε" Μελέαγρος Οἰνέως, 
Δρύας } Ἄρεος, ἐκ Καλυδῶνος οὗτοι, Ἴδας καὶ 
Λυγκεὺς ᾿Αφαρέως ἐκ Μεσσήνης, Κάστωρ καὶ 
Πολυδεύκης Διὸς καὶ Λήδας ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, 
Θησεὺς Αἰγέως ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν, "Αδμητος Φέρητος 
ἐκ Φερῶν, ᾿Αγκαῖος «καὶ; Κηφεὺς Λυκούργου ἐξ 
᾿Αρκαδίας, Ἰάσων Αἴσονος ἐξ ᾿Ιωλκοῦ, ᾿Ιφικλῆς 
᾿Αμφιτρύωνος ἐκ Θηβῶν, Πειρίθους Ἰξίονος ἐκ 
Λαρίσης, Πηλεὺς Αἰακοῦ ἐκ Φθίας, Τελαμὼν 
Αἰακοῦ ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, Εὐρυτίων [Ἄκτορος ἐκ 
Φθίας, ᾿Αταλάντη Σχοινέως ἐξ ᾿Αρκαδίας, ᾿Δμ- 
φιάραος ᾿Οικλέους 2 ἐξ “A pyous: μετὰ τούτων 
καὶ οἱ Θεστίου παῖδες. συνελθόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς 
Οἰνεὺς ἐπὶ ἐννέα ἡμέρας ἐξένισε" τῇ δεκάτῃ δὲ 
Κηφέως καὶ ᾿Αγκαίου καί τίνων ἄλλων ἀπαξιούν- 
των μετὰ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν ἐξιέναι, 
Μελέαγρος ἔχων γυναῖκα Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Ἴδα 
καὶ Μαρπήσσης θυγατέρα, βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ ἐξ 
᾿Αταλάντης τεκνοποιήσασθαι, συνηνάγκασεν av- 
τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν μετὰ ταύτης ἐξιέναι. περι- 

1 Δρύας Aegius: πύμας A. 

2 Οἰκλέους eyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: ἰοκλέους A. Compare A. C. Pearson, The Frag- 
ments of Sophocles, vol. ii. p. 119. 

3 thy θήραν A: τὸν κάπρον E. 

the annual crops of the country to all the gods Oeneus 
forgot Artemis alone. But she in her wrath sent a 
boar of extraordinary size and strength, which pre- 
vented the land from being sown and destroyed the 
cattle and the people that fell in with it. To attack 
this boar Oeneus called together all the noblest men 
of - Greece, and promised that to him who should 
kill the beast he would give the skin asa prize. Now 
the men who assembled to hunt the boar were 
these !:—Meleager, son of Oeneus; Dryas, son of 
Ares ; these came from Calydon; Idas and Lynceus, 
sons of Aphareus, from Messene; Castor and Pollux, 
sons of Zeus and Leda, from Lacedaemon; Theseus, 
son of Aegeus, from Athens ; Admetus, son of Pheres, 
from Pherae; Ancaeus and Cepheus, sons of Lycur- 
gus, from Arcadia; Jason, son of Aeson, from 
Ioleus ; Iphicles, son of Amphitryon, from Thebes ; 
Pirithous, son of Ixion, from Larissa; Peleus, son 
of Aeacus, from Phthia; Telamon, son of Aeacus, 
from Salamis ; Eurytion, son of Actor, from Phthia ; 
Atalanta, daughter of Schoeneus, from Arcadia ; 
Amphiaraus, son of Oicles, from Argos. With 
them came also the sons of Thestius. And when 
they were assembled, Oeneus entertained them for 
nine days; but on the tenth, when Cepheus and An- 
caeus and some others disdained to go a-hunting with 
a woman, Meleager compelled them to follow the 
chase with her, for he desired to have a child also by 
Atalanta, though he had to wife Cleopatra, daughter 
of Idas and Marpessa. When they surrounded the 

1 For lists of the heroes who hunted the Calydonian 
boar, see Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 299 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 
173. 

F 2 

στάντων δὲ αὐτῶν τὸν κάπρον, ‘Treds! μὲν καὶ 
᾿Αγκαῖος t ὑπὸ τοῦ θηρὸς διεφθάρησαν, Εὐρυτίωνα 
δὲ Πηλεὺς ἄκων κατηκόντισε. τὸν δὲ κάπρον 
πρώτη μὲν ᾿Αταλάντη εἰς τὰ νῶτα ἐτόξευσε, 
δεύτερος δὲ ᾿Αμφιάραος εἰς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν' Με- 
λέαγρος δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν κενεῶνα πλήξας ἀπέ- 
κτεινε, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ δέρας ἔδωκεν ᾿Αταλάντῃ. 
οἱ δὲ Θεστίου παῖδες, ἀδοξοῦντες εἰ παρόντων 
ἀνδρῶν γυνὴ τὰ ἀριστεῖα λήψεται, τὸ δέρας 
αὐτῆς " ἀφείλοντο, κατὰ γένος αὑτοῖς προσήκειν 
λέγοντες, εἰ Μελέαγρος λαμβάνειν μὴ προαιροῖτο. 
ὀργισθεὶς δὲ Μελέαγρος τοὺς μὲν Θεστίου παῖδας 
ἀπέκτεινε, τὸ δὲ δέρας ἔδωκε τῇ ᾿Αταλάντῃ. 
᾿Αλθαία δὲ λυπηθεῖσα ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἀδελφῶν 
ἀπωλείᾳ τὸν δαλὸν ἧψε, καὶ ὁ Μελέαγρος ἐξαίφ- 
νης ἀπέθανεν. 

Οἱ δέ φασιν οὐχ οὕτω Μελέαγρον τελευτῆσαι, 
ἀμφισβητούντων δὲ τῆς δορᾶς ὃ τῶν Θεστίου παί- 
dav ὡς Ἰφίκλου πρώτου βαλόντος, Κούρησι καὶ 
Καλυδωνίοις πόλεμον ἐνστῆναι, ἐξελθόντος δὲ 
Μελεάγρου καί τινας τῶν Θεστίου παίδων φονεύ- 
σαντος ᾿Αλθαίαν ἀράσασθαι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ" τὸν δὲ 
ὀργιζόμενον οἴκοι μένειν. ἤδη δὲ τῶν πολεμίων 
τοῖς τείχεσι προσπελαζόντων καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν 
ἀξιούντων μεθ᾽ ἱκετηρίας βοηθεῖν, μόλις πεισθέντα 
ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξελθεῖν, καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς 

1 γλεὺς Aegius: πύλος A. 

2 αὐτῆς Wagner (comparing Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Frogs, 1238, and Zenobius, Cent. v. 33): αὐτῇ A: αὐτοὶ E: 
αὐτὴν Hercher. 

8 δορᾶς Frazer (for δορά compare i. 6. 2 and 3, ii. 1. 2, 
ii. 4. 10, 1]. 5. 1): τῆς θήρας E, Wagner: τῆς θήρας φασὶ A, 
Bekker: τοῦ θηρὺς φασὶ Heyne, Miiller: τοῦ θηρὸς Wester- 
mann. Hercher omits τῆς θήρας φασὶν. 

boar, Hyleus and Ancaeus were killed by the brute, 
and Peleus struck down Eurytion undesignedly with 
a javelin. But Atalanta was the first to shoot the 
boar in the back with an arrow, and Amphiaraus was 
the next to shoot it in the eye; but Meleager killed 
it by a stab in the flank, and on receiving the skin 
gave it to Atalanta. Nevertheless the sons of Thes- 
tius, thinking scorn that a woman should get the 
prize in the face of men, took the skin from her, 
alleging that it belonged to them by right of birth if 
Meleager did not choose to take it. But Meleager 
in a rage slew thesons of Thestius and gave the skin 
to Atalanta. However, from grief at the slaughter 
of her brothers Althaea kindled the brand, and 
Meleager immediately expired. 

But some say that Meleager did not die in that 
way,! but that when the sons of Thestius claimed 
the skin on the ground that Iphiclus had been the 
first to hit the boar, war broke out between the 
Curetes and the Calydonians; and when Meleager 
had sallied out? and slain some of the sons of 
Thestius, Althaea cursed him, and he in a rage re- 
mained at home; however, when the enemy ap- 
proached the walls, and the citizens supplicated him 
to come to the rescue, he yielded reluctantly to his 
wife and sallied forth, and having killed the rest of 

1 The following account of the death of Meleager is sub- 
stantially that of Homer, Jl. ix. 529 sqq. 
2 From Calydon, then besieged by the Curetes. 

κτείναντα τῶν Θεστίου παίδων ἀποθανεῖν pay o- 

\ de \ ’ 4 3 ’ 
μενον. μετὰ ὃὲ τὸν Μελεάγρου θάνατον ᾿Αλθαία 
καὶ Κλεοπάτρα ἑαυτὰς ἀνήρτησαν, αἱ δὲ θρηνοῦσαι 
τὸν νεκρὸν γυναῖκες ἀπωρνεώθησαν. 

᾿Αλθαίας δὲ ἀποθανούσης ἔγημεν Οἰνεὺς Περί- 

ς 4 e lA 
Bovav τὴν ᾿ἱππονόου. ταύτην δὲ ὁ μὲν γράψας 
τὴν Θηβαΐδα πολεμηθείσης ᾿Ὡλένου λέγει λαβεῖν 
e \ an 

Οἰνέα γέρας, Ησίοδος δὲ ἐξ ᾿᾽Ωλένου τῆς ᾿Αχαΐας, 
ἐφθαρμένην ὑπὸ Ἱπποστράτου τοῦ ᾿Αμαρυγκέως, 
᾿Ἱππόνουν τὸν πατέρα πέμψαι πρὸς Οἰνέα πόρρω 
τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὄντα, ἐντειλάμενον ἀποκτεῖναι. 
εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες Ἵππόνουν ἐπιγνόντα τὴν ἰδίαν 
θυγατέρα ἐφθαρμένην ὑπὸ Οἰνέως, ἔγκνον αὐτὴν 
πρὸς τοῦτον ἀποπέμψαι. ἐγεννήθη δὲ ἐκ ταύτης 
Οἰνεῖ Τυδεύς. Πείσανδρος δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκ Γόργης 
γενέσθαι λέγει’ τῆς γὰρ θυγατρὸς Οἰνέα κατὰ 
τὴν βούλησιν Διὸς ἐρασθῆναι. 

Τυδεὺς δὲ ἀνὴρ γενόμενος γενναῖος ἐφυγαδεύθη, 
κτείνας, ὡς μέν τινες λέγουσιν, ἀδελφὸν Οἰνέως 
3 4 ς \ - Ἁ 3 ’ὔ’ὕ 4 
Αλκάθοον, ὡς δὲ ὁ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα γεγραφώς, 

\ , a 3 7 3 a , 
τοὺς Μέλανος παῖδας ἐπιβουλεύοντας Οἰνεῖ, Pnvéa 

1 ἀποκτεῖναι Faber, Heyne, Westermann, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: ἀποστεῖλαι A. 

1 The birds called in Greek meleagrides, guinea-fowl 
(Numida sp.). See Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 2; 
Aelian, De natura animalium, iv. 42; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 
533-546; Hyginus, Fab. 174; Pliny, Nat. Hist. x. 74, xxxvii. 
40. Worsbippers of Artemis strictly abstained from eating 
the bird; the reason of the abstention was known to the 
natives of Leros, one of the Sporades (Aelian, 1.6... The 
birds were kept in the sanctuary of the Maiden (Artemis 3) 
in that island, and were tended by the priests (Athenaeus, 
xiv. 71, p. 655c). It is said that it was Artemis who turned 

the sons of Thestius, he himself fell fighting. After 
the death of Meleager, Althaea and Cleopatra hanged 
themselves, and the women who mourned the dead 
man were turned into birds.! 

After Althaea’s death Oeneus married Periboea, 
daughter of Hipponous. The author of the Thebaid 
says that when Olenus was sacked, Oeneus received 
Periboea as a gift of honour; but Hesiod says that 
she was seduced by Hippostratus, son of Amarynceus, 
and that her father Hipponous sent her away from 
Olenus in Achaia to Oeneus, because he dwelt far 
from Greece, with an injunction to put her to death.” 
However, some say that Hipponous discovered that 
his daughter had been debauched by Oeneus, and 
therefore he sent her away to him when she was with 
child. By her Oeneus begat Tydeus. But Pisander 
says that the mother of Tydeus was Gorge, for Zeus 
willed it that Oeneus should fall in love with his 
own daughter.® 

When Tydeus had grown to be a gallant man 
he was banished for killing, as some say, Alcathous, 
brother of Oeneus; but according to the author 
of the Alcmaeonid his victims were the sons of Melas 
who had plotted against Oeneus, their names being 

the sisters of Meleager into birds by touching them with a 
rod, after which she transferred them to the island of Leros 
(Antoninus Liberalis, U.c.) On the birds see D’Arcy Went- 
worth Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds (Oxford, 1895), 
pp. 114 44. 

? Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 35. 1 84., according to 
whom Periboea alleged that she was with child by Ares. 
Sophocles wrote a tragedy on the subject ; a few fragments 
of it remain (The Fraqments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, 
i. 216 8qq.). 

9 Gorge was a daughter of Oeneus. See above, i. 8. 1; 
Pausanias, x. 38. 5. 

Εὐρύαλον Tee Αντίοχον Εὐμήδην Στέρνοπα 
Ξάνθιππον Σθενέλαον, ὡς δὲ Φερεκύδης φησίν, 
Ὡλενίαν. ἀδελφὸν ἴδιον. ᾿Αγρίου δὲ δίκας ἐπά- 
γοντος αὐτῷ φυγὼν εἰς Ἄργος ἧκε πρὸς ᾿Αδρασ- 
τον, καὶ τὴν τούτου γήμας θυγατέρα Δηιπύλην 
ἐγέννησε Διομήδην. 

Τυδεὺς μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ Θήβας μετ᾽ ᾿Αδράστον 
στρατευσάμενος ὑπὸ Μελανίππου τρωθεὶς ἀπέ- 
θανεν" οἱ δὲ ᾿Αγρίου παῖδες, Θερσίτης ᾿Ογχηστὸς 
Πρόθοος Κελεύτωρ Λυκωπεὺς Μελάνιππος, ἀφε- 
λόμενοι τὴν Οἰνέως βασιλείαν τῷ πατρὶ ἔδοσαν, 
καὶ προσέτι ξῶντα τὸν Οἰνέα καθείρξαντες ἠκί- 
ζοντο. ὕστερον δὲ Διομήδης ἐξ "Ἄργους παρα- 
γενόμενος μετ᾽ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος * κρύφα τοὺς μὲν 
᾿Αγρίου παῖδας, χωρὶς ᾿Ογχηστοῦ καὶ Θερσίτου, 
πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν (οὗτοι γὰρ φθάσαντες εἰς 
Πελοπόννησον ἔφυγον), τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν, ἐπειδὴ 
γηραιὸς ἦν ὁ O Oiveds, ᾿Ανδραίμονι" τῷ τὴν θυγατέρα 
τοῦ Οἰνέως γήμαντι δέδωκε, τὸν δὲ Οἰνέα εἰς 
Πελοπόννησον ἦγεν. οἱ δὲ διαφυγόντες ᾿Αγρίου 
παῖδες ἐνεδρεύσαντες περὶ τὴν Τηλέφου ἑστίαν 
τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας τὸν πρεσβύτην ἀ ἀπέκτειναν. Διο- 
μήδης δὲ τὸν νεκρὸν εἰς "Ἄργος κομίσας ἔθαψεν 
ἔνθα νῦν πόλις ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνον Οἰνόη καλεῖται, καὶ 

1 ᾿Αλκμαίωνος Heyne (comparing Strabo, x. 2. 25, p. 462), 
Bekker, Wagner: ᾿Αλκμέωνος Hercher: ἄλλον A, Wester- 
mann, Miiller. 

1 Compare Eustathius, on Homer, Iliad, xiv. 122, p. 971; 
Scholia on Homer, Iliad, xiv. 114, 120 ; The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. iii. p. 38, frag. 799 ; Statius, 
Theb. i. 401 sqg., with the commentary of Lactantius Placidus, 
pp. 47 aq. ed. R. Jahnke. The accounts differ as to whom 
hr deus killed, but they agree that he fled from Calydon to 

Pheneus, Euryalus, Hyperlaus, Antiochus, Eumedes 
Sternops, Xanthippus, Sthenelaus ; but as Pherecydes 
will have it, he murdered his own brother Olenias.! 
Being arraigned by Agrius, he fled to Argos and came 
to Adrastus, whose daughter Deipyle he married and 
begat Diomedes. 

Tydeus marched against Thebes with Adrastus,? 
and died of a wound which he received at the hand of 
Melanippus. But the sons of Agrius, to wit, Thersites, 
Onchestus, Prothous, Celeutor, Lycopeus, Melanippus, 
wrested the kingdom from Oeneus and gave it to 
their father, and more than that they mewed up 
Oeneus in his lifetime and tormented him. Never- 
theless Diomedes afterwards came secretly with 
Alemaeon from Argos and put to death all the sons 
of Agrius, except Onchestus and Thersites, who had 
fled betimes to Peloponnese; and as Oeneus was 
old, Diomedes gave the kingdom to Andraemon who 
had married the daughter of Oeneus, but Oeneus 
himself he took with him to Peloponnese. Howbeit, 
the sons of Thestius, who had made their escape, 
lay in wait for the old man at the hearth of 
Telephus in Arcadia, and killed him. But Diomedes 
conveyed the corpse to Argos and buried him in the 
place where now a city is called Oenoe after him.‘ 

Adrastus at Argos, and that Adrastus purified him from 
the murder (Eustathius and Scholia on Homer, U.cc.) and 
gave him his daughter to wife. Compare Apollodorus, iii. 6.1. 

2 See below, iii. 6. 3 sqq. 

3 With this and what follows compare Pausanias, ii. 25. 2; 
Scholiast on Aristophanes, Acharn. 418 ; Antoninus Liberalis, 
Transform. 37; Hyginus, Fab. 175. The story furnished 
Euripides with the theme of a tragedy called Oeneus. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 536 

ᾳ. 
4 Compare Pausanias, ii. 25. 2. 

γήμας Αἰγιάλειαν τὴν ᾿Αδράστου, «ἢ; ws ἔνιοί 
φασι τὴν Αἰγιαλέως, ἐπί τε Θήβας καὶ Τροίαν 
ἐστράτευσε. 

ΙΧ. Τῶν δὲ Αἰόλου παίδων ᾿Αθάμας, Βοιωτίας 
δυναστεύων, ἐκ Νεφέλης τεκνοῖ παῖδα μὲν Φρίξον 
θυγατέρα δὲ΄ Ἕλλην. αὖθις δὲ Ἰνὼ γαμεῖ, ἐξ ἧς 
αὐτῷ Λέαρχος καὶ Μελικέρτης ἐγένοντο. ἐπι- 
βουλεύουσα δὲ Ἰνὼ τοῖς Νεφέλης τέκνοις ἔπεισε 
τὰς γυναῖκας τὸν πυρὸν φρύγειν. λαμβάνουσαι 
δὲ κρύφα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῦτο ἔπρασσον. γῆ δὲ 
πεφρυγμένους πυροὺς δεχομένη καρποὺς ἐτησίους 
οὐκ ἀνεδίδου. διὸ πέμπων ὁ ᾿Αθάμας εἰς Δελφοὺς 
ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐπυνθάνετο τῆς ἀφορίας. ἸΙνὼ δὲ τοὺς 
πεμφθέντας ἀνέπεισε λέγειν ὡς εἴη κεχρησμένον 
παύσεσθαι } τὴν ἀκαρπίαν, ἐὰν σφαγῇ Au ὁ 
Φρίξος. τοῦτο ἀκούσας ᾿Αθάμας, συναναγκαζό- 
μενος ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν γῆν κατοικούντων, τῷ βωμῷ 
παρέστησε Φρίξον. Νεφέλη δὲ μετὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς 
αὐτὸν ἀνήρπασε, καὶ παρ᾽ Eppod λαβοῦσα χρυ- 
σόμαλλον κριὸν ἔδωκεν, vp? οὗ φερόμενοι δε 
οὐρανοῦ γῆν ὑπερέβησαν καὶ θάλασσαν. ὡς δὲ 

1 παύσεσθαι oe paren Wagner: παύσασθαι A. 

3 ὑφ᾿ E: eg’ A 

1 For the story of Athamas, Phrixus, and Helle, see Zeno- 
bius, Cent. iv. 38; Apostolius, Cent. xi. 58 ; Scholiast on 
Aristophanes, Clouds, 257 ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
22 ; Eustathius, on Homer, Iliad, vii. 86, p. 667 ; Scholiast 
on Homer, Iliad, vii. 86; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 47; Hyginus, 
Fab. 1-3; ad. Astronomica, ii. 20; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Achill. i. 65; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 8, 120 sq. (First Vatican M ytho- 

her, 23; Second Vatican Mythographer, 134). According 
fo Hicrodotis (vii. 197), it was a rule among the descendants 

And having married Aegialia, daughter of Adrastus 
or, as some say, of Aegialeus, he went to the wars 
against Thebes and Troy.

Of the sons of Aeolus, Athamas ruled over
Boeotia and begat a son Phrixus and a daughter 
Helle by Nephele.! And he married a second wife, 
Ino, by whom he had Learchus and Melicertes. 
But Ino plotted against the children of Nephele 
and persuaded the women to parch the wheat ; 
and having got the wheat they did so without the 
knowledge of the men. But the earth, being sown 
with parched wheat, did not yield its annual crops; 
so Athamas sent to Delphi to inquire how he might 
be delivered from the dearth. Now Ino persuaded 
the messengers to say it was foretold that the 
infertility would cease if Phrixus were sacrificed to 
Zeus. When Athamas heard that, he was forced by 
the inhabitants of the land to bring Phrixus to the 
altar. But Nephele caught him and her daughter 
up and gave them a ram with a golden fleece, 
which she had received from Hermes, and borne 
through the sky by the ram they crossed land and 

of Phrixus that the eldest son of the family should be sacri- 
ficed (apparently to Laphystian Zeus) if ever he entered the 
town-hall ; hence, to escape the risk of such a fate, many of 
the family fled to foreign lands. Sophocles wrote a tragedy 
called Athamas, in which he represented the king himself 
crowned with garlands and led to the altar of Zeus to be 
sacrificed, but finally rescued by the interposition of Hercules 
(Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 237; Apostolius, Cent. 
xi. 58; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, i. 
1 sgq.). These traditions point to the conclusion that in the 
royal line of Athamas the eldest son was regularly liable to 
be sacrificed either to prevent or to remedy a failure of the 
crops, and that in later times a ram was commonly accepted 
as a substitute for the human victim. Compare The Dying 
God, pp. 161 sqq. 

ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν μεταξὺ κειμένην θάλασσαν 
Σιγείου καὶ Χερρονήσου, ὥλεσθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν ἡ 
“Βλλη, κἀκεῖ θανούσης αὑτῆς ἀπ ἐκείνης ἙΕλλήσ- 
ποντος ἐκλήθη τὸ πέλαγος. Φρίξος δὲ ἦλθεν εἰς 
Κόλχους, ὧν Αἰήτης ἐβασίλευε παῖς Ηλίου καὶ 
Περσηίδος, ἀδελφὸς δὲ Κίρκης καὶ Πασιφάης, ἣν 
Mivos ἔγημεν. οὗτος αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται, καὶ μίαν 
t , ἢ ε <P 

τῶν θυγατέρων Χαλκιόπην δίδωσιν. o δὲ “τὸν 
χρυσόμαλλον κριὸν Au θύει φυξίῳ, τὸ δὲ τούτου 
δέρας Αἰήτῃ δίδωσιν: ἐκεῖνος δὲ αὐτὸ περὶ δρῦν 
ἐν *Apeos ἄλσει καθήλωσεν. ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐκ 
Χαλκιόπης Φρίξῳ παῖδες "Apyos Μέλας Φρόντις 
Κυτίσωρος. 

᾿Αθάμας δὲ ὕστερον διὰ μῆνιν ρας καὶ τῶν ἐξ 
Ἰνοῦς ἐστερήθη παίδων: αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ μανεὶς 
ἐτόξευσε Λέαρχον, ᾿Ινὼ δὲ Μελικέρτην μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς 
εἰς πέλαγος ἔρριψεν. ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς Βοιωτίας 
ἐπυνθάνετο τοῦ θεοῦ ποῦ κατοικήσει" χρησθέντος 
δὲ αὐτῷ κατοικεῖν ἐν ᾧπερ ἂν τόπῳ ὑπὸ ἕξῴων 
ἀγρίων ξενισθῇ, πολλὴν χώραν διελθὼν ἐνέτυχε 
λύκοις προβάτων μοίρας νεμομένοις" οἱ δέ, θεωρή- 
σαντες αὐτόν, ἃ διῃροῦντο ἀπολιπόντες ἔφυγον. 
᾿Αθάμας δὲ κτίσας τὴν χώραν ᾿Αθαμαντίαν ἀφ᾽ 
ἑαυτοῦ προσηγόρευσε, καὶ γήμας Θεμιστὼ τὴν 
Ὑψέως ἐγέννησε Λεύκωνα ᾿Ερύθριον Σχοινέα 
Πτῶον. 

Δ Compare Zenobius, Cent. iv. 38; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
hron, 229; Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, vii. 86 ; Eusta- 

thius on Homer, Iliad, vii. 86, p. 667 ; td. on Homer, Od. v. 
$39, p. 1543 ; Pausanias, i. 44. 7 8q., ix. 84. 7; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. iv. 481-542 ; Hyginus, Fab. 4 and 5. Euripides wrote 
a tragedy, Ino, of which a number of fragments remain. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 482 

sea. But when they were over the sea which lies 
betwixt Sigeum and the Chersonese, Helle slipped 
into the deep and was drowned, and the sea was 
called Hellespont after her. But Phrixus came to 
the Colchians, whose king was Aeetes, son of the 
Sun and of Perseis, and brother of Circe and 
Pasiphae, whom Minos married. He _ received 
Phrixus and gave him one of his daughters, Chalciope. 
And Phrixus sacrificed the ram with the golden fleece 
to Zeus the god of Escape, and the fleece he gave 
to Aeetes, who nailed it to an oak in a grove of 
Ares. And Phrixus had children by Chalciope,. to 
wit, Argus, Melas, Phrontis, and Cytisorus. 

But afterwards Athamas was bereft also of the 
children of Ino through the wrath of Hera; for he 
went mad and shot Learchus with an‘arrow, and Ino 
cast herself and Melicertes into the sea.1 Being 
banished from Boeotia, Athamas inquired of the god 
where he should dwell, and on receiving an oracle 
that he should dwell in whatever place he should be 
entertained by wild beasts, he traversed a great 
extent of country till he fell in with wolves that 
were devouring pieces of sheep; but when they saw 
him they abandoned their prey and fled. So 
Athamas settled in that country and named it 
Athamantia after himself ;? and he married Themisto, 
daughter of Hypseus, and begat Leucon, Erythrius, 
Schoeneus, and Ptous. 
sqq. It is said that Hera drove Athamas mad because she 
was angry with him for receiving from Hermes the infant 
Dionysus and bringing him up as a girl. See Apollodorus, 
111. 4. 3; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron., 22. 

2 Compare Scholiast on Plato, Minos, p. 315c; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 22; Etymologicum Magnum, 8.v. ’A@a- 

μάντιον, Ὁ. 24.10. According to the last of these writers, 
Athamantia was a plain in Thessaly. 

Σίσυφος δὲ ὁ Αἰόλου κτίσας ᾿Εφύραν τὴν viv 
λεγομένην Κόρινθον γαμεῖ Μερόπην τὴν ΓΑτλαν- 
τος. ἐξ αὐτῶν παῖς γίνεται Γλαῦκος, ᾧ παῖς 
Βελλεροφόντης ἐξ Εὐρυμέδης ἐγεννήθη, ὃς ἔκτεινε 
τὴν πυρίπνουν Χίμαιραν. κολάζεται δὲ Σίσυφος 
ἐν “Atéov πέτρον ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ 
κυλίων, καὶ τοῦτον ὑπερβάλλειν θέλων: οὗτος 
δὲ ὠθούμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὠθεῖται πάλιν εἰς τοὐπίσω. 
τίνει δὲ ταύτην τὴν δίκην διὰ τὴν ᾿Ασωποῦ 
θυγατέρα Αἴγιναν: ἁρπάσαντα γὰρ αὐτὴν κρύφα 
Δία ᾿Ασωπῷ μηνῦσαι ζητοῦντι λέγεται. 

Δηιὼν δὲ βασιλεύων τῆς Φωκίδος Διομήδην 
τὴν Ἐξούθου γαμεῖ, καὶ αὐτῷ γίνεται θυγάτηρ μὲν 
᾿Αστεροδία,; παῖδες δὲ Αἰνετὸς “Axtwp Φύλακος 
Κέφαλος, ὃς γαμεῖ Πρόκριν 2 τὴν ᾿Ερεχθέως. 
αὖθις δὲ ἡ ᾿Ηὼς αὐτὸν ἁρπάζει ἐρασθεῖσα. 

Περιήρης δὲ Μεσσήνην κατασχὼν Γοργοφόνην 
τὴν Περσέως ἔγημεν, ἐξ ἧς ᾿Αφαρεὺς αὐτῷ καὶ 
Λεύκιππος καὶ Τυνδάρεως ἔτι τε ᾿Ικάριος παῖδες 

l*Aorepodia Preller (comparing Scholiast on Homer, 7. 
ii. 520, Scholiast on Euripides, Jroades, 9),  Hercher, 
Wagner: ᾿Αστεροπία A. 

2 Πρόκριν Aegius: πρόκνην A. 

1 Compare Homer, Iliad, vi. 152 sg. ; Pausanias, ii. 1. 1. 

2 As to Bellerophon and the Chimera, see Apollodorus, ii. 
3. 1, with the note. 

3 As to Sisyphus and his stone, see Homer, Od. xi. 593-600. 
Homer does not say why Sisyphus was thus punished, but 
Pausanias (ii. 5. 1) and the Scholiast on Homer (Iliad, i. 180) 
agree with Apollodorus as to the crime which incurred this 
punishment. Hyginus assigns impiety as the cause of his 
sufferings (Fab. 60). The picturesque story of this cunning 
knave, who is said to have laid Death himself by the heels, 
so that nobody died till Ares released Death and delivered 

And Sisyphus, son of Aeolus, founded Ephyra, which 
is now called Corinth, and married Merope, daughter 
of Atlas. They had a son Glaucus, who had by 
EKurymede a son Bellerophon, who slew the fire- 
breathing Chimera? But Sisyphus is punished in 
Hades by rolling a stone with his hands and head in 
the effort to heave it over the top; but push it as he 
will, it rebounds backward.? This punishment he 
endures for the sake of Aegina, daughter of Asopus ; 
for when Zeus had secretly carried her off, Sisyphus 
is said to have betrayed the secret to Asopus, who 
was looking for her. 

Deion reigned over Phocis and married Diomede, 
daughter of Xuthus; and there were born to him a 
daughter, Asterodia, and sons, Aenetus, Actor, 
Phylacus, and Cephalus, who married Procris, 
daughter of Erechtheus.* But afterwards Dawn fell 
in love with him and carried him off. 

Perieres took possession of Messene and married 
Gorgophone, daughter of Perseus, by whom he had 
sons, to wit, Aphareus and Leucippus,° and Tyndareus, 

Sisyphus himself into his clutches (Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, 
vi. 153), was the theme of plays by Aeschylus, Sophocles, 
and Euripides. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
A. Nauck’, pp. 74 sqq., 251,572; The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 184 sg. Critias, one of the Thirty 
Tyrants at Athens, is credited with a play on the same 
theme, of which a very striking fragment, giving a wholly 
sceptical view of the origin of the belief in gods, has come 
down tous. Sec Sextus Empiricus, ed. Im. Bekker, pp. 402 
8qq.; Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. ΝΕ λοι, 
pp- 771 δᾳᾳ. 

4 Compare ii. 4. 7, iii. 15.1. As to the love of Dawn or 
Day for Cephalus, see Hesiod, Theog. 986 sqq.; Pausanias, i. 
3.1; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 41 ; Ovid, Metamorph. 
vii. 700-713 ; Hyginus, Fab. 189, 270. 

5 Compare Pausanias, iv. 2. 2 and 4. 

ἐγένοντο. πολλοὶ δὲ τὸν Περιήρην λέγουσιν οὐκ 
Αἰόλον παῖδα ἀλλὰ Κυνόρτα trod ᾿Αμύκλα: 
διόπερ τὰ περὶ τῶν Περιήρους ἐκγόνων ἐν τῷ 
᾿Ατλαντικῷ γένει δηλώσομεν. 

Μάγνης δὲ 2 γαμεῖ νύμφην νηίδα, καὶ γίνονται 
αὐτῷ παῖδες Πολυδέκτης καὶ Δίκτυς" οὗτοι 
Σέριφον ᾧκισαν." | 

Σαλμωνεὺς δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον περὶ Θεσσαλίαν 
κατῴκει, παραγενόμενος δὲ αὖθις εἰς Ἦλιν ἐκεῖ 
πόλιν ἔκτισεν. ὑβριστὴς δὲ ὧν καὶ τῷ Au ἐξισοῦ- 
σθαι θέλων διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν ἐκολάσθη: ἔλεγε 
γὰρ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι Δία, καὶ τὰς ἐκείνου θυσίας 
ἀφελόμενος ἑαυτῷ προσέτασσε θύειν, καὶ βύρσας 
μὲν ἐξηραμμένας ἐξ ἅρματος μετὰ λεβήτων χαλ- 
κῶν σύρων ἔλεγε βροντᾶν, βάλλων δὲ εἰς οὐρανὸν 
αἰθομένας λαμπάδας ἔλεγεν ἀστράπτειν. Ζεὺς δὲ 
αὐτὸν κεραυνώσας τὴν κτισθεῖσαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πόλιν 
καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἠφάνισε πάντας. 

Τυρὼ δὲ ἡ Σαλμωνέως θυγάτηρ καὶ ᾿Αλκιδίκης 
παρὰ Κρηθεῖ [τῷ Σαλμωνέως ἀδελφῷ] τρεφομένη 
ἔρωτα ἴσχει ᾿Ενιπέως τοῦ ποταμοῦ, καὶ συνεχῶς 
ἐπὶ τὰ τούτου ῥεῖθρα φοιτῶσα τούτοις ἐπωδύρετο.5 

1 Κυνόρτα Aegius: κυνόντου A, 

2 δὲ The MSS. add Αἰόλου, which is retained by Miiller 
and Bekker, bracketed by Westermann, and deleted by 
Hercher and Wagner. 

3 Πολυδέκτης Aegius: πολυδεύκης A. 

4 ὥκισαν Heyne: ᾧκησαν A. 

5 δπωδύρετο Faber, Bekker, Wagner: ἀπωδύρετο A, Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller: ἐπενήχετο Hercher (comparing Philo- 
stratus, Lpist. 47, ἡ δὲ Τυρὼ τῷ ᾿Ενιπεῖ ἐπενήξατο). 

1 See below, iii. 10. 3. 
2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 68. 1. His city was called 

and also Icarius. But many say that Perieres was 
not the son of Aeolus but of Cynortas, son of 
Amyclas ;! so we shall narrate the history of the 
descendants of Perieres in dealing with the family 
of Atlas. 

Magnes married a Naiad nymph, and sons were 
born to him, Polydectes and Dictys; these colonized 
Seriphus. 

Salmoneus at first dwelt in Thessaly, but after- 
wards he came to Elis and there founded a city.? 
And being arrogant and wishful to put himself on an 
equality with Zeus, he was punished for his impiety ; 
for he said that he was himself Zeus, and he took 
away the sacrifices of the god and ordered them to 
be offered to himself; and by dragging dried hides, 
with bronze kettles, at his chariot, he said that he 
thundered, and by flinging lighted torches at the 
sky he said that he lightened. But Zeus struck him 
with a thunderbolt, and wiped out the city he had 
founded with all its inhabitants.? 

Now Tyro, daughter of Salmoneus and Alcidice, 
was brought up by Cretheus, brother of Salmoneus, 
and conceived a passion for the river Enipeus, and 
often would she hie to its running waters and utter 
Salmone. See Strabo, vii. 3. 81] and 32, p. 356; Stephanus 
Byzantius, 8.v. Σαλμώνη. 

8. Compare Virgil, Aen. vi. 585 sqq. with the commentary 
of Servius; Hyginus, Fab. 61; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 28, 93 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 82; Second Vatican Mythographer, 56). In 
the traditions concerning Salmoneus we muy perhaps trace 
the reminiscence of a line of kings who personated the Sky-god 
Zeus and attempted to make rain, thunder and lightning by 
means of imitative magic. See The Magic Art and the 
Evolution of Kings, i. 310, ii. 177, 180 sg. Sophocles composed 
a Satyric play on the subject (The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 177 sqq.). δι 

VOL. I. G 

Ποσειδῶν δὲ εἰκασθεὶς ᾿Ἐνιπεῖ συγκατεκλίθη 
αὐτῇ ἡ δὲ γεννήσασα κρύφα διδύμους παῖδας 
ἐκτίθησιν. ἐκκειμένων δὲ τῶν βρεφῶν, παριόντων 
ἱπποφορβῶν" ἵππος μία προσαψαμένη τῇ χηλῇ " 
θατέρον τῶν βρεφῶν πέλιόν τι τοῦ προσώπου 
μέρος ἐποίησεν. ὁ δὲ ἱπποφορβὸς ἀμφοτέρους 
τοὺς παῖδας ἀνελόμενος ἔθρεψε, καὶ τὸν μὲν πελιω- 
θέντα Πελίαν ἐκάλεσε, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον Νηλέα. 
τελειωθέντες δὲ ἀνεγνώρισαν τὴν μητέρα, καὶ τὴν 
μητρυιὰν ἀπέκτειναν Σιδηρώ: κακουμένην γὰρ 
γνόντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τὴν μητέρα ὥρμησαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτήν, 
ἡ δὲ φθάσασα εἰς τὸ τῆς Ἥρας τέμενος κατέφυγε, 

1 παριόντων ἱπποφορβῶν MSS. and editors: παριόντος ἱππο- 
φορβοῦ Hercher. But compare Scholiast on Homer, 7. x. 
334, ἐπελθόντες οὖν of ἱπποφορβοὶ ἀνελομενοί τε τὰ παιδία 
ἔτρεφον. On the other hand Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xi. 
253, p. 1681, has the singular: τοῦτον μὲν ἱπποφορβὸς ἀνελό- 
μενος KTA. 

2 θηλῇ A. Wagner ascribes the correction χηλῇ to Aegius ; 
but in his text Aegius reads θηλῇ and translates it so 
(‘‘mamma casu quodam tetigisset”). Commelinus and Gale 
read χηλῇ, and so Heyne, ‘Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher, and Wagner. 

1 As to the passion of Tyro for the river Enipeus, see 
Homer, Od. xi. 235 sqq.; Lucian, Dial. Marin. 13 ; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 68.3; Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xi. 234, p. 1681. 
Sophocles.wrote two plays, both called T'yro, on the romantic 
love and sorrows of thisheroine. See Tragicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 272 sqq.; The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 270 eqq. 

As to the exposure and discovery of the twins Pelias and 
Neleus, see Menander, Epitrepontes, 108-116 (Four Plays of 
Menander, ed. E. Capps, pp. 60 sq.); Scholiast on Homer, 71. 
x. 334; Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xi. 253, p. 1681. Accord- 
ing to Eustathius and the Scholiast on Homer (ll.ce.), Pelias 
was suckled by a mare and Neleus by a bitch. Compare 

her plaint to them. But Poseidon in the likeness of 
Enipeus lay with her,! and she secretly gave birth 
to twin sons, whom she exposed. As the babes lay 
forlorn, a mare, belonging to some passing horse- 
keepers, kicked with its hoof one of the two infants 
and left a livid mark on its face. The horse-keeper 
took up both the children and reared them; and the 
one with the livid (pelion) mark he called Pelias, 
and the other Neleus.2, When they were grown up, 
they discovered their mother and killed their 
stepmother Sidero. For knowing that their mother 
was ill-used by her, they attacked her, but before 
they could catch her she had taken refuge in the 
precinct of Hera. However, Pelias cut her down 

Aelian, Var. Hist. xii.42. Aristotle says (Poetics, 16, p. 1454, 
b 25) that in Sophocles’s play Tyro the recognition of the 
forsaken babes was affected by means of the ark (σκάφη) in 
which they were found. Menander seems to have followed 
a somewhat different tradition, for he says that the children 
were found by an old goatherd, and that the token by which ᾿ 
they were recognized was a small scrip or wallet (πηρίδιον). 
The legend of the exposed twins, the children of a divine 
father by a human mother, who were suckled by animals, 
reared by a peasant, and grew up to quarrel about a kingdom, 
presents points of resemblance to the legend of Romulus and 
Remus; and it has even been suggested that the Greek tale, 
as dramatized by Sophocles, was the ultimate source of the 
Roman story, having filtered to the early Roman historian 
Q. Fabius Pictor through the medium of the Greek historian 
Diocles of Peparethus, whom Fabius Pictor appears to have 
followed on this and many other points of early Roman 
history (Plutarch, Romulus, 3). The same word σκάφη which 
Sophocles seems to have applied to the ark in which Pelias 
andl Neleus were exposed, is applied by Plutarch (/.c.) to 
the ark in which Romulus and Remus were exposed. See 
C. Trieber, ‘‘ Die Romulussage,” Rheinisches Museum, N.F. 
xliii. (1888), pp. 568. 
3 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175, who seems 
to have copied Apollodorus. 

a 2 

LleNay δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν βωμῶν αὐτὴν κατέσφαξε, 

Ὁ καὶ καθόλου διετέλει τὴν Ἥραν ἀτιμάξων. ἐστα- 

σίασαν δὲ ὕστερον πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ Νηλεὺς 
μὲν ἐκπεσὼν ἧκεν εἰς Μεσσήνην καὶ Πύλον κτίζει, 
καὶ γαμεῖ Χλωρίδα τὴν ᾿Αμφίονος, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ 
γίνεται θυγώτηρ μὲν Πηρώ, ἄρρενες δὲ Ταῦρος 
᾿Αστέριος Τυλάων Δηίμαχος Εὐρύβιος Επίλαος 
ᾧΦριίσιος Evpuuévns Εὐαγόρας ᾿Αλάστωρ Νέστωρ 
Ἰ]ερικλύμενος, ᾧ δὴ καὶ ἸΙοσειδῶν δίδωσι μετα- 
βάλλειν τὰς μορφάς, καὶ μαχόμενος ὅτε Ἡρακλῆς 
ἐξεπόρθει Πύλον, γινόμενος ὁτὲ μὲν λέων ὁτὲ δὲ 
ὄφις ὁτὲ δὲ μέλισσα, ὑφ᾽ ᾿Ηρακλέους μετὰ τῶν 
ἄλλων Νηλέως παίδων ἀπέθανεν. ἐσώθη δὲ 
Νέστωρ μόνος, ἐπειδὴ παρὰ Τερηνίοις ἐτρέφετο" 
ὃς γήμας ᾿Αναξιβίαν τὴν Κρατιέως θυγατέρας 
μὲν Πεισιδίκην καὶ Πολυκάστην ἐγέννησε, παῖδας 
δὲ Περσέα Στράτιχον Αρητον ᾿Εχέφρονα Πεισίοσ- 
τρατον ᾿Αντίλοχον Θρασυμήδην. 

Πελίας δὲ περὶ Θεσσαλίαν κατῴκει, καὶ γήμας 
᾿Αναξιβίαν τὴν Βίαντος, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι 1 Φυλομάχην 
τὴν ᾿Αμφίονος, ἐγέννησε παῖδα μὲν Ακαστον, 
θυγατέρας δὲ Πεισιδίκην Ἰ]Πελόπειαν ᾿Ἱπποθόην 
ἼΑλκηστιν. 

Κρηθεὺς δὲ κτίσας ᾿Ιωλκὸν γαμεῖ Τυρὼ τὴν 

1 ἔνιοι R, Wagner : ἔνιοι λέγουσι A. 

1 Compare Homer, Od. xi. 28] sqq.; Pausanias, iv. 2. ὅ. ᾿ 

2 See below, ii. 7. 3, and compare Homer, 11. xi. 690-693, 
with the Scholia; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 549 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 10. As to Periclymenus, see the verses of Hesiod 

quoted by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 156, 

according to whom Periclymenus received from Poseidon the 
power of turning himself into an eagle, an ant, a bee, or a 
anake; but Hercules, so says the scholiast, killed him with 

8. 

on the very altars, and ever after he continued to 
treat Hera with contumely. But afterwards the 
brothers fell out, and Neleus, being banished, came 
to Messene, and founded Pylus, and married Chloris," 
daughter of Amphion, by whom he had a daughter, 
Pero, and sons, to wit, Taurus, Asterius, Pylaon, 
Deimachus, Eurybius, Epilaus, Phrasius, Eurymenes, 
Evagoras, Alastor, Nestor and Periclymenus, whom 
Poseidon granted the power of changing his shape. 
And when Hercules was ravaging Pylus, in the fight 
Periclymenus turned himself into a lion, a snake, and 
a bee, but was slain by Hercules with the other sons 
of Neleus. Nestor alone was saved, because he was 
brought up among the Gerenians.2,/ He married 
Anaxibia, daughter of Cratieus,? and begat daughters, 
Pisidice and Polycaste, and sons, Perseus, Stratichus, 
Aretus, Echephron, Pisistratus, Antilochus, and 
Thrasymedes. 

But Pelias dwelt in Thessaly and married Anaxibia, 
daughter of Bias, but according to some his wife was 
Phylomache, daughter of Amphion; and he begat 
a son, Acastus, and daughters, Pisidice, Pelopia, 
Hippothoe, and Alcestis.* 

Cretheus founded Ioleus and married Tyro, 

a blow of his club when he had assumed the form of a fly. 
According to another account, it was in the form of a bee 
that Periclymenus was slain by Hercules (Eustathius, on 
Homer, Od. xi. 285, pp. 1685 sq.; Scholiast on Homer, 1}. ii. 
336). But Ovid (l.c.) says that Hercules shot him in the 
shape of an eagle, and this version is followed by Hyginus 
(Fab. 10). Periclymenus is also reported to have been able 
to change himself into any animal or tree he pleased (Kusta- 
thius, l.c.; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 286). 

8 According to Homer (Od. iii. 452), the wife of Nestor 
was Eurydice, daughter of Clymenus. 

4 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175. 

’ 3 φ 3 ΄΄ε , σι ν 
Σαλμωνέως, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ γίνονται παῖδες Αἴσων 
3 , ’ 3 , , 4 » A 
Αμυθάων Φέρης. ᾿Αμυθάων μὲν οὖν οἰκῶν 
Πύλον ᾿ Εἰδομένην γαμεῖ τὴν Φέρητος, καὶ γίνον- 

A 3 A Ld \ s a > AN aA 
ται παῖδες αὐτῷ Βίας καὶ Μελάμπους, ὃς ἐπὶ τῶν 
χωρίων διατελῶν, οὔσης πρὸ τῆς οἰκήσεως αὐτοῦ 
δρυὸς ἐν 7 φωλεὸς ὄφεων ὑπῆρχεν. ἀποκτεινάντων 
τῶν θεραπόντων τοὺς ὄφεις τὰ μὲν ἑρπετὰ ξύλα 
συμφορήσας ἔκαυσε, τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὄφεων νεοσσοὺς 

e 
ἔθρεψεν. οἱ δὲ γενόμενοι τέλειοι παραστάντες 3 
αὐτῷ κοιμωμένῳ τῶν ὦμων ἐξ ἑκατέρου τὰς ἀκοὰς 
ταῖς γλώσσαις ἐξεκάθαιρον. ὁ δὲ ἀναστὰς καὶ 
γενόμενος περιδεὴς τῶν ὑπερπετομένων ὀρνέων 
τὰς φωνὰς συνίει, καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων μανθάνων 
[ά a 2 ’ A I. 4 

προύλεγε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις Ta μέλλοντα. προσέλαβε 
δὲ καὶ τὴν διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν μαντικήν, περὶ δὲ τὸν 
3 Ν \ 3 Ἁ N wv 
Αλῴφειὸν συντυχὼν Ἀπόλλωνι TO λοιπὸν ἄριστος 
ἦν μάντις. 

Bias δὲ 5 ἐμνηστεύετο Inpm τὴν Νηλέως ὁ 
δὲ πολλῶν αὐτῷ μνηστευομένων τὴν θυγατέρα 
1 πύλον E: πύλην A. 2 παραστάντες Ei: περιστάντες A. 

3 Blas δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμυθάονος A: the words ὁ ᾿Αμυθάονος were con- 

demned as a gloss by Heyne and are omitted by Hercher 
and Wagner. | 

1 Compare Homer, Od. xi. 258 sq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on 

Lycophron, 175. 

2 As to the mode in which Melampus learned the language 
of birds, and with it the art of divination, from serpents in 
return for the kindness which he had shown to their species, 
see Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 118 ; compare 
Kustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 292, p. 1685; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 
x. 137. Helenus and Cassandra are said to have acquired their 
prophetic power in like manner. As children they were left 
overnight in a temple of Apollo, and in the morning serpents 
were found licking their ears. See Scholiast on Homer, J1. 
vii. 44; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, Introd. vol. i. pp. 

daughter of Salmoneus, by whom he had sons, 
Aeson, Amythaon, and Pheres.1 Amythaon dwelt 
in Pylus and married Idomene, daughter of Pheres, 
and there were born to him two sons, Bias and 
Melampus. The latter lived in the country, and 
before his house there was an oak, in which there 
was a lair of snakes. His servants killed the 
snakes, but Melampus gathered wood and burnt the 
reptiles, and reared the young ones. And when 
the young were full grown, they stood beside him 
at each of his shoulders as he slept, and they 
purged his ears with their tongues. He started up 
in a great fright, but understood the voices of the 
birds flying overhead, and from what he learned 
from them he foretold to men what should come 
to pass.?- He acquired besides the art of taking the 
auspices, and having fallen in with Apollo at the 
Alpheus he was ever after an excellent soothsayer. 
Bias wooed Pero, daughter of Neleus.? But as 
there were many suitors for his daughter’s hand, 

266 sq.,ed..C. G. Miiller. Porphyry said that perhaps we and 
all mén might have understood the language of all animals 
if a serpent had washed our ears (De abstinentia, iii. 4). In 
the folk-tales of many lands, men are said to have obtained 
a knowledge of the language of animals from serpents, either 
by eating the flesh of serpents or in other ways. See my 
article, ‘‘ The Language of Animals,” The Archaeological 
Review, i. (1888), pp. 166 sqq. 

* The following romantic tale of the wooing of Pero is 
told also by the Scholiast on Homer (Od. xi. 287). It is 
repeated also in substantially the same form by Eustathius, 
on Homer, Od. xi. 292, p. 1685. Compare Scholiast on 
Theocritus, iii. 43; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 118 ; 
Propertius, ii. 3. 51 sgqqg. A summary of the story, shorn of 
its miraculous elements, is given by Homer (Od. xi. 287-297, 
xv. 225-238) and Pausanias (iv. 36. 3). See Appendix, 
«‘Melampus and the kine of Phylacus.” 

δώσειν ἔφη τῷ τὰς Φυλάκου! Boas Kopi- 
σαντι. αὐτῷ. αὗται δὲ ἦσαν ἐν Φυλάκῃ, καὶ 

4 3 4 3 Ἁ Φ ww Mv ” 
κύων ἐφύλασσεν αὐτὰς οὗ οὔτε ἄνθρωπος οὔτε 
θηρίον πέλας ἐλθεῖν ἠδύνατο. ταύτας ἀδυνατῶν 
Βίας τὰς βόας κλέψαι παρεκάλει τὸν ἀδελφὸν 

͵ 4 \ e , \ 

συλλαβέσθαι. Μελάμπους δὲ ὑπέσχετο, καὶ 
προεῖπεν ὅτι φωραθήσεται κλέπτων καὶ δεθεὶς 
ἐνιαυτὸν οὕτω τὰς βόας λήψεται. μετὰ δὲ τὴν 
ὑπόσχεσιν εἰς Φυλάκην ἀπήει καί, καθάπερ 
προεῖπε, φωραθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ δέσμιος 5 ἐν 
οἰκήματι ἐφυλάσσετο. λειπομένου δὲ τοῦ ἐνι- 
αυτοῦ βραχέος χρόνου, τῶν κατὰ τὸ κρυφαῖον 
τῆς στέγης σκωλήκων ἀκούει, τοῦ μὲν ἐρωτῶντος 

ν J, a“ “A , “A N 
πόσον ἤδη μέρος τοῦ δοκοῦ διαβέβρωται, τῶν δὲ 
ἀποκρινομένων λοιπὸν ἐλάχιστον εἶναι. καὶ 
ταχέως ἐκέλευσεν αὑτὸν εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα μετα- 
γαγεῖν, γενομένου δὲ τούτου μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ συνέ- 
πεσε τὸ οἴκημα. θαυμάσας δὲ Φύλακος, καὶ 
μαθὼν ὅτι ἐστὶ μάντις ἄριστος, λύσας παρεκά- 
λεσεν εἰπεῖν ὅπως αὐτοῦ τῷ παιδὶ ᾿Ιφίκλῳ παῖδες 
γένωνται. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὰς βόας λή- 
ψεται. καὶ καταθύσας ταύρους δύο καὶ μελίσας 
τοὺς οἰωνοὺς προσεκαλέσατο: παραγενομένου δὲ 
αἰγυπιοῦ, παρὰ τούτου μανθάνει δὴ ὅτι Φύλακός 
ποτε κριοὺς τέμνων ἐπὶ τῶν αἰδοίων ὃ παρὰ τῷ 

Ἰφίκλῳ τὴν μάχαιραν ἡμαγμένην ἔτι κατέθετο, 
δείσαντος δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ φυγόντος αὖθις κατὰ 
τῆς ἱερᾶς δρυὸς αὐτὴν ἔπηξε, καὶ ταύτην ἀμφι- 

1 Φυλάκου A, Westermann, Miiller: Ἰφίκλον Aegius, 
Heyne, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. 

2 δέσμιος Bekker: δεσμοῖς A. 

3 κρυφαῖον RR®B: κορυφαῖον C, PR¢ in the margin: dpo- 
φιαῖον Faber, Hercher. ‘ ἀποκρινομένων R: ἀποκριναμένων A. 

> αἰδοίων R: αἰβίων Α : ἀγρῶν Heyne, Westermann, Bekker. 

Neleus said that he would give her to him who 
should bring him the kine of Phylacus. These 
were in Phylace, and they were guarded by a dog 
which neither man nor beast could come near. 
Unable to steal these kine, Bias invited his brother 
to help him. Melampus promised to do so, and 
foretold that he should be detected in the act of 
stealing them, and that he should get the kine after 
being kept in bondage for a year. After making 
this promise he repaired to Phylace and, just as 
he had foretold, he was detected in the theft and 
kept a prisoner in a cell. When the year was nearly 
up, he heard the worms in the hidden part of the 
roof, one of them asking how much of the beam 
had been already gnawed through, and others an- 
swering that very little of it was left. At once 
he bade them transfer him to another cell, 
and not long after that had been done the cell 
fell in. Phylacus marvelled, and perceiving that 
he was an excellent soothsayer, he released him 
and invited him to say how his son Iphiclus might 
get children. Melampus promised to tell him, 
provided he got the kine. And having sacrificed 
two bulls and cut them in pieces he summoned the 
birds; and when a vulture came, he learned from 
it that once, when Phylacus was gelding rams, he 
laid down the knife, still bloody, beside Iphiclus, 
and that when the child was frightened and ran 
away, he stuck the knife on the sacred oak,! and the 

1 According to the Scholiast on Homer (Od. xi. 287 and 
290) and Eustathius (on Homer, Od. xi. 292, p. 1685), the tree 
was not an oak but a wild pear-tree (&xepdos). 

Tpoxacas * ἐκάλυψεν. ὁ φλοιός. ἔλεγεν οὖν, 
εὑρεθείσης τῆς μαχαίρας εἰ ξύων τὸν ἰὸν ἐπὶ 
ἡμέρας δέκα Ἰφίκλῳ δῷ πιεῖν, παῖδα γεννήσειν. 
ταῦτα μαθὼν παρ᾽ αἰγυπιοῦ Μελάμπους τὴν μὲν 
μάχαιραν εὗρε, τῷ δὲ ᾿Ιφίκλῳ τὸν ἰὸν ξύσας ἐπὶ 
ἡμέρας δέκα δέδωκε πιεῖν, καὶ παῖς αὐτῷ Ποδάρ- 
κης ἐγένετο. “τὰς δὲ βόας εἰς Πύλον ἤλασε, καὶ 
τῷ ἀδελφῷ τὴν Νηλέως θυγατέρα λαβὼν ἔδωκε. 
καὶ μέχ . μέν τινος ἐν Μεσσήνῃ κατῴκει, ὡς δὲ 
τὰς ἐν “Apyet γυναῖκας ἐξέμηνε Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ 
μέρει τῆς ὃ βασιλείας ἰασάμενος αὐτὰς ἐκεῖ μετὰ 
Βίαντος κατῴκησε. 

Βίαντος δὲ καὶ ἸΠηροῦς Ταλαός, οὗ καὶ Λυσι- 
μάχης τῆς ἼΑβαντος τοῦ Μελάμποδος᾽ ᾿Αδραστος 
Παρθενοπαῖος Πρῶναξ Μηκιστεὺς ᾿Αριστόμαχος 
᾿Εριφύλη, ἣν ᾿Αμφιάραος γαμεῖ. Παρθενοπαίου 
ὲ I popaxos ἐγένετο, ὃς μετὰ τῶν ἐπιγόνων ἐπὶ 
Θήβας ἐστρατεύθη, Μηκιστέως δὲ _ Εὐρύαλος, ὃ ὃς 
ἧκεν εἰς Τροίαν. Πρώνακτος δὲ ἐγένετο Λυκοῦρ- 
γος, ᾿Αδράστου δὲ καὶ ᾿Αμφιθέας τῆς Πρώνακτος 
θυγατέρες μὲν ᾿Αργεία AnurvAn Αἰγιάλεια, παῖ- 
δες δὲ Αὐγιαλεὺς «καὶ; Κυάνιππος. 

Φέρης δὲ ὁ Κρηθέως Φερὰς ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ κτί- 
σας ἐγέννησεν "Αδμητον καὶ Λυκοῦργον. Λυκοῦρ- 
γος μὲν οὖν περὶ Νεμέαν κατῴκησε, γήμας δὲ 
Εὐρυδίκην, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοί φασιν ᾿Αμφιθέαν, ἐγέν- 
νησεν ᾿Οφέλτην «τὸν Darepov>* κληθέντα ᾿Αρχέ- 
μορον. ᾿Αδμήτου δὲ βασιλεύοντος τῶν , Ῥερῶν, 
ἐθήτευσεν ᾿Απόλλων αὐτῷ μνηστευομένῳ τὴν 

᾿ ducer poxdoas R: ἀμφιτροχώσας A. 
| ἐπὶ Β: ὑπὸ Α. δ τῆς R: τοῦ A. 
4 τὸν ὕστερον added by Hercher. 

go 

bark encompassed the knife and hid it. He said, 
therefore, that if the knife were found, and he scraped 
off the rust, and gave it to Iphiclus to drink for ten 
days, he would beget a son. Having learned these 
things from the vulture, Melampus found the knife, 
scraped the rust, and gave it to Iphiclus for ten days 
to drink, and a son Podarces was born to him.! 
But he drove the kine to Pylus, and having received 
the daughter of Neleus he gave her to his brother. 
For a time he continued to dwell in Messene, but 
when Dionysus drove the women of Argos mad, 
he healed them on condition of receiving part of the 
kingdom, and settled down there with Bias.? 

Bias and Pero had a son Talaus, who married 
Lysimache, daughter of Abas, son of Melampus, and 
had by her Adrastus, Parthenopaeus, Pronax, Mecis- 
teus, Aristomachus, and Eriphyle, whom Amphiaraus 
married. Parthenopaeus had a son Promachus, who 
marched with the Epigoni against Thebes;? and 
Mecisteus had a son Euryalus, who went to Troy.‘ 
Pronax had a son Lycurgus; and Adrastus had by 
Amphithea, daughter of Pronax, three daughters, 
Argia, Deipyle, and Aegialia, arid two sons, Aegialeus 
and Cyanippus. 

Pheres, son of Cretheus, founded Pherae in Thessaly 
and begat Admetus and Lycurgus. Lycurgus took up 
his abode at Nemea, and having married Eurydice, or, as 
some say, Amphithea, he begat Opheltes, afterwards 
called Archemorus.2 When Admetus reigned over 
Pherae, Apollo served him as his thrall ,6 while Admetus 

: Soper Apollodorus, Epitome, iii. 20, with the note. 

2 See below, ii. 2. 2; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 68.4; Pausanias, 
ii. 18. 4. 

3 Compare below, iii. 7.2. * See Homer, 72. 11. 565 84. 

5 See below, iii. 6. 4. ® See below, iii. 10. 4. 

gi 

Πελίου θυγατέρα ΓΑλκηστιν. ἐκείνου 1 δὲ δώσειν 
ἐπαγγειλαμένου 5 τὴν θυγατέρα τῷ καταζεύξαντι 
ἅρμα λέοντος καὶ κάπρου, ᾿Απόλλων ζεύξας 
ἔδωκεν. ὁ δὲ κομίσας πρὸς Πελίαν "Αλκηστιν 
λαμβάνει. θύων δὲ ἐν τοῖς γάμοις ἐξελάθετο 
᾿Αρτέμιδι θῦσαι" διὰ τοῦτο τὸν θάλαμον ἀνοίξας 
εὗρε δρακόντων σπειράμασι 4 πεπληρωμένον. 
᾿Απόλλων δὲ εὐπὼν ἐξιλάσκεσθαι τὴν θεόν, ἡτή- 
σατο παρὰϑ μοιρῶν ἵνα, ὅταν “Adunros μέλλῃ 
τελευτᾶν, ἀπολυθῇ τοῦ θανάτου, ἂν ἑκουσίως τις 
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ θνήσκειν ἕληται. ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν ἡ 
τοῦ θνήσκειν ἡμέρα, μήτε τοῦ πατρὸς μήτε τῆς 
μητρὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ θνήσκειν θελόντων, ᾿Αλκηστις 
ὑπεραπέθανε. καὶ αὐτὴν πάλιν ἀνέπεμψεν ἡ 
Κόρη, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, Ἡρακλῆς «πρὸς 
αὐτὸν ἀνεκόμισε; ἴ μαχεσάμενος “Αὐδῃ. 

Αἴσονος δὲ τοῦ Κρηθέως καὶ Πολυμήδης τῆς 
Αὐτολύκου Ἰάσων. οὗτος wxe ἐν ᾿Ιωλκῷ, τῆς 

1 ἐκείνου Heyne, Hercher, Wagner: ἐκείνῳ MSS., Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker. 

2 ἐπαγγειλαμένου. The MSS. add πελλίον (Πελίου), which 
is deleted by Hercher and Wagner, following Heyne. 
> λέοντος καὶ κάπρον Heyne: λεόντων καὶ κάπρων A. 
σπειράμασι Heyne: σπείραμα A. 
παρὰ RR: περὶ A. 

6 πἰτώμλ τι The MSS. add πατὴρ 4 μήτηρ ἢ γυνή. These - 
words are retained by Westermann and Miiller, but omitted 
by Bekker, Hercher, and Wagner, following Heyne. 

7 «πρὸς αὐτὸν dvexducoe>. Omitted in the MSS. : restored 
by Fischer and Wagner from Zenobius, Cent. i. 18. 

σι Φ. 

1 Compare Hyginus, Fab. 50 and 51. 

3 That is, Persephone. 

3 This pathetic story is immortalized by Euripides in his 
noble tragedy Alcestis, happily still extant. Compare 

wooed Alcestis, daughter of Pelias.. Now Pelias 
had promised to give his daughter to him who should 
yoke a lion and a boar to a car, and Apollo yoked and 
gave them to Admetus, who brought them to Pelias 
and so obtained Alcestis.1 But in offering a sacrifice 
at his marriage, he forgot to sacrifice to Artemis ; 
therefore when he opened the marriage chamber he 
found it full of coiled snakes. Apollo bade him 
appease the goddess and obtained as a favour of the 
Fates that, when Admetus should be about to die, 
he might be released from death if someone should 
choose voluntarily to die for him. And when 
the day of his death came neither his father nor his 
mother would die for him, but Alcestis died in his 
stead. But the Maiden? sent her up again, or, as 
some say, Hercules fought with Hades and brought 
her up to him.’ 

Aeson, son of Cretheus, had a son Jason by 
Polymede, daughter of Autolycus. Now Jason dwelt in 

Zenobius, Cent. i. 18, which to a certain extent agrees 
verbally with this passage of Apollodorus. The tale of 
Admetus and Alcestis has its parallel in history. Once 
’ when Philip II. of Spain had fallen ill and seemed like to 
die, his fourth wife, Anne of Austria, ‘‘in her distress, 
implored the Almighty to spare a life so important to the 
welfare of the kingdom and of the church, and instead of 
it to accept the sacrifice of her own. Heaven, says the 
chronicler, as the result showed, listened to her prayer. The 
king recovered ; and the queen fell ill of a disorder which in 
a few days terminated fatally.” So they laid the dead queen 
to her last rest, with the kings of Spain, in the gloomy pile 
of the Escurial among the wild and barren mountains of 
Castile ; but there was no Hercules to complete the parallel 
with the Greek legend by restoring her in the bloom of life 
and beauty to the arms of her husband. See W. H. Prescott, 
History of the Reign of Philip the Second, bk. vi. chap. 2, at 
the end. 

ἧς Ἰωλκοῦ Πελίας ἐβασίλευσε μετὰ Κρηθέα, ᾧ 
ower περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐθέσπισεν ὁ θεὸς 
ἐὰν uprocavdaroy φυλάξασθαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶ- 
κῶν pyrcet τὸν χρησμόν, αὖθις δὲ ὕστερον αὐτὸν 
saa. τελῶν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ Ποσειδῶνι 
δικιωασὶ ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ καὶ τὸν 
“lagora μετεπέμψατο. ; ὁ δὲ πόθῳ γεωργίας ἐν 
-ὡς χωρίοις διατελῶν ἔσπευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν' 
NaSaiver δὲ ποταμὸν "Avavpov ἐξῆλθε μονοσάν- 
datos, τὸ ἕτερον ἀπολέσας ἐν τῷ ῥείθρῳ πέδιλον. 
δεασάμενος δ Πελίας αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν χρησμὸν 
ειμϑαλὼν ἠρώτα προσελθών, τί" ἂν ἐποίησεν 
ἐξρυσίαν ἔχων, εἰ λόγιον ἦν αὐτῷ πρός τινος 
ἀογευθήσεσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν. ὁ δέ, εἴτε ἐπελθὸν 
ἔνλως, εἴτε διὰ μῆνιν “Ἥρας, ἵν᾽ ἔλθοι κακὸν 
Mrdea Πελίᾳ (τὴν γὰρ “Ἥραν οὐκ ἐτίμα), “ Τὸ 
χρυσόμαλλον δέρας " ἔφη “προσέταττον ἂν φέ- 
nav αὐτῷ." τοῦτο ἸΠελίας ἀκούσας εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸ 
nat ἐλθεῖν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτόν. τοῦτο δὲ ἐν 
Κόλχοις ἦν «ἐν; “Apeos ἄλσει κρεμάμενον ἐκ 
δρυός, ἐφρουρεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ δράκοντος ἀύπνου. 

Ἐπὶ τοῦτο πεμπόμενος ᾿Ιάσων “Apyov παρεκά- 
λεσε τὸν Φρίξου, κἀκεῖνος ᾿Αθηνᾶς ὑποθεμένης 

1 θυσίαν ER, Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92: θυσίας A. 

8 (Εἰ, Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92: rls A. 
8 ἐλθεῖν A, Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92: πλεῖν Ε΄. 

\ For the story of Pelias and Jason, see Pindar, Pyth. iv. 
τῷ (129) 844., with the Scholia ; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
i. 5 sgg.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, i. 175; Hyginus, 
Fab. 12 and 13; Servius, on Virgil, Hel. iv. 34; Lactantius 
Pacidus, on Statius, Theb. iii. 516. The present passage of 
Apollodorus is copied almost literally, but as usual without 
acknowledgment, by Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92. It was the 

Ioleus, of which Pelias was king after Cretheus.} 
But when Pelias consulted the oracle concerning 
the kingdom, the god warned him to beware of the 
man with a single sandal. At first the king under- 
stood not the oracle, but afterwards he apprehended 
it. For when he was offering a sacrifice at the sea to 
Poseidon, he sent for Jason, among many others, to 
participate in it. Now Jason loved husbandry and 
therefore abode in the country, but he hastened to 
the sacrifice, and in crossing the river Anaurus he lost 
a sandal in the stream and landed with only one. 
When Pelias saw him, he bethought him of the oracle, 
and going up to Jason asked him what, supposing he 
had the power, he would do if he had received an 
oracle that he should be murdered by one of the 
citizens. Jason answered, whether at haphazard or 
instigated by the angry Hera in order that Medea 
should prove a curse to Pelias, who did not honour 
Hera, “ I would command him,” said he, “to bring 
the Golden Fleece.” No sooner did Pelias hear 
that than he bade him go in quest of the fleece. 
Now it was at Colchis in a grove of Ares, hanging on 
an oak and guarded by a sleepless dragon. ? 

Sent to fetch the fleece, Jason called in the help of 
Argus, son of Phrixus; and Argus, by Athena’s advice, 

regular custom of Aetolian warriors to go with the left foot 
shod and the right foot unshod. See Macrobius, Saé. v. 18- 
21, quoting Euripides and Aristotle; Scholiast on Pindar, 
Pyth. iv. 133. So the two hundred men who broke through 
the Spartan lines at the siege of Plataea were shod on the left 
foot only (Thucydides, iii. 22). Virgil represents some of the 
rustic militia of Latium marching to war with their right feet 
shod and their left feet bare (Aen. vii. 689 sq.). As to the 
custom, see Z'aboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 311 sqq. 

2 See Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 1268-1270, iv. 123 
sgq. 163. 

πεντηκόντορον ναῦν κατεσκεύασε τὴν προσα- 
γορευθεῖσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ κατασκευάσαντος ᾿Αργώ" 
κατὰ δὲ τὴν πρῷραν ἐνήρμοσεν ᾿Αθηνᾶ φωνῆεν } 
φηγοῦ τῆς Δωδωνίδος ξύλον. ὡς δὲ ἡ ναῦς κατε- 
σκευάσθη, χρωμένῳ ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ πλεῖν ἐπέτρεψε 
συναθροίσαντι τοὺς ἀρίστους τῆς “Ελλάδος. οἱ 
δὲ συναθροισθέντες εἰσὶν οἵδε: Tidus ᾿Αγνίου,; 
ὃς ἐκυβέρνα τὴν ναῦν, Ὀρφεὺς Οἰάγρου, Ζήτης 

\ , os / / \ / 
καὶ Κάλαϊς Βορέου, Κάστωρ καὶ Ἰ]ολυδεύκης 
Διός, Τελαμὼν καὶ Πηλεὺς Αἰακοῦ, Ἡρακλῆς 
Διός, Θησεὺς Αἰγέως, Ἴδας καὶ Λυγκεὺς ᾿Αφα- 
ρέως, ᾿Αμφιάραος ᾿Οικλέους,, Καινεὺς Κορώνου,β 
Παλαίμων Ἡφαίστου ἢ Αἰτωλοῦ, Κηφεὺς ᾿Αλεοῦ, 
Λαέρτης ᾿Αρκεισίου, Αὐτόλυκος ἙἭρμοῦ, ᾿Ατα- 
λάντη Σχοινέως, Μενοίτιος ΓΑκτορος, "Ακτωρ 
e 4 v 4 Ν / 
Immdaov, “Aduntos Φέρητος, ΓΑκαστος [Πελίου, 
Εὔρυτος “Eppod, Μελέαγρος Οἰνέως, ᾿Αγκαῖος 
Λυκούργου, Εὔφημος Ποσειδῶνος, Ποίας Θαυ- 

4 4 , A \ e 
μάκου, Βούτης Τελέοντος, Davos καὶ Στάφυλος 
Διονύσου, “Epyivos ἸΠοσειδῶνος, Περικλύμενος 
Νηλέως, Αὐγέας Ἡλίου, Ἴφικλος Θεστίου, "Αρ- 
γος Φρίξον, Evpvaros Μηκιστέως, Πηνέλεως 
ἹἽἹππάλμου, Λήιτος ᾿Αλέκτορος, Ἴφιτος Ναυ- 

1 φωνῆεν ER: φωνῇ A. 7 ‘Ayviov Aegius: ἀγρίον A. 

3 θησεὺς Αἰγέως Aegius: αἰγεὺς θησέως A. 

4 ᾽Οικλέους Aegius: ἰοκλέους A. 

5 Καινέως Κόρωνος Aegius: Κόρωνος Καινέως Clavier, Hercher. 

8 Ἱππάλμον A: Ἱππάλκμου Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 494: 
ἹἹππαλκίμου Diodorus Siculus, iv. 67. 7. 

7 ᾿Αλεκτρυόνος Homer, Zl. xvii. 602, with the Scholiast : 
Ἠλεκτρυόνος Diodorus Siculus, iv. 67. 7. 

1 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 524 sqq., iv. 580 
sqqg.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175. The following 

built a ship of fifty oars named Argo after its builder; 
and at the prow Athena fitted in a speaking timber 
from the oak of Dodona.1_ When the ship was built, 
and he inquired of the oracle, the god gave him 
leave to assemble the nobles of Greece and _ sail 
away. And those who assembled were as follow :? 
Tiphys, son of Hagnias, who steered the ship; 
Orpheus, son of Oeagrus; Zetes and Calais, sons of 
Boreas ; Castor and Pollux, sons of Zeus ; Telamon 
and Peleus, sons of Aeacus; Hercules, son of Zeus; 
Theseus, son of Aegeus; Idas and Lynceus, sons of 
Aphareus; Ampbhiaraus, son of Oicles; Caeneus, 
son of Coronus; Palaemon, son of Hephaestus or of 
Aetolus ; Cepheus, son of Aleus ; Laertes son of Arci- 
sius; Autolycus, son of Hermes; Atalanta, daughter 
of Schoeneus; Menoetius, son of Actor; Actor, 
son of Hippasus ; Admetus, son of Pheres; Acastus, 
son of Pelias; Eurytus, son of Hermes; Meleager, 
son of Oeneus; Ancaeus, son of Lycurgus; Euphe- 
mus, son of Poseidon; Poeas, son of Thaumacus ; 
Butes, son of Teleon; Phanus and Staphylus, sons 
of Dionysus; Erginus, son of Poseidon; Pericly- 
menus, son of Neleus; Augeas, son of the Sun; 
Iphiclus, son of Thestius; Argus, son of Phrixus ; 
Euryalus, son of Mecisteus ; Peneleus, son of Hippal- 
mus ; Leitus, son of Alector; Iphitus, son of Naubolus; 

narrative of the voyage of the Argo is based mainly on the 
Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius. As to the voyage of the 
Argonauts, see further Pindar, Pyth. iv. 156 (276) sqq.; Dio- 
dorus Siculus, iv. 40-49; Orphica, Argonautica; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 175; Hyginus, Fab. 12, 14-23; Ovid, 
Metamorph. vii. 1 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica. 

2 For lists of the Argonauts, see Pindar, Pyth. iv. 171 89q.; 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 20 sqq.; Orphica, Argonautica, 
ie sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. i. 352 sqg.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 14. 

VOL. I. H 

APOLLODORUS ia 

βόλον, ᾿Ασκάλαφος καὶ ᾿Ἰάλμενος 1 “Apeos, Ao 
τέριος Κομήτου, Πολύφημος ᾿Ελάτον. ; 

Οὗτοι ναναρχοῦντος Ἰάσονος ἀναχθέντες προσᾺ 
ἰσχουσι Λήμνῳ. ἔτυχε δὲ ἡ Λῆμνος ἀνδρῶν tor 
οὖσα ἔρημος, βασιλευομένη δὲ ὑπὸ ὙὝὙψιπύλ 
τῆς Θόαντος 80 αἰτίαν τήνδε. αἱ Λήμνιαι τὴ 
᾿Αφροδίτην οὐκ ἐτίμων: ἡ δὲ αὐταῖς ἐμβάλλεσς 
δυσοσμίαν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ γήμαντες αὐτὰς ἐκξ᾽ 
τῆς πλησίον Θράκης λαβόντες αἰχμαλωτίδας 
συνευνάζοντο αὐταῖς. ἀτιμαζόμεναι δὲ αἱ Ane | 
μνιαι τούς τε πατέρας καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας φονεύουσι" 
μόνη δὲ ἔσωσεν ὝΨψεπύλη τὸν ἑαυτῆς πατέρα 
κρύψασα Θόαντα. προσσχόντες οὖν τότε γυ- 
ναικοκρατουμένῃ τῇ Λήμνῳ μίσγονται ταῖς γυναι- 
ξίν. Ὑψιπύλη δὲ ᾿Ιάσονι συνευνάξεται, καὶ 
γεννᾷ παῖδας Εὔνηον καὶ Νεβροφόνον. 

᾿Απὸ Λήμνου δὲ προσίσχουσι Δολίοσιν,Σ ὧν 
ἐβασίλευε Κύζικος. οὗτος αὐτοὺς ὑπεδέξατο 
φιλοφρόνως. νυκτὸς δὲ ἀναχθέντες ἐντεῦθεν καὶ 
περιπεσόντες ἀντιπνοίαις, ἀγνοοῦντες πάλιν τοῖς 

1 Ἰάλμενος Homer, Jl. ii. 512: ἄλμενος A. 
2 AoAloow Aegius: δολίοις EA. 

1 As to the visit of the Argonauts to Lemnos, see Apollo- 
nius Rhodius, Argon. i. 607 sqq.; Orphica, Argonautica, 473 
8ηᾳ.;: Scholiast on Homer, Jl. vii. 468; Valerius Flaccus, 
Argon. ii. 77 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 15. As to the massacre of 
the men of Lemnos by the women, see further Herodotus, vi. 
138; Apostolius, Cent. x. 65; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 91; Scholiast 
on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 609, 615. The visit of the 
er eonets to Lemnos was the theme of plays by Aeschylus 
and Sophocles. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
A. Nauck?, pp. 79, 215 sqq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. 
A. C. Pearson, ii. 51 sqg. The Lemnian traditions have been 
interpreted as evidence of a former custum of gynocracy, or 

ΗΝ, ——— 

Ascalaphus and Ialmenus, sons of Ares; Asterius, 
son of Cometes ; Polyphemus, son of Elatus. 

These with Jason as admiral put to sea and 
touched at Lemnos.!_ At that time it chanced that 
Lemnos was bereft of men and ruled over by a queen, 
Hypsipyle, daughter of Thoas, the reason of which was 
as follows. The Lemnian women did not honour 
Aphrodite, and she visited them with a noisome 
smell; therefore their spouses took captive women 
from the neighbouring country of Thrace and bedded 
with them. Thus dishonoured, the Lemnian women 
murdered their fathers and husbands, but Hypsipyle 
alone saved her father Thoas by hiding him. So having 
put in to Lemnos, at that time ruled by women, the 
Argonauts had intercourse with the women, and 
Hypsipyle bedded with Jason and bore sons, Euneus 
and Nebrophonus. | 

And after Lemnos they landed among the Do- 
liones, of whom Cyzicus was king.? He received 
them kindly. But having put to sea from there by 
night and met with contrary winds, they lost their 
bearings and landed again among the Doliones. 

the rule of men by women, in the island. See J.J. Bachofen, 
Das Mutterrecht (Stuttgart, 1861), pp. 84 sgg. Every year 
the island of Lemnos was purified from the guilt of the 
massacre and sacrifices were offered to the dead. The cere- 
monies lasted nine days, during which all fires were extin- 

ished in the island, and a new fire was brought by ship 

rom Delos. If the vessel arrived before the sacrifices to 

the dead had been offered, it might not put in to shore or 
anchor, but had to cruise in the offing till they were com- 
pleted. See Philostratus, Heroica, xx. 24. 

2 As to the visit of the Argonauts to the Doliones and the 
death of King Cyzicus, see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 
935-1077 ; Orphica, Argonautica, 486 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, 
Argon. ii. 634 sqq., iii. 1 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 16. 

wa 

Δολίοσι προσίσχουσιν. οἱ δὲ νομίζοντες Ἰ]ελασ- 
γεικὸν εἶναι στρατόν (ἔτυχον γὰρ ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν 
συνεχῶς πολεμούμενοι) μάχην τῆς νυκτὸς συνά- 
πτουσιν ἀγνοοῦντες πρὸς ἀγνοοῦντας. κτείναντες 
δὲ πολλοὺς οἱ ᾿Αργοναῦται, μεθ᾽ ὧν καὶ ἸΚύξικον, 
μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν, ὡς ἔγνωσαν, ἀποδυράμενοι τάς τε 
κόμας ἐκείραντο καὶ τὸν Κύξικον πολυτελῶς 
ἔθαψαν. καὶ μετὰ τὴν ταφὴν πλεύσαντες Μυσίᾳ 
προσίσχουσιν. 

Ἐνταῦθα δὲ Ἡρακλέα καὶ Πολύφημον κατέ- 
λεέπον. “Tras γὰρ ὁ Θειοδάμαντος παῖς, Ἥρα- 
κλέους δὲ ἐρώμενος, ἀποσταλεὶς ὑδρεύσασθαι διὰ 

tA e \ a e 4 / \ 
κάλλος ὑπὸ νυμφῶν ἡρπάγη. ἸΠολύφημος δὲ 
ἀκούσας αὐτοῦ βοήσαντος, σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος 
2δ 1" Ν a w θ / \ ὃ na 
édtwxey,! ὑπὸ λῃστῶν ἄγεσθαι νομίζων. καὶ δηλοῖ 

᾽ὔ e nw 4 ἃ 3 4 
συντυχόντι Ἡρακλεῖ. ζητούντων δὲ ἀμφοτέρων 
τὸν Ὕλαν ἡ ναῦς ἀνήχθη, καὶ Πολύφημος μὲν ἐν 
Μυσίᾳ κτίσας πόλιν Κίον Σ ἐβασίλευσεν, ‘Hpa- 
κλῆς δὲ ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς “Apyos. Ἡρόδωρος ὃ δὲ 
αὐτὸν οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχήν φησι πλεῦσαι τότε, ἀλλὰ 
»} A 4 Ul \ > δ > 
παρ᾽ Ὀμφάλῃ δουλεύειν. Φερεκύδης δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν 
᾿Αφεταῖς τῆς Θεσσαλίας ἀπολειφθῆναι λέγει, τῆς 
᾿Αργοῦς φθεγξαμένης μὴ δύνασθαι φέρειν τὸ τού- 
1 ἐδίωκεν Zenobius, Cent. vi. 21, Hercher, Wagner: ἐδίωξεν 

EA. 2 κίον BE: κίου A, 
3 Ἡρόδωρος Faber: Ἡρόδοτος A. 

1 They lamented for three days and tore out their bair; 
they raised a mound over the grave, marched round it 
thrice in armour, performed funeral rites, and celebrated 
games in honour of the dead man. The mound was to be 
seen down to later days, and the people of Cyzicus continued 
to pour libations at it every year. Sec Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. i. 1057-1077. Compare Orphica, Argonaudica, 571 sqq.; 
Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iii. 332 sqgq. 

I0o 

However, the Doliones, taking *hém for a Pelasgian 
army (for they were constantly hardssed by the Pelas- 
gians), joined battle with them by"zight in mutual 
ignorance of each other. The Argodpapts slew many 
and among the rest Cyzicus; but by dey; when they 
knew what they had done, they mourned and cut off 
their hair and gave Cyzicus a costly burial 1 and after 
the burial they sailed away and touched at Mysia.® 
There they left Hercules and Polyphemus.’ . For 
Hylas, son of Thiodamas, a minion of Hercules, -had.. 
been sent to draw water and was ravished away by’ .. 
nymphs on account of his beauty. But Polyphemus.-’:-”, 
heard him cry out, and drawing his sword gave chase “Ὁ 
in the belief that he was being carried off by robbers. 
Falling in with Hercules, he told him; and while the 
two were seeking for Hylas, the ship put to sea. So 
Polyphemus founded a city Cius in Mysia and reigned 
as king;* but Hercules returned to Argos. How- 
ever Herodorus says that Hercules did not sail at all 
at that time, but served as a slave at the court of 
Omphale. But Pherecydes says that he was left 
behind at Aphetae in Thessaly, the Argo having de- 
clared with human voice that she could not bear 

2 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1172 sqq.; 
Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iii. 481 sqq. 

3 As to Hylas and Hercules, compare Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. i. 1207 sqq.; Theocritus, Id. xiii.; Antoninus Libera- 
lis, Transform. 26; Orphica, Argonautica, 646 sqq.; Valerius 
Flaccus, Argon. iii. 521 sqg.; Propertius, i. 20. 17 eqq.; Hy- 

inus, Fab. 14; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. 

. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 18, 140 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
49; Second Vatican Mythographer, 199). It is said that 
down to comparatively late times the natives continued to 
sacrifice to Hylas at the spring where he had disappeared, 
that the priest used to call on him thrice by name, and that 
the echo answered thrice (Antoninus Liberalis, J.c.). 

4 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1321 sqq., 1345 sqq. 

IOI 

tov βάρος. Δημάρατος δὲ αὐτὸν eis Κόλχους 
πεπλευκότα πάρἔδωκε: Διονύσιος μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν 
ς , @er ac a ᾽ ΄Ν 
καὶ ἡγεμόνᾳ φησὶ τῶν ᾿Αργοναυτῶν γενέσθαι. 
2 ‘Amd δὲ Μυσίας ἀπῆλθον εἰς τὴν Βεβρύκων 
fo. 3 . ΝΜ A A \ 
γῆν, ἧς. ἐβαδΐλευεν ἴΑμυκος Ποσειδῶνος παῖς καὶ 
«νύμφης: } Βιθυνίδος. γενναῖος δὲ ὧν οὗτος τοὺς 
προσαὶχόντας ξένους ἠνάγκαζε πυκτεύειν καὶ τοῦ- 
τὸν Τὸν τρόπον ἀνήρει. παραγενόμενος οὖν καὶ τότε 
.«.(ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αργὼ τὸν ἄριστον αὐτῶν εἰς πυγμὴν 
Se ἢ a 3 ll ὃ / δὲ ς , 

."., ᾿προεκαλεῖτο. ολυδεύκης OE ὑποσχόμενος TrU- 
τὐτι χτεύσειν πρὸς αὐτόν, πλήξας κατὰ τὸν ἀγκῶνα 
“ἀπέκτεινε. τῶν δὲ Βεβρύκων ὁρμησάντων πρὸς 

αὐτόν, ἁρπάσαντες οἱ ἀριστεῖς τὰ ὅπλα πολλοὺς 
φεύγοντας φονεύουσιν αὐτῶν. 

21 ᾿Εντεῦθεν ἀναχθέντες καταντῶσιν εἰς τὴν τῆς 
ΡΣ Σαλμυδησσόν, ἔνθα κει Φινεὺς μάντις 
Tas ὄψεις πεπηρωμένος. τοῦτον οἱ μὲν ᾿Αγή- 

1 νύμφης added by Hercher, comparing Scholiast on Plato, 
Laws, vii. p. 796 a. 3 προεκαλεῖτο Faber: προσεκαλεῖτο A. 

1 The opinions of the ancients were much divided as to 
the share Hercules took in the voyage of the Argo. See 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1290. In saying 
that Hercules was left behind in Mysia and returned to 
Argos, our author follows, as usual, the version of Apollonius 
Rhodius (Argon. i. 1273 sqq.). According to another version, 
after Hercules was left behind by the Argo in Mysia, he 
made his way on foot to Colchis (Theocritus, Id. xiii. 73 s9q.). 
Herodotus says (i. 193) that at Aphetae in Thessaly the hero 
landed from the Argo to fetch water and was left behind by 
Jason and his fellows. From the present passage of Apollo- 
dorus it would seem that in this account Herodotus was follow- 
ing Pherecydes. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, 8.v. ᾿Αφεταί. 

As to the visit of the Argonauts to the Bebryces, and the 
boxing-match of Pollux with Amycus, see Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. ii. 1 sqq.; Theocritus, xxii. 27 sqq.; Orphica, Argo- 
nautica, 661 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iv. 99 sqg.; Hygi- 

his weight. Nevertheless Demaratus has recorded 
that Hercules sailed to Colchis; for Dionysius even 
affirms that he was the leader of the Argonauts.! 

From Mysia they departed to the land of the 
Bebryces, which was ruled by King Amycus, son of 
Poseidon and a Bithynian nymph.? Being a doughty 
man he compelled the strangers that landed to box 
and in that way made an end of them. So going to 
the Argo as usual, he challenged the best man of the 
crew to a boxing match. Pollux undertook to box 
against him and killed him with a blow on the elbow. 
When the Bebryces made a rush at him, the chiefs 
snatched up their arms and put them to flight with 
great slaughter. 

Thence they put to sea and came to land at 
Salmydessus in Thrace, where dwelt Phineus, a seer 
who had lost the sight of both eyes.2 Some say he 

nus, Fab. 17; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iii. 353 ; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latins, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
pp. 31, 123 (First Vatican Mythographer, 93; Second Vatican 

ythographer, 140). The name of the Bithynian nymph, 
mother of Amycus, wus Melie (Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
ii. 4; Hyginus, Fab. 17; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. v. 373). 

3 As to Phinous and the Harpies, see Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. ii. 176 sgq., with the Scholia on vv. 177, 178, 181; 
Scholiast on Homer, Od. xii. 69; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iv. 
422 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 19; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 209; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
RP. 9 sqg., 124 (First Vatican Mythographer, 27; Second 

atican Mythographer, 142). Aeschylus and Sophocles 
composed tragedies on the subject of Phineus. See 7'ragtco- 
rum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck#, pp. 83, 284 sqq.; 
The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 
311 sqqg. The classical description of the Harpies is that of 
Virgil (Aen. iii. 225 sqq.). Compare Hesiod, T’heog. 265-269. 
In his account of the visit of the Argonauts to Phineus, the 
rationalistic Diodorus Siculus (iv. 43 sq.) omits all mention 
of the Harpies. 

vopos εἶναι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ Ποσειδῶνος υἱόν" καὶ 
πηρωθῆναί φασιν αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ θεῶν, ὅτι 
προέλεγε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ μέλλοντα, οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ 
Βορέου καὶ τῶν ᾿Αργοναυτῶν, ὅτε πεισθεὶς μη- 
τρυιᾷ τοὺς ἰδίους ἐτύφλωσε παῖδας, τινὲς δὲ ὑπὸ 
Ποσειδῶνος, ὅτι τοῖς Φρίξου παισὶ τὸν ἐκ Κόλ- 
χων εἰς τὴν “Ελλάδα πλοῦν ἐμήνυσεν. ἔπεμψαν 
δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ἁρπυίας οἱ θεοί: πτερωταὶ δὲ 
ἦσαν αὗται, καὶ ἐπειδὴ} τῷ Φινεῖ παρετίθετο 
τράπεξα, ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καθιπτάμεναι τὰ μὲν πλεί- 
ova ἀνήρπαζον, ὀλίγα δὲ ὅσα ὀσμῆς ἀνάπλεα 
κατέλειπον, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι προσενέγκασθαι. 
βουλομένοις δὲ τοῖς ᾿Αργοναύταις τὰ περὶ τοῦ 
πλοῦ μαθεῖν ὑποθήσεσθαι τὸν πλοῦν ἔφη, τῶν 
ἁρπυιῶν αὐτὸν ἐὰν ἀπαλλάξωσιν. οἱ δὲ παρέ- 
θεσαν αὐτῷ τράπεζαν ἐδεσμάτων, ἅρπυιαι δὲ 
ἐξαίφνης σὺν βοῇ καταπτᾶσαι τὴν τροφὴν ἣρ- 
macav.. θεασάμενοι δὲ οἱ Βορέου παῖδες Ζήτης 
καὶ Κἀλαϊς, ὄντες πτερωτοί, σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη 
δι’ ἀέρος ἐδίωκον. ἣν δὲ ταῖς ἁρπυίαις χρεὼν 
τεθνάναι ὑπὸ τῶν Βορέου παίδων, τοῖς δὲ Βορέον 
παισὶ τότε τελευτήσειν ὅταν διώκοντες μὴ κατα- 
λάβωσι. διωκομένων δὲ τῶν ἁρπυιῶν ἡ μὲν κατὰ 
Πελοπόννησον εἰς τὸν Τίγρην ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτει, 
ὃς νῦν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης Αρπυς καλεῖται" ταύτην δὲ οἱ 
μὲν Νικοθόην οἱ δὲ ᾿Αελλόπουν καλοῦσιν. ἡ δὲ 

ἑτέρα καλουμένη ᾿Ωκυπέτη, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι ᾽Ωκυθόη 
(σίοδος δὲ λέγει αὐτὴν ᾿Ωκυπόδην), αὕτη κατὰ 
τὴν Προποντίδα φεύγουσα μέχρις ᾿Εχινάδων 
ἦλθε νήσων, al νῦν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης Στροφάδες καλοῦν- 

1 ἐπειδὴ Bekker: ἐπειδὰν EA: ἐπειδὰν... παρατίθοιτο (for 
MS. παρετίθετο) Hercher. 2 ἥρπασαν E: ἥρπαζον A, 

was a son of Agenor,! but others that he was a son 
of Poseidon, and he is variously alleged to have been 
blinded by the gods for foretelling men the future ; or 
by Boreas and the Argonauts because he blinded his 
own sons at the instigation of their stepmother ;* or 
by Poseidon, because he revealed to the children of 
Phrixus how they could sail from Colchis to Greece. 
The gods also sent the Harpies to him. These were 
winged female creatures, and when a table was laid 
for Phineus, they flew down from the sky and snatched 
up most of the victuals, and what little they left stank 
so that nobody could touch it. When the Argonauts 
would have consulted him about the voyage, he 
said that he would advise them about it if they 
would rid him of the Harpies. So the Argonauts 
laid a table of viands beside him, and the Harpies 
with a shriek suddenly pounced down and snatched 
away the food. When Zetes and Calais, the sons of 
Boreas, saw that, they drew their swords and, being 
winged, pursued them through the air. Now it was 
fated that the Harpies should perish by the sons of 
Boreas, and that the sons of Boreas should die when 
they could not catch up a fugitive. So the Harpies 
were pursued and one of them fell into the river 
Tigres in Peloponnese, the river that is now called 
Harpys after her ; some call her Nicothoe, but others 
Aellopus. But the other, named Ocypete or, according 
to others, Ocythoe (but Hesiod calls her Ocypode) 8 
fled by the Propontis till she came to the Echinadian 
Islands, which are now called Strophades after her; 

1 So Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. ii. 237, 240) and Hyginus 
(Fab. 19). 

2 See below, iii. 15. 3 note. 

3 Hesiod (Theog. 267) calls her Ocypete. 

105. 

ras’ ἐστράφη yap ὡς ἦλθεν ἐπὶ ταύτας, καὶ 
γενομένη κατὰ τὴν ἠιόνα ὑπὸ καμάτου πίπτει σὺν 
τῷ διώκοντι. ᾿Απολλώνιος δὲ ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αργοναύ- 
tats Ews Στροφάδων νήσων φησὶν αὐτὰς διωχϑῆ. 
ναι καὶ δὲν παθεῖν, δούσας ὅρκον τὸν Φινέα 
μηκέτι ἀδικῆσαι. 

᾿Απαλλαγεὶς δὲ τῶν ἁρπνιῶν Divers ἐμήνυσε 
τὸν πλοῦν τοῖς ᾿Αργοναύταις, καὶ περὶ τῶν συμ- 
πληγάδων ὑπέθετο πετρῶν τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν. 
ἦσαν δὲ ὑπερμεγέθεις αὗται, συγκρουόμεναι δὲ 
ἀλλήλαις ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν πνευμάτων βίας τὸν διὰ 
θαλάσσης πόρον ἀπέκλειον. ἐφέρετο δὲ πολλὴ 
μὲν ὑπὲρ' αὐτῶν ὁμίχλη πολὺς δὲ πάταγος, ἦν 
δὲ ἀδύνατον καὶ τοῖς πετεινοῖς δι᾿ αὐτῶν διελθεῖν. 
εἶπεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἀφεῖναι πελειάδα διὰ τῶν πετ- 
ρῶν, καὶ ταύτην ἐὰν μὲν ἴδωσι σωθεῖσαν, διαπλεῖν 
καταφρονοῦντας, ἐὰν δὲ ἀπολομένην,Σ μὴ πλεῖν 
βιάξεσθαι. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες ἀνήγοντο, καὶ ὡς 
πλησίον ἦσαν τῶν πετρῶν, ἀφιᾶσιν ἐκ τῆς πρῴ- 
pas πελειάδα' τῆς δὲ ἱπταμένης τὰ ἄκρα τῆς 
οὐρᾶς ἡ σύμπτωσις τῶν πετρῶν ἀπεθέρισεν." 
ἀναχωρούσας οὗν ἐπιτηρήσαντες τὰς πέτρας μετ᾽ 
εἰρεσίας ἐντόνου, συλλαβομένης “Ηρας, διῆλθον, 

1 ὑπὲρ Bekker: ὑπ᾽ EA: ἀπ᾽ Clavier, Hercher. 

ὃ διελθεῖν Εἰ : ἐλθεῖν A. 

8 ἀπρλλυμένην EA, Wagner: ἀπολυμένην Heyne, Weater- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

4 ἀπεθέρισεν A: ἀπέθριξεν Εἰ : ἀπέθρισεν Wagner. 
δ ἀντόνον A: εὐτόνον E, Wagner. 

1 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 284-298, who 
says that previously the islands were called the Floating Isles 
lotas 

( ). 
* The Clashing Rocks are the islands which the Greeks 

for when she came to them she turned (estraphe) and 
being at the shore fell for very weariness with her 
pursuer. But Apollonius in the Argonautica says that 
the Harpies were pursued to the Strophades Islands 
and suffered no harm, having sworn an oath that they 
would wrong Phineus no more.! 

Being rid of the Harpies, Phineas revealed to 
the Argonauts the course of their voyage, and ad- 
vised them about the Clashing Rocks? in the sea. 
These were huge cliffs, which, dashed together by the 
force of the winds, closed the sea passage. Thick 
was the mist that swept over them, and loud the 
crash, and it was impossible for even the birds to 
pass between them. So he told them to let fly a 
dove between the rocks, and, if they saw it pass 
safe through, to thread the narrows with an easy 
mind, but if they saw it perish, then not to force a 
passage. When they heard that, they put to sea, and 
on nearing the rocks let fly a dove from the prow, 
and as she flew the clash of the rocks nipped off the 
tip of her tail. So, waiting till the rocks had recoiled, 
with hard rowing and the help of Hera, they passed 
through, the extremity of the ship’s ornamented 
called Symplegades. Another name for them was the 
Wandering Rocks (Planctae) or the Blue Rocks (Cyaneae). 
See Herodotus, iv. 85; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 317 sq.; 
Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iv. 561 sq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi. 32; 
Merry, on Homer, Od. xii. 61; Appendix, ‘‘ The Clashing 
Rocks.” As to the passage of the Argo between them, see 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 317 δᾳᾳ., 549-610 ; Orphica, 
Argonautica, 683-714; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iv. 561-702; 
Hyginus, Fab. 19. According tothe author of the Orphica 
the bird which the Argonauts, or rather Athena, let fly 
between the Clashing Rocks was not a dove but a heron 
(€pw5:ds). The heron was specially associated with Athena. 

See D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds, 
Ῥ. 58. 

τὰ ἄκρα τῶν ἀφλάστων τῆς vews! περικοπείσης. 
αἱ μὲν οὖν συμπληγάδες ἔκτοτε ἔστησαν" χρεὼν 
yap ἦν αὐταῖς νεὼς ' περαιωθείσης στῆναι 
παντελῶς. 

Οἱ δὲ ᾿Αργοναῦται πρὸς Μαριανδυνοὺς παρε- 
γένοντο, κἀκεῖ φιλοφρόνως ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπεδέξατο 
Λύκος. ἔνθα θνήσκει μὲν Ἴδμων ὁ μάντις πλή- 
ἕαντος αὐτὸν κάπρου, θνήσκει δὲ καὶ Tidus, καὶ 
τὴν ναῦν ᾿Αγκαῖος ὑπισχνεῖται κυβερνᾶν. 

Παραπλεύσαντες δὲ Θερμώδοντα καὶ Καύκασον 
ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμὸν ἦλθον" οὗτος τῆς Κολχικῆς 
ἐστιν ἐγκαθορμισθείσης δὲ τῆς νεὼς 1 ἧκε πρὸς 
Αἰήτην ᾿Ιάσων, καὶ τὰ ἐπιταγέντα ὑπὸ Πελίου 
λέγων παρεκάλει δοῦναι τὸ δέρας αὐτῷ' ὁ δὲ 
δώσειν ὑπέσχετο, ἐὰν τοὺς χαλκόποδας ταύρους 
μόνος καταζεύξῃ. ἦσαν δ. ἄγριοι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ 
ταῦροι δύο, μεγέθει διαφέροντες, δῶρον ‘Hdai- 
στου, of χαλκοῦς μὲν εἶχον πόδας, πῦρ δὲ ἐκ 
στομάτων ἐφύσων. τούτους αὐτῷ ζεύξαντι ἐπέ- 
tacoe® σπείρειν δράκοντος ὀδόντας" εἶχε yap 
λαβὼν παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηνᾶς τοὺς ἡμίσεις ὧν Κάδμος 
ἔσπειρεν ἐν Θήβαις. ἀποροῦντος δὲ τοῦ Ἰάσονος 

1 νεὼς Εἰ : ynds A. 

3 ἐστιν" ἐγκαθορμισθείσης KE, Wagner: ἐστι γῆς" καθορμι- 
σθείσης A. 3. ἑἐπέτασσε E: ἐπετάσσετο A. 

1 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 11. 720 8δᾳ.; Orphica, 
Argonautica, 715 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. iv. 733 8qq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 18. 

Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 815 sqq.; Orphica, 
Argonautica, 725 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. v. 1 8qq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 14 and 18. According to Apollonius, the 
barrow of Idmon was surmounted by a wild olive tree, 
which the Nisaeans were commanded by Apollo to worship 
as the guardian of the city. 

being shorn away right round. Henceforth 
the Clashing Rocks stood still; for it was fated that, 
so soon as a ship had made the passage, they should 
come to rest completely. 

The Argonauts now arrived among the Marian- 
dynians, and there King Lycus received them 
kindly. There died Idmon the seer of a wound 
inflicted by a boar ;? and there too died Tiphys, and 
Ancaeus undertook to steer the ship.® 

And having sailed past the Thermodon and the 
Caucasus they came to the river Phasis, which is in 
the Colchian land.* When the ship was brought into 
port, Jason repaired to Aeetes, and setting forth the 
charge laid on him by Pelias invited him to give 
him the fleece. The other promised to give it if 
single-handed he would yoke the brazen-footed bulls. 
These were two wild bulls that he had, of enormous 
size, a gift of Hephaestus; they had brazen feet 
and puffed fire from their mouths. These creatures 
Aeetes ordered him to yoke and to suw dragon’s 
teeth; for he had got from Athena half of the 
dragon’s teeth which Cadmus sowed in Thebes.® 
While Jason puzzled how he could yoke the bulls, 

8 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 851-898; Or- 
phica, Argonautica, 729 sqq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
sie on Flaccus, Argon. v. 13 sqgqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 14 
an . 

+ As to Jason in Colchis, and his winning of the Golden 
Fleece, see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 1260 sqq., iii. 1 sqq., 
iv. 1-240; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 48. 1-5; Valerius Flaccus, 
Argon. v. 177-viii. 189; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 1-158. The 
adventures of Jason in Colchis werethe subject of a play by 
Sophocles called The Colchtan Women. See The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 15 sqq.; Tragt- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 204 sqq. 

δ Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 401 sqq., 1176 

" 4 14 
t 
"ta | 
“Ny, ' 
aT) ,, ἢ ‘, ͵ 
, 7 ‘f ' 
+f 4 
" , ; i / 
: , yt / 
“ 7 : 
Ζ' ͵ ey 7 
7 7 ͵ 
“Γ΄ ͵ 7 ὲ 
"ὦ / 
/ b 
/ Ia 
΄“᾿΄ 7 "υ- 
Ἕ ΄ ᾿ I1At- 
καὶ 
, / 
΄ 2 ὧν 
w) 
δέξατο 
)εν καὶ 
LY τοῖς 

, see Apollo- 
mautica, 473 

‘rius Flaccus, 

ile massacre of 
Herodotus, vi. 

v. 91; Scholiast 
The visit of the 
ys by Aeschylus 

» Fragmenta, ed. 
ἡ of Sophocles, ed. 
aditions have been 
ἢ of gynocracy, or 

Medea conceived a passion for him; now she was a 
witch, daughter of Aeetes and Idyia, daughter of 
Ocean. And fearing lest he might be sata lee 
by the bulls, she, keeping the thing from her 
father, promised to help him to yoke the bulls 
and to deliver to him the fleece, if he would swear 
to have her to wife and would take her with him on 
the voyage to Greece. When Jason swore to do so, 
she gave him a drug with which she bade him anoint 
his shield, spear, and body when he was about to 
yoke the bulls; for she said that, anointed with it, he 
could for a single day be harmed neither by fire nor 
by iron. And she signified to him that, when the 
teeth were sown, armed men would spring up from 
the ground against him; and when he saw a knot of 
them he was to throw stones into their midst from 
a distance, and when they fought each other about 
that, he was then to kill them.! On hearing that, 
Jason anointed himself with the drug,? and being 
come to the grove of the temple he sought the 
bulls, and though they charged him with a flame 
of fire, he yoked them. And when he had sowed 
the teeth, there rose armed men from the ground ; 
and where he saw several together, he pelted them 
unseen with stones, and when they fought each other 
he drew near and slew them.* But though the bulls 

iii. 1026 sqg. As to the drug with which Jason was to anoint 
himself, see further Pindar, Pyth. iv. 221 (394) sg.; Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 844 sqq. It was extracted from a 
plant with a saffron-coloured flower, which was said to grow 
on the Caucasus from the blood of Prometheus. Compare 
Valerius Flaccus, Argon. vii. 355 sqg.; Pseudo-Plutarch, De 
Fluviis, v. 4. 

2 Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 1246 sqq. 

5 Ibid. 1278 sqq. 4 Ibid. 1320-1398. 

Ilr 

SPOR DOR 

πῶς ἂν δύναιτο τοὺς ταύρους καταζεῦξαι, Μήδεια 
αὐτοῦ ἔρωτα ἴσχει" ἦν δὲ αὕτη θυγάτηρ Ainrov 
καὶ Εἰδυίας τῆς Ὠκεανοῦ, φαρμακίς.:. δεδοικυῖα 
δὲ μὴ πρὸς τῶν ταύρων διαφθαρῇ, κρύφα τοῦ 
πατρὸς ,»συνεργήσειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν κατάξευξιν 
τῶν ταύρων ἐπηγγείλατο καὶ τὸ δέρας ἐγχειριεῖν, 
ἐὰν ὀμόσῃ αὐτὴν ἕξειν γυναῖκα καὶ εἰς Ἑλλάδα 
σύμπλουν ἀγάγηται. ὀμόσαντος δὲ Ἰάσονος 
φάρμακον δίδωσιν, ᾧ καταξευγνύι αι μέλλοντα 
τοὺς ταύρους ἐκέλευσε χρῖσαι τήν τε ἀσπίδα καὶ 
τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὸ σῶμα" Τούτῳ γὰρ ρισθέντα ἔφη 
πρὸς μίαν ἡμέραν μήτ᾽ ἂν ὑπὸ πυρὸς ἀδικηθήσε- 
σθαι μήτε ὑπὸ σιδήρου. ἐδήλωσε δὲ αὐτῷ σπει- 
ρομένων τῶν ὀδόντων ἐκ γῆς ἄνδρας μέλλειν 
ἀναδύεσθαι ἐπ’ αὐτὸν καθωπλισμένους, obs? 
ἔλεγεν ἐπειδὰν ἀθρόους θεάσηται, βάλλειν εἰς 
μέσον λίθους ἄποθεν, ὅταν δὲ ὑπὲρ τούτου μά- 

ὠνται πρὸς ἀλλήλους, τότε κτείνειν αὐτούς. 
ἡ σον δὲ τοῦτο ἀκούσας καὶ χρισάμενος τῷ 
φαρμάκῳ, παραγενόμενος εἰς τὸ τοῦ νεὼ ἄλσος 
ἐμάστευε τοὺς ταύρους, καὶ σὺν πολλῷ πυρὶ 
ὁρμήσαντας αὐτοὺς “κατέζευξε. σπείραντος ὃ δὲ 
αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὀδόντας ἀνέτελλον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἄνδρες 
ἔνοπλοι" ὁ δὲ ὅπου πλείονας ἑώρα, βάλλων 
ἀφανῶς * λίθους, πρὸς αὐτοὺς μαχομένους πρὸς 
ἀλλήλους προσιὼν avnpe. καὶ κατεζευγμένων © 

1 φαρμακίς ER®: φαρμάκοις A. 2 obs ERR: ἃς A. 
3 σπείραντος Εἰ : oxelpovtos A. 4 ἀφανῶς E: ἀφανεῖς A. 
δ κατεζευγμένων Faber: καταζευγνυμένων ΕΑ. 

1 As to the se ΙΗ of the brazen-footed bulls, compare 
Pindar, Pyth. iv. 224 (399) sqq.; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 

IFO 

Medea conceived a passion for him; now she was a 
witch, daughter of Aeetes and Idyia, daughter of 
Ocean. And fearing lest he might be rasa Ae 
by the bulls, she, keeping the thing from her 
father, promised to help him to yoke the bulls 
and to deliver to him the fleece, if he would swear 
to have her to wife and would take her with him on 
the voyage to Greece. When Jason swore to do so, 
she gave him a drug with which she bade him anoint 
his shield, spear, and body when he was about to 
yoke the bulls; for she said that, anointed with it, he 
could for a single day be harmed neither by fire nor 
by iron. And she signified to him that, when the 
teeth were sown, armed men would spring up from 
the ground against him; and when he saw a knot of 
them he was to throw stones into their midst from 
a distance, and when they fought eaeh other about 
that, he was then to kill them. On hearing that, 
Jason anointed himself with the drug,? and being 
come to the grove of the temple he sought the 
bulls, and though they charged him with a flame 
of fire, he yoked them.? And when he had sowed 
the teeth, there rose armed men from the ground ; 
and where he saw several together, he pelted them 
unseen with stones, and when they fought each other 
he drew near and slew them.‘ But though the bulls 

iii. 1026 sqg. As to the drug with which Jason was to anoint 
himself, see further Pindar, Pyth. iv. 221 (394) sq.; Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 844 sqq. It was extracted from a 
plant with a saffron-coloured flower, which was said to grow 
on the Caucasus from the blood of Prometheus. Compare 
Valerius Flaccus, Argon. vii. 355 sqg.; Pseudo-Plutarch, De 
Fluviis, v. 4. 

2 Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 1246 sqq. 

+ Ibid. 1278 gq. 4 Itid. 1320-1398. 

Ill 

τῶν ταύρων οὐκ ἐδίδου τὸ δέρας Αἰήτης, ἐβούλετο 
δὲ τήν τε ᾿Αργὼ καταφλέξαι καὶ κτεῖναι τοὺς 
ἐμπλέοντας. φθάσασα δὲ ΜᾶἝήδεια τὸν ᾿Ιάσονα 
νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ δέρας ἤγαγε, καὶ τὸν φυλάσσοντα 
δράκοντα κατακοιμίσασα τοῖς φαρμάκοις μετὰ 
᾿Ιάσονος, ἔχουσα τὸ δέρας, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αργὼ παρε- 
γένετο. συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς Αψυρ- 
τος. οἱ δὲ νυκτὸς μετὰ τούτων ἀνήχθησαν. 

Αἰήτης δὲ ἐπιγνοὺς τὰ τῇ Μηδείᾳ τετολμημένα 
ὥρμησε τὴν ναῦν διώκειν. ἰδοῦσα δὲ αὐτὸν 
πλησίον ὄντα Μήδεια τὸν ἀδελφὸν φονεύει καὶ 
μελίσασα κατὰ τοῦ βυθοῦ ῥίπτει. συναθροίζων 
δὲ Αἰήτης τὰ τοῦ παιδὸς μέλη τῆς διώξεως ὑστέ- 
pnoe διόπερ ὑποστρέψας, καὶ τὰ σωθέντα τοῦ 
παιδὸς μέλη θάψας, τὸν τόπον προσηγόρευσε 
Topovs. πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν Κόλχων ἐπὶ τὴν ζή- 
τησιν τῆς Apyods ἐξέπεμψεν, ἀπειλήσας, εἰ μὴ 
Μήδειαν ἄξουσιν, αὐτοὺς πείσεσθαι τὰ ἐκείνης. 
οἱ δὲ σχισθέντες! ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ ζήτησιν 
ἐποιοῦντο. 

Τοῖς δὲ ᾿Αργοναύταις τὸν ᾿ριδανὸν ποταμὸν 
ἤδη παραπλέουσι Ζεὺς μηνίσας ὑπὲρ τοῦ φονευ- 
θέντος ᾿Αψύρτου χειμῶνα λάβρον ἐπιπέμψας 

1 σχισθέντες ER, Wagner: σχεθέντες A: διασ χεθέντες Heyne, 

Westermann, Miiller: διαχεθέντες Bekker: διαχυθέντες 
Hercher. | 

1 Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 123—182. 

3 Here Apollodorus geperts from the version of Apollonius 
Rhodius, according to whom Apsyrtus, left behind by Jason 
and Medea, pursued them with a band of Colchians, and, 
overtaking them, was treacherously slain by Jason, with the 
connivance of Medea, in an island of the Danube. See 

were yoked, Aeetes did not give the fleece; for he 
wished to burn down the Argo and kill the crew. 
But before he could do so, Medea brought Jason by 
night to the fleece, and having lulled to sleep by her 
drugs the dragon that guarded it, she possessed her- 
self of the fleece and in Jason’s company came to the 
Argo. She was attended, too, by her brother 
Apsyrtus.2, And with them the Argonauts put to 
sea by night. 

When Aeetes discovered the daring deeds done 
by Medea, he started off in pursuit of the ship; 
but when she saw him near, Medea murdered her 
brother and cutting him limb from limb threw the 
pieces into the deep. Gathering the child’s limbs, 
Aeetes fell behind in the pursuit; wherefore he 
turned back, and, having buried the rescued limbs 
of his child, he called the place Tomi. But he sent 
out many of the Colchians to search for the Argo, 
threatening that, if they did not bring Medea to him, 
they should suffer the punishment due to her ; so they 
separated and pursued the search in divers places. 

When the Argonauts were already sailing past the 
Eridanus river, Zeus sent a furious storm upon them, 
and drove them out of their course, because he was 

Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 224 84ᾳ., 303-481. Apollodorus 
seems to have followed the account given by Pherecydes in 
his seventh book (Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
iv. 223, 228). The version of Apollonius is followed by 
Hyginus (Fab. 23) and the Orphic poet (Argonautica, 1027 
8qq.). According to Sophocles, in his play The Colchian 
Women, Apsyrtus was murdered in the palace of Aeetes 
(Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 228); and this 
account seems to have been accepted by Euripides (Medea, 
1334). Apollodorus’s version of the murder of Apsyrtus is 
repeated verbally by Zenobius (iv. 92), but as usual without 
acknowledgment. 

VOL. I. I 

ἐμβάλλει πλάνην. καὶ αὐτῶν tas ᾿Αψυρτίδας 
νήσους παραπλεόντων ἡ ναῦς φθέγγεται μὴ 
λήξειν τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ Διός, ἐὰν! μὴ πορευθέντες 
3 \ > ’ Ν 3 UA “ “a 
ets τὴν Αὐσονίαν τὸν ᾿Αψύρτου φόνον καθαρθῶσιν 
ὑπὸ Κίρκης. οἱ δὲ παραπλεύσαντες τὰ Λυγύων 3 
καὶ Κελτῶν ἔθνη, καὶ διὰ τοῦ Σαρδονίου πελάγους 
διακομισθέντες,) παραμειψάμενοι Τυρρηνίαν ἣλ- 
θον εἰς Αἰαίην,, ἔνθα Kipxns ἱκέται γενόμενοι 
καθαίρονται. 

25 Παραπλεόντων δὲ Σειρῆνας αὐτῶν, ᾿Ορφεὺς 
τὴν ἐναντίαν μοῦσαν μελῳδῶν τοὺς ᾿Αργοναύτας 
κατέσχε. μόνος δὲ Βούτης ἐξενήξατο πρὸς αὐτάς, 
a ς 4 3 ,ὔ 3 ’ ’ 
ὃν ἁρπάσασα ᾿Αφροδίτη ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ κατῴκισε. 

Μετὰ δὲ τὰς Σειρῆνας τὴν ναῦν Χάρυβδις 
3 ’ 4 \ , , 
ἐξεδέχετο καὶ Σκύλλα καὶ πέτραι πλαγκταί, 
ὑπὲρ ὧν φλὸξ πολλὴ καὶ καπνὸς ἀναφερόμενος 
ἑωρᾶτο. ἀλλὰ διὰ τούτων διεκόμισε τὴν ναῦν 
σὺν Νηρηίσι Θέτις παρακληθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἥρας. 

Παραμειψάμενοι δὲ Θρινακίαν νῆσον Ἡλίου 
βοῦς " ἔχουσαν εἰς τὴν Φαιάκων νῆσον Κέρκυραν 
ἧκον, ἧς βασιλεὺς ἦν ᾿Αλκίνοος. τῶν δὲ Κόλχων 

ὡς τἀπὶ Oneeetese: Sot ee ee ὡς 

| 1 δὰν Heyne: εἰ EA. 

2 Λιγύων Scaliger: λιβύων EA. 

ὃ διακομισθέντες Εἰ : κομισθέντες A. 

4 αἰαίην ERR®C: Αἰαίαν Heyne, Westermann, Miller, 
Bekker, Hercher. 

5 βοῦς EA: βόας Wagner. 

1 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 576-591; Or- 
plica, Argonautica, 1160 sqq. 

2 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 659-717, who 
describes the purificatory rites. A sucking-pig was waved 
over the homicides ; then its throat was cut, and their hands 
were sprinkled with its blood. Similar rites of purification 

angry at the murder of Apsyrtus. And as they were 
sailing past the Apsyrtides Islands, the ship spoke, 
saying that the wrath of Zeus would not cease unless 
they journeyed to Ausonia and were purified by Circe 
for the murder of Apsyrtus.1 So when they had 
sailed past the Ligurian and Celtic nations and had 
voyaged through the Sardinian Sea, they skirted 
Tyrrhenia and came to Aeaea, where they supplicated 
Circe and were purified.? 

And as they sailed past the Sirens,’ Orpheus 
restrained the Argonauts by chanting a counter 
melody. Butes alone swam off to the Sirens, but 
Aphrodite carried him away and settled him in Lily- 
baeum. 

After the Sirens, the ship encountered Charybdis 
and Scylla and the Wandering Rocks,* above which 
a great flame and smoke were seen rising. But Thetis 
with the Nereids steered the ship through them at 
the summons of Hera. 

Having passed by the Island of Thrinacia, where 
are the kine of the Sun,> they came to Corcyra, the 
island of the Phaeacians, of which Alcinous was 
king.6 But when the Colchians could not find the 

for homicide are represented on Greek vases. See my note 
on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 (vol. iii. p. 277). 

8 About the Argonauts and. the Sirens, see Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. iv. 891-921 ; Orphica, Argonautica, 1270- 
1297 ; Hyginus, Fab. 14. 

4 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 922 sqq. These 
Wandering Rocks are supposed to be the Lipari islands, two 
of which are still active volcanoes. 

-© Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 964—979, accord- 
ing to whom the kine of the Sun were milk-white, with 
golden horns. 

ὁ About the Argonauts among the Phaeacians, see Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 982 sgg.; Orphica, Argonautica, 
1298-1354 ; Hyginus, Fab. 23. 

πω τ τ ὕ0ῦὉὅ ὐ0ῦὃῦϑ0ὃ »ᾧτς 

τὴν ναῦν εὑρεῖν μὴ δυναμένων οἱ μὲν τοῖς Κεραυ- 
νίοις | ὄρεσι παρῴκησαν, οἱ δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα 
κομισθέντες ἔ ἔκτισαν ᾿Αψυρτίδας νήσους" ἔνιοι δὲ 
πρὸς Φαίακας ἐλθόντες τὴν ᾿Αργὼ κατέλαβον καὶ 
τὴν Μήδειαν ἀπήτουν tap ᾿Αλκινόου. ὁ δὲ 
εἶπεν, εἰ μὲν ἤδη συνελήλυθεν Ἰάσονι, δώσειν 
αὐτὴν ἐκείνῳ, εἰ δ᾽ ἔτι παρθένος ἐστί, τῷ “πατρὶ 
ἀποπέμψειν. ᾿Αρήτη δὲ ἡ ᾿Αλκινόου γυνὴ φθά- 
σασα Μήδειαν ᾿Ιάσονι συνέξευξεν" ὅθεν ob μὲν 
Κόλχοι μετὰ Φαιάκων κατῴκησαν, οἱ δὲ ᾿Αργο- 
ναῦται μετὰ τῆς Μηδείας ἀνήχθησαν. 

26 Πάλέοντες δὲ νυκτὸς σφοὃ ρῷ περιπίπτουσι 

χειμῶνι. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ στὰς ἐπὶ τὰς Μελαντίους 
δειρᾶς, τοξεύσας τῷ βέλει εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν 
κατήστραψεν. οἱ ἃ πλησίον ἐθεάσαντο νῆσον, 
τῷ δὲ παρὰ προσδοκίαν ἀναφανῆναι προσορμι- 
σθέντες ᾿Ανάφην ἐκάλεσαν" ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ βωμὸν 
᾿Απόλλωνος ,αἰγλήτου ὃ κα θυσιάσαντες ἐπ᾽ 
εὐωχίαν ἐτράπησαν. δοθεῖσαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ ᾿Αρήτης 
Μηδείᾳ δώδεκα ϑεράπαιναι τοὺς ἀριστέας: ἔσκωπ- 
τον μετὰ παιγνίας" ὅθεν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐν τῇ θυσίᾳ 
σύνηθές ἐστι σκώπτειν ταῖς γυναιξίν. 

1 Κεραυνίοις Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175: κερκυ- 

ραίοις A: κερκυραίων KE. 2 ἀποπέμψειν Εἰ : ἀντιπέμψειν A. 
8 Μελαντίους Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1707 : μενοι- 
τίου 

4Α participle like καταπλαγέντες seems wanted. Compare | 
ii, 5. 1. 
5 αἰγλήτον Apallonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1716: αἰγαίον A. 

ka sade Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1106 eqq.; Or- 
pies rgonautica, 1327 sqq. 
3 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1111-1169; 
Orphica, Argonautica, 1342 sqq. 
Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1206 sqq. 

ship, some of them settled at the Ceraunian moun- 
tains, and some journeyed to IIlyria and colonized 
the Apsyrtides Islands. But some came to the 
Phaeacians, and finding the Argo there, they de- 
manded of Alcinous that he should give up Medea. 
He answered, that if she already knew Jason, he 
would give her to him, but that if she were still a 
maid he would send her away to her father. How- 
ever, Arete, wife of Alcinous, anticipated matters by 

ing Medea to Jason;?2 hence the Colchians 
settled down among the Phaeacians® and the Argo- 
nauts put to sea with Medea. 

Sailing by night they encountered a violent storm, 
and Apollo, taking his stand on the Melantian ridges, 
flashed lightning down, shooting a shaft into the sea. 
Then they perceived an island close at hand, and 
anchoring there they named it Anaphe, because it 
had loomed up (anaphanenat) unexpectedly. So they 
founded an altar of Radiant Apollo, and having offered 
sacrifice they betook them to feasting ; and twelve 
handmaids, whom Arete had given to Medea, jested 
merrily with the chiefs; whence it is still customary 
for the women to jest at the sacrifice.‘ 

‘Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1701-1730; 
Orphica, Argonautica, 1361-1367. From the description of 
Apollonius we gather that the raillery between men and 
women at these sacrifices was of a ribald character (αἰσχροῖς 
ἔπεσσιν). Here Apollodorus again departs from Apollonius, 
who places the intervention of Apollo and the appearance of 
the idland of Anaphe after the approach of the Argonauts to 
Crete, and their repuse by Talos. Moreover, Apollonius tells 
how, after leaving Phaeacia, the Argonauts were driven by a 
storm to Libya and the Syrtes, where they suffered much 
hardship (Argon. iv. 1228-1628). This Libyan episode in 
the voyage of the Argo is noticed by Diodorus Siculus 
(iv. 56. 6), but entirely omitted by Apollodorus. 

"Ἐντεῦθεν ἀναχθέντες κωλύονται Κρήτῃ προσ- 
ἐσχειν ὑπὸ Τάλω. τοῦτον οἱ μὲν τοῦ χαλκοῦ 
γένους εἶναι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ ᾿Ηφαίστου Μίνωι 
δοθῆναι" ὃς ἣν χαλκοῦς ἀνήρ, οἱ δὲ ταῦρον αὐτὸν 
λέγουσιν. εἶχε δὲ φλέβα μίαν ἀπὸ αὐχένος 
κατατείνουσαν ἄχρε σφυρῶν" κατὰ δὲ τὸ τέρμα 
τῆς φλεβὸς ἧλος διήρειστο χαλκοῦς. οὗτος ὁ 
Τάλως τρὶς ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τὴν νῆσον περιτρο- 
χάξων ἐτήρει: διὸ καὶ τότε τὴν ᾿Αργὼ προσ- 
πλέουσαν θεωρῶν τοῖς λίθοις ἔβαλλεν. ἐξαπατη- 
θεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Μηδείας ἀπέθανεν, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι 
λέγουσι, διὰ φαρμάκων αὐτῷ μανίαν Μηδείας 
ἐμβαλούσης, ὡς δέ τινες, ὑποσχομένης ποιήσειν 
ἀθάνατον καὶ τὸν ἧλον ἐξελούσης, ἐκρυέντος τοῦ 
παντὸς ἰχῶρος αὐτὸν ἀποθανεῖν. τινὲς δὲ αὐτὸν 
τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ ἸΠοίαντος εἰς τὸ σφυρὸν τελευ- 
τῆσαι λέγουσι. 

Μίαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα νύκτα μείναντες Αἰγίνῃ προσ- 
taxovow ὑδρεύσασθαι θέλοντες, καὶ γίνεται περὶ 
τῆς ὑδρείας αὐτοῖς ἅμιλλα. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ διὰ τῆς 
Εὐβοίας καὶ τῆς Λοκρίδος πλεύσαντες εἰς Ιωλκὸν 

1 τέρμα Faber, Heyne, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: δέρμα A, 
Zenobius, Cent. v. 85, Westermann, Miiller. 

1 As to Talos, see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1639- 
1693 ; Orphica, Argonautica, 1358-1360; Agatharchides, in 
Photius, Bibliotheca, Ὁ. 443 ὃ, lines 22-25, ed. Bekker ; Lucian, 
De saltatione, 49 ; Zenobius, Cent. v. 85; Suidas, s.v. Σαρδά- 
vios γέλως ; EKustathius, on Homer, Odyssey, xx. 302, p. 1893; 
Scholiast on Plato, Republic, i. p. 3374. Talos would seem 
to have been a bronze image of the sun represented as a man 
with a bull’s head. See The Dying God, pp. 74 sq.; A. B. 
Cook, Zeus, i. 718 sqgq. In his account of the death of Talos 
our author again differs from Apollonius Rhodius, according 

τι 

Putting to sea from there, they were hindered 
from touching at Crete by Talos.1 Some say that 
he was a man of the Brazen Race, others that he was 
given to Minos by Hephaestus; he was a brazen man, 
but some say that he was a bull. He had a single 
vein extending from his neck to his ankles, and a 
bronze nail was rammed home at the end of the vein. 
This Talos kept guard, running round the island 
thrice every day ; wherefore, when he saw the Argo 
standing inshore, he pelted it as usual with stones. 
His death was brought about by the wiles of Medea, 
whether, as some say, she drove him mad by drugs, 
or, as others say, she promised to make him immortal 
and then drew out the nail, so that all the ichor 
gushed out and he died. But some say that Poeas 
shot him dead in the ankle. 

After tarrying a single night there they put in to 
Aegina to draw water, and a contest arose among 
them concerning the drawing of the water.2_ Thence 
they sailed betwixt Euboea and Locris and came to 

to whom Talos perished through grazing his ankle against a 
jagged rock, so that all the ichor in his body gushed out. This 
incident seems to have been narrated by Sophocles in one 
of his plays (Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 
1638 ; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, i. 110 
eqq.). The account, mentioned by Apollodorus, which re- 
ferred the death of Talos to the sriaile of Medea, is illustrated 
by a magnificent vase-painting, in the finest style, which 
represents Talos swooning to death in presence of the Argo- 
nauts, while the enchantress Medea stands by, gazing griml 
at her victim and holding in one hand a basket from which 
she seems to be drawing with the other the fatal herbs. See 
A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. p. 721, with plate x11. 

2 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1765-1772, from 
whose account we gather that this story was told to explain 
the origin of a foot-race in Aegina, in which young men ran 
with jars full of water on their shoulders. 

ἦλθον, τὸν πάντα πλοῦν ἐν τέτταρσι μησὶ τελειώ- 
σαντες. 

9] Πελίας δὲ ἀπογνοὺς τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τῶν 
᾿Αργοναυτῶν τὸν Αἴσονα κτείνειν ἤθελεν" ὁ δὲ 
αἰτησάμενος ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν θυσίαν ἐπιτελῶν 
ἀδεῶς τοῦ ταυρείου σπασάμενος αἵματος ᾿ ἀπέ- 
θανεν. ἡ δὲ Ἰάσονος μήτηρ ἐπαρασαμένη Πελίᾳ," 
νήπιον ἀπολιποῦσα παῖδα Ἰ]Ιρόμαχον ἑαυτὴν 
ἀνήρτησε' ἸΠελίας δὲ καὶ τὸν αὐτῇ καταλειφθέντα 
παῖδα ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιάσων κατελθὼν τὸ μὲν 
δέρας ἔδωκε, περὶ ὧν δὲ ἠδικήθη μετελθεῖν ἐθέλων 
καιρὸν ἐξεδέχετο. καὶ τότε μὲν εἰς ᾿Ισθμὸν μετὰ 
τῶν ἀριστέων πλεύσας ἀνέθηκε τὴν ναῦν ἸΠοσει- 
Sav, αὖθις δὲ Μήδειαν παρακαλεῖ ζητεῖν ὅπως 
Πελίας αὐτῷ δίκας ὑπόσχη. ἡ δὲ εἰς τὰ βασί- 
λεια τοῦ Πελίου παρελθοῦσα πείθει τὰς θυγα- 
τέρας αὐτοῦ τὸν πατέρα κρεουργῆσαι καὶ καθε- 
ψῆσαι, διὰ φαρμάκων αὐτὸν ἐπαγγελλομένη 
ποιήσειν νέον' καὶ τοῦ πιστεῦσαι χάριν κριὸν 
μελίσασα καὶ καθεψήσασα ἐποίησεν ἄρνα. αἱ 
δὲ πιστεύσασαι τὸν πατέρα κρεουργοῦσι καὶ 
καθέψουσιν. "Ακαστος ὃ δὲ μετὰ τῶν τὴν ᾿Ιωλκὸν 
᾿ ἃ χαυρείου σπασάμενος αἵματος Εἰ : ταύρου αἷμα σπασάμενος A, 

3 πελίᾳ E: πελίαν A. 
3 Ἄκαστος Aegius: ἄδραστος EA. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 50.1; Valerius Flaccus, 
Argon. i. 777 sq. The ancients believed that bull’s blood was 
poisonous. Similarly Themistocles was popularly supposed 
to have killed himself by drinking bull’s blood (Plutarch, 
Themistocles, 31). 

3 Her name was Perimede, according to Apollodorus (i. 9. 
16). Diodorus Siculus calls her Amphinome, and says that 
she stabbed herself after cursing Pelias (iv. 50. 1). 

Iolcus, having completed the whole voyage in four 
months. . 

Now Pelias, despairing of the return of the 
Argonauts, would have killed Aeson; but he re- 
quested to be allowed to take his own life, and in 
offering a sacrifice drank freely of the bull's blood 
and died.1_ And Jason’s mother cursed Pelias and 
hanged _herself,2 leaving behind an infant son 
Promachus; but Pelias slew even the son whom 
she had left behind.* On his return Jason surren- 
dered the fleece, but though he longed to avenge 
his wrongs he bided his time. At that time he sailed 
with the chiefs to the Isthmus and dedicated the ship 
to Poseidon, but afterwards he exhorted Medea to 
devise how he could punish Pelias. So she repaired 
to the palace of Pelias and persuaded his daughters 
to make mince meat of their father and boil him, 
promising to make him young again by her drugs; 
and to win their confidence she cut up a ram and 
made it into a lamb by boiling it. So they believed 
her, made mince meat of their father and _ boiled 
him.‘ But Acastus buried his father with the help 

3 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 50. 1. 

4 With this account of the death of Pelias compare Dio- 
dorus Siculus, iv. 51 sq.; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2 eg.; Zenobius, 
Cent. iv. 92; Plautus, Pseudolus, Act iii. vv. 868 sqq. : Cicero, 
De senectute, xxiii. 83; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 297-349; 
Hyginus, Fab. 24. The story of the fraud practised by Medea 
on Pelias is illustrated by Greek vase-paintings. For example, 
on a black-figured vase the ram is seen issuing from the 
boiling cauldron, while Medea and the two daughters of Pelias 
stand SY watching it with gestures of glad surprise, and the 
aged white-haired king himself sits looking on expectant. See 

iss J. E. Harrison, Greek Vase Paintings (London, 1894), 
plate ii; A. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassischen Alter- 
tums, ii. 1201 sq., with fig. 1894. According to the author of 

οἰκούντων τὸν πατέρα θάπτει, τὸν δὲ ᾿Ιάσονα 
μετὰ τῆς Μηδείας τῆς Ἰωλκοῦ ἐκβάλλει. 

Οἱ δὲ ἧκον εἰς Κόρινθον, καὶ δέκα μὲν ἔτη 
διετέλουν εὐτυχοῦντες, αὖθις δὲ τοῦ τῆς Κορίνθον 
βασιλέως Κρέοντος τὴν θυγατέρα Τλαύκην 
Ἰάσονι ἐγγνῶντος, παραπεμψάμενος ᾿Ιάσων Μή- 
δειαν ἐγάμει. ἡ δέ, οὕς τε ὥμοσεν ᾿Ιάσων θεοὺς 
ἐπικαλεσαμένη καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιάσονος ἀχαριστίαν 
μεμψαμένη πολλάκις, τῇ μὲν γαμουμένῃ πέπλον 
μεμαγμένον ἢ φαρμάκοις 5 ἔπεμψεν, ὃν ἀμφιεσα- 
μένη μετὰ τοῦ βοηθοῦντος πατρὸς πυρὶ λάβρῳ 
κατεφλέχθη,ὃ τοὺς δὲ παῖδας obs εἶχεν ἐξ ᾿Ιάσονος, 
Μέρμερον καὶ Φέρητα, ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ λαβοῦσα 
παρὰ Ἡλίου ἅρμα πτηνῶν δρακόντων ἐπὶ 
τούτου φεύγουσα ἦλθεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας. λέγεται δὲ 
«καὶ; ὅτι φεύγουσα τοὺς παῖδας ἔτι νηπίους 
ὄντας κατέλιπεν, ἱκέτας καθίσασα ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν 

1 μεμαγμένον E: μεμαγευμένον A. 
2 φαρμάκοις ER: φάρμακον A. 

δ κατεφλέχθη E: καταφλέγει A. 
4 πτηνῶν EC. Some MSS. read πτηνὸν. 

the epic Returns ἐδώ Medea in like manner restored to 

outh Jason’s old father, Aeson ; according to Pherecydes and 

imonides, she applied the magical restorative with success 
to her husband, Jason. Again, Aeschylus wrote a play called 
The Nurses of Dionysus, in which he related how Medea 
similarly renovated not only the nurses but their husbands by 
the simple process of decoction. See the Greek Argument to 
the Medea of Euripides, and the Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Knights, 1321. (According to Ovid, Metamorph, vii. 25]-- 
294, Medea restored Aeson to youth, not by boiling him, but 
by draining his body of his effete old blood and replacing it by 
ἃ. magic brew.) Again, when Pelops had been killed and 

of the inhabitants of Iolcus, and he expelled Jason 
and Medea from Iolcus. 

They went to Corinth, and lived there happily 
for ten years, till Creon, king of Corinth, betrothed 
his daughter Glauce to Jason, who married 
her and divorced Medea. But she invoked the 
gods by whom Jason had sworn, and after often 
upbraiding him with his ingratitude she sent the 
bride a robe steeped in poison, which when Glauce 
had put on, she was consumed with fierce fire along 
with her father, who went to her rescue! But 
Mermerus and Pheres, the children whom Medea had 
by Jason, she. killed, and having got from the Sun 
a car drawn by winged dragons she fled on it to 
Athens.? Another tradition is that on her flight she 
left behind her children, who were still infants, 
setting them as suppliants on the altar of Hera of the 

served up at a banquet of the ie by his cruel father Tanta- 
lus, the deities in pity restored him to life by boiling him in 
a cauldron from which he emerged well and whole except for 
the loss of his shoulder, of which Demeter had inadvertentl 

rtaken. See Pindar, Olymp. i. 26. (40) sq., with the Schol- 
last; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 152-153. For similar 
stories of the magical restoration of youth and life, see 
Appendix, ‘*The Renewal of Youth.” 

See Euripides, Medea, 1136 sqg. It is said that in her 
agony Glauce threw herself into a fountain, which was 
thenceforth named after her (Pausanias, ii. 2.6). The fountain 
has been discovered and excavated in recent years. See 
G. W. Elderkin, ‘‘The Fountain of Glauce at Corinth,” 
American Journal of Archaeology, xiv. (1910), pp. 19-50. 

2 In this account of the tragic end of Medea’s stay at 
Corinth our author has followed the Medea of Euripides. 
Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 54; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 
391 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 25. According to Apuleius (Meta- 
morph. i. 10), Medea contrived to burn the king’s palace and 
the king himself in it, as well as his daughter. 

τῆς Ἥρας τῆς ἀκραίας" Κορίνθιοι δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀνα- 
στήσαντες κατετραυμάτισαν. 

Μήδεια δὲ ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, κἀκεῖ γαμηθεῖσα 
Αἰγεῖ παῖδα γεννᾷ Μῆδον. ἐπιβουλεύουσα δὲ 
ὕστερον Θησεῖ φυγὰς ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς 
ἐκβάλλεται. GAN οὗτος μὲν πολλῶν κρατήσας 
βαρβάρων τὴν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτὸν χώραν ἅπασαν Μηδίαν 
ἐκάλεσε, καὶ στρατευόμενος ἐπὶ ᾿Ινδοὺς ἀπέθανε" 
Μήδεια δὲ εἰς Κόλχους ἦλθεν ἄγνωστος, καὶ 
καταλαβοῦσα Αἰήτην ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Πέρσου 
τῆς βασιλείας ἐστερημένον, κτείνασα τοῦτον τῷ 
πατρὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκατέστησεν. 

1 Compare Pausanias, ii. 3.6; Aelian, Varia Historia, ν. 
21; Scholiast on Euripides, Medea, 9 and 264. Down to a 
comparatively late date the Corinthians used to offer annual 
sacrifices and perform other rites for the sake of expiating the 
murder of the children. Seven boys and seven girls, clad in 
black and with their hair shorn, had to spend a year in the 
sanctuary of Hera of the Height, where the murder had been 
perpetrated. These customs fell into desuetude after Corinth 
was captured by the Romans. See Pausanias, ii. 3. 7; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Medea, 264; compare Philostratus, 
Herotca, xx. 24. 

2 According to one account, Medea attempted to poison 
Theseus, but his father dashed the poison cup from his lips. 
See below, Hpitome, i. 5 ag.; Plutarch, Theseus, 12; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 55. 46 ; Pausanias, ii. 3. 8 ; Scholiast on Homer, 
il. xi. 741; Eustathius, Comment. on Dionysius Perieg. 
1017; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 406-424. According to Ovid, 

Height ; but the Corinthians removed them and 
wounded them to death.} 

Medea came to Athens, and being there married 
to Aegeus bore him a son Medus. Afterwards, 
however, plotting against Theseus, she was driven 
a fugitive from Athens with her son.? But he con- 
quered many barbarians and called the whole 
country under him Media,’ and marching against 
the Indians he met his death. And Medea came 
unknown to Colchis, and finding that Aeetes had 
been deposed by his brother Perses, she killed Perses 
and restored the kingdom to her father.‘ 

the poison which Medea made use of to take off Theseus was 
aconite. 

* For the etymology, compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 55. 5 
and 7, iv. 56. 1; Strabo, xi. 13. 10, p. 526; Pausanias, ii. 3. 
8; Eustathius, Comment. on Dionysius Perteg. 1017; Hygi- 
nus, Fab. 27. 

* According to others, it was not Medea but her son Medus 
who killed Perses. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 56.1; Hyginus, 
Fab. 27. Cicero quotes from an otherwise unknown Latin 
tragedy some lines in which the deposed Aeetes is repre- 
sented mourning his forlorn state in an unkingly and 
unmanly strain (TJuscwlan. Disput. iii. 12. 26). The narrative 
of Hyginus has all the appearance of being derived from a 
tragedy, perhaps the same tragedy from which Cicero quotes. 
But that tragedy itself was probably based on a Greek 
original ; for Diodorus Siculus introduces his similar account 
of the assassination of the usurper with the remark that the 
history of Medea had been embellished and distorted by the 
extravagant fancies of the tragedians. 

BOOK II 

Β 

I. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ τὸ τοῦ Δευκαλίωνος διεξεληλύ- 
θαμεν γένος, ἐχομένως λέγωμεν ' τὸ Ἰνάχειον. 

᾽Ωκεανοῦ καὶ Τηθύος γίνεται παῖς Ἴναχος, ad’ 
οὗ ποταμὸς ἐν ΓΑργει “Ivayos καλεῖται. τούτου 
καὶ Μελίας τῆς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ Φορωνεύς τε καὶ 
Αἰγιαλεὺς παῖδες ἐγένοντο. Αἰγιαλέως μὲν οὖν 
ἄπαιδος ἀποθανόντος ἡ χώρα ἅπασα Αἰγιάλεια 
ἐκλήθη, Φορωνεὺς δὲ ἁπάσης τῆς ὕστερον ἸΠ]ελο- 
πονμήσου προσαγορευθείσης δυναστεύων ἐκ Τηλε- 
δίκης νύμφης "Amv καὶ Νιόβην ἐγέννησεν. 
"Amis μὲν οὖν εἰς τυραννίδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μετα- 
στήσας δύναμιν καὶ βίαιος ὧν τύραννος, ὀνομάσας" 
> ? ε aA A / 2 [4 e \ 
ἀφ eéavtov τὴν Πελοπόννησον ᾿Απίαν, ὑπὸ 
Θελξίονος καὶ Τελχῖνος ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ἄπαις 
ἀπέθανε, καὶ νομισθεὶς θεὸς ἐκλήθη Σάραπις' 
Νιόβης δὲ καὶ Διός (ἡ πρώτῃ γυναικὶ Ζεὺς θνητῇ 
> » aw 2. » e \ 9» , , 
ἐμίγη) mais “Apyos ἐγένετο, ὡς ᾿ δὲ ᾿Ακουσίλαός 

1 λέγωμεν Aegius: λέγομεν A. 

2 Μελίας Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 177, Scholiast on 
Plato, Timaeus, p. 22 a: μελίσσης A. 

8 Τηλοδίκης Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 177, Scholiast 

on Plato, Timaeus, p. 22 a: ἐκ τῆς Λαοδίκης Heyne (in the 
text). 4 ὀναμάσας Bekker, Wagner (misprint). 

1 As to Inachus and his descendants, see Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 177 (who follows Apollodorus) ; Pausanias, ii. 
15. 5; Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 932; Scholiast on 

BOOK II

Havine now gone through the family of Deu-
calion, we have next to speak of that of Inachus. 

Ocean and Tethys had a son Inachus, after whom 
a river in Argos is called Inachus.! He and Melia, 
daughter of Ocean, had sons, Phoroneus and Aegia- 
leus. Aegialeus having died childless, the whole 
country was called Aegialia ; and Phoroneus, reigning 
over the whole land afterwards named Peloponnese, 
begat Apis and Niobe by a nymph Teledice. Apis 
converted his power into a tyranny and named the 
Peloponnese after himself Apia; but being a stern 

ant he was conspired against and slain by 
Thelxion and Telchis. He left no child, and being 
deemed a god was called Sarapis.2, But Niobe had 
by Zeus (and she was the first mortal woman with 
whom Zeus cohabited) a son Argus, and also, so says 

Homer, Jl. i. 22. According to Apion, the flight of the 
Israelites from Egypt took place purine ne reign of Inachus 
at Argos. See Eusebius, Praeparatio Hvangelw, x. 10. 10 84. 
On the subject of Phoroneus there was an ancient epic 
Phoronis, of which a few verses have survived. See Hpi- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 209 sqq. 

‘2 Apollodorus identifies the Argive Apis with the Egyptian 
bull Apis, who was in turn identified with Serapis \Sarapis). 
As to the Egyptian Apis, see Herodotus, ii. 153 (with Wiede- 
mann’s note), iii. 27 and 28. As to Apia as a name for 
Peloponnese or Argos, see Aeschylus, Suppl. 260 sqq.; Pau- 
sanias, ii. 5. 7; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. i. 22; Tuzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 177 ; Stephanus Byzantius, 8.0. ᾿Απία. 

VOL. I. K 

Syst, καὶ Πελασγύς, ἀφ᾽ οὗ κληθῆναι τοὺς τὴν 
[ϊελοπόννησον οἰκοῦντας Πελασγούς. Ἡσίοδος 
δὲ τὸν “Πελασγὸν αὐτόχθονά φησιν εἶναι. ἀλλὰ 
περὶ μὲν τούτου πάλιν ἐροῦμεν" ᾿Άργος δὲ λαβὼν 
τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν Πελοπόννησον 
ἐκάλεσεν. ἼΑργος, καὶ γήμας Evddvnv τὴν Στρυ- 

νος καὶ Νεαίρας ἐτέκνωσεν Ἕκβασον Πείραντα 
Επίδαυρον Κρίασον, ὃς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν παρέ- 
λαβεν. 

᾿Εκβάσου δὲ ᾿Αγήνωρ γίνεται, τούτου δὲ Ἄργος 
ὁ πανόπτης λεγόμενος. εἶχε δὲ οὗτος ὀφθαλμοὺς 
μὲν ἐν παντὶ τῷ σώματι, ὑπερβάλλων δὲ δυνάμει 
τὸν μὲν τὴν ᾿Αρκαδίαν λυμαινόμενον ταῦρον ἀνε- 
λὼν τὴν τούτου δορὰν ἠμφιέσατο, Σάτυρον δὲ 
τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας ἀδικοῦντα καὶ ἀφαιρούμενον τὰ 
βοσκηματα ὑποστὰς ἀπέκτεινε. λέγεται, δὲ ὅ ὅτι 
καὶ τὴν Ταρτάρου καὶ Τῆς Ἔχιδναν, ἣ τοὺς 
παριόντας συνήρπαζξεν, ἐπιτηρήσας κοιμωμένην 
ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐξεδίκησε δὲ καὶ τὸν ΓΑπιδος φόνον, 
τοὺς αἰτίους ἀποκτείνας. 

Ἄργου δὲ καὶ ᾿Ισμήνης τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ παῖς 
ἤν συ οὗ φασιν Ἰὼ γενέσθαι. Κάστωρ δὲ ὁ 
συγγράψας τὰ χρονικὰ καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν τραγικῶν 
Ἰνάχου τὴν ᾿Ιὼ λέγουσιν: “Ησίοδος δὲ καὶ ᾿Ακου- 

1 After λαβὼν the MSS. (A) add παρὰ Φορωνέως, which is 
omitted by Hercher and Wagner, following Heyne. 
2 “Iagos Aegius: ἶσος A. 

1 See below, iii. 8. 1. 

2 Compare Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 932 ; Hyginus, 
Fab. 145. 

3 As to Argus and his many eyes, compare Aeschylus, 
Suppl. 303 99-3 Scholiast on Euripides, Phoen. 1116; Ovid, 
Metamorph. i. 625 sgq.; Hyginus, Fab. 145; Servius, on 
vw Aen. vii. 790 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 

Acusilaus, a son Pelasgus, after whom the inhabit- 
ants of the Peloponnese were called Pelasgians. 
However, Hesiod says that Pelasgus was a son of 
the soil. About him I shall speak again.! But 
Argus received the kingdom and called the Pelo- 
ponnese after himself Argos; and having married 
Evadne, daughter of Strymon and Neaera, he begat 
Ecbasus, Piras, Epidaurus, and Criasus,* who also 
succeeded to the kingdom. 

Ecbasus had a son Agenor, and Agenor had a son 
Argus, the one who is called the All-seeing. He had 
eyes in the whole of his body,®? and being exceed- 
ingly strong he killed the bull that ravaged Arcadia 
and clad himself in its hide;* and when a satyr 
wronged the Arcadians and robbed them of their 
cattle, Argus withstood and killed him. It is said, 
too, that Echidna,® daughter of Tartarus and Earth, 
who used to carry off passers-by, was caught asleep 
and slain by Argus. He also avenged the murder ot 
Apis by putting the guilty to death. 

Argus and Ismene, daughter of Asopus, had a son 
Iasus, who is said to have been the father of Io.6 
But the annalist Castor and many of the tragedians 
allege that Io was a daugher of Inachus;’ and Hesiod 
a H. Bode, vol.i. pp. 58g. (First Vatican Mythographer, 

Compare Dionysius, quoted by the Scholiast on Euri- 
pides, Phoentss. 1116, who says merely that Argus was clad 
in a hide and had eyes all over his body. 

5 As to the monster Echidna, half woman, half snake, see 
Hesiod, Theog. 295 sqq. 

Compare Pausanias, ii. 16. 1; Scholiast on Euripides, 
Orestes, 932. 

7 Compare Aeschylus, Prometheus, 589 sqq.; Herodotus, i. 
1; Plutarch, De malignitate Herodoti, 11; Lucian, Dral. 
deorum, iii.; 1d. Dial. Marin. vii. 1; Pausanias, iii. 18. 13 ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. i. 583 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 1435. 

K 2 

σίλαος Πειρῆνος αὐτήν φασιν εἶναι. ταύτην 
ἱερωσύνην τῆς Ἥρας ἔχουσαν Ζεὺς ἔφθειρε. 
φωραθεὶς δὲ ὑφ᾽ “Ἥρας τῆς μὲν κόρης ἁψάμενος 
εἰς βοῦν μετεμόρφωσε λευκήν, ἀπωμόσατο 

ταύτῃ μὴ συνελθεῖν' διό φησιν Ἡσίοδος οὐκ 
ἐπισπᾶσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν θεῶν ὀργὴν τοὺς γινο- 
μένους ὅρκους ὑπὲρ ἔρωτος. “Hea δὲ αἰτησαμένη 
παρὰ Διὸς τὴν βοῦν φύλακα αὐτῆς κατέστησεν 
Ἔργον τὸν πανόπτην, ὃν Φερεκύδης " μὲν ᾿Αρέ- 
στορος λέγει, ᾿Ασκληπιάδης δὲ ἸΙνάχου, Κέρκωψ" 
δὲ “Apyou καὶ Ἰσμήνης τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ θυγατρός: 
᾿Ακουσίλαος δὲ γηγενῆ αὐτὸν λέγει. οὗτος ἐκ 
τῆς ἐλαίας ἐδέσμευεν αὐτὴν Aris ἐν τῷ Μυκη- 
ναίων ὑπῆρχεν ἄλσει. Διὸς δὲ ἐπιτάξαντος 
Ἑρμῇ κλέψαι τὴν βοῦν, μηνύσαντος ‘Tépaxos, 
ἐπειδὴ λαθεῖν οὐκ ἠδύνατο, λίθῳ βαλὼν ἀπέ- 
κτεινε τὸν ΓἌργον, ὅθεν ἀργειφόντης ἐκλήθη. 
Ἥρα δὲ τῇ βοὶ οἶστρον ἐμβάλλει ἡ δὲ πρῶτον 
ἧκεν εἰς τὸν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης ᾿Ιόνιον κόλπον κληθέντα, 
ἔπειτα διὰ τῆς ᾿Ιλλυρίδος πορευθεῖσα καὶ τὸν 
Αἷμον ὑπερβαλοῦσα διέβη τὸν τότε μὲν καλού- 
μενον πόρον Θρᾷάκιον, νῦν δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης Βόσ- 
πορον. ἀπελθοῦσα 4 δὲ εἰς Σκυθίαν καὶ τὴν 
Κιμμερίδα γῆν, πολλὴν χέρσον πλανηθεῖσα καὶ 
πολλὴν διανηξαμένη θάλασσαν Ἐϊρώπης τε καὶ 

1 ταύτῃ Wagner: ταύτην E: αὐτὴν A: ἀρχὴν Hercher. 

2 Φερεκύδης. . . ᾿Ασκληπιάδης Heyne (comparing Scholiast 
on Euripides, Phoenissae, 1116), Bekker, Hercher, Wagner : 
"AckAnmiddns .. - Φερεκύδης A, Westermann. 

3 Κέρκωψ Aegius: xéxpoy A. 

4 ἀπελθοῦσα EK: ἐπελθοῦσα A. 

1 Compare Aeschylus, Suppl. 29] sqq.; Scholiast on Homer, 
-29 

and Acusilaus say that she was a daughter of Piren. 
Zeus seduced her while she held the priesthood of 
Hera, but being detected by Hera he by a touch 
turned Io into a white cow! and swore that he had 
not known her; wherefore Hesiod remarks that 
lover's oaths do not draw down the anger of the gods. 
But Hera requested the cow from Zeus for herself 
and set Argus the All-seeing to guard it. Pherecydes 
says that this Argus was a son of Arestor ;? but Asclep- 
iades says that he was a son of Inachus, and Cercops 
says that he was a son of Argus and Ismene, daugh- 
ter of Asopus; but Acusilaus says that he was earth- 
born. He tethered her to the olive tree which was 
in the grove of the Mycenaeans. But Zeus ordered 
Hermes to steal the cow, and as Hermes could not do 
it secretly because Hierax had blabbed, he killed 
Argus by the cast of a stone ;* whence he was called 
Argiphontes.5 Hera next sent a gadfly to infest the 
cow,° and the animal came first to what is called 
after her the Ionian gulf. Then she journeyed through 
Illyria and having traversed Mount Haemus she 
crossed what was then called the Thracian Straits but 
is now called after her the Bosphorus.’ And having 
gone away to Scythia and the Cimmerian land she 
wandered over great tracts of land and swam wide 
stretches of sea both in Europe and Asia until at last 
Il. ii. 103 (who cites the present passage of Apollodorus) ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. i. 588 sqq. 

2 The passage of Pherecydes is quoted by the Scholiast on 
Euripides, Phoenissae, 1116. 

3 So Aeschylus, Prometheus, 305. 

4 Compare Scholiast on Aeschylus, Prometheus, 561 ; Scho- 
liast on Homer, 1. ii. 103. 5 That is, slayer of Argus. 

6 For the wanderings of Io, goaded by the gadfly, see 
Aeschylus, Suppl. 540 sqq., Prometheus, 786 (805) sqg.; Ovid 
Metamorph. i. 724 qq. 

Bosporos, ‘‘Cow’s strait” or ‘* Ox-ford.” 

9 / - 2 1.2? wv σ \ 
Ασίας, τελευταῖον ἧκεν eis Αἴγυπτον, ὅπου τὴν 
ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν ἀπολαβοῦσα γεννᾷ παρὰ τῷ 
Νείλῳ ποταμῷ “Eradoy παῖδα. τοῦτον δὲ “Ἥρα 
δεῖται Κουρήτων ἀφανῆ ποιῆσαι" οἱ δὲ ἠφάνισαν 
αὐτόν. καὶ Ζεὺς μὲν αἰσθόμενος κτείνει Ἰζού- 
31 N \ 93 , “a Ἁ 3 4 
ρητας, “Im δὲ ἐπὶ ζήτησιν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐτράπετο. 
πλανωμένη δὲ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπασαν (ἐκεῖ 
γὰρ ἐμηνύετο «ὅτι " ἡ; 5 τοῦ Βυβλίων βασιλέως 
A 4 3 θ “ \ er \ Ἁ "EB on 
<yuvn>* ἐτιθήνει Tov υἱόν) καὶ τὸν "Ἑππαφον ev 
A 3 Μ A 3 a / 
povoa, ets Αἴγυπτον ἐλθοῦσα ἐγαμήθη Τηλεγόνῳ 
τῷ βασιλεύοντι τότε Αἰγυπτίων. ἱδρύσατο δὲ 
δ 7 3 / 4 3 7 
ἄγαλμα Δήμητρος, ἣν ἐκάλεσαν Ἶσιν Αἰγύπτιοι, 
καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιὼ Ἶσιν ὁμοίως προσηγόρευσαν. 
Ἔσπαφος δὲ βασιλεύων Αἰγυπτίων γαμεῖ Μέμ- 
φιν τὴν Νείλου θυγατέρα, καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης κτίζει 
Μέμφιν πόλιν, καὶ τεκνοῖ θυγατέρα Λιβύην, 
ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡ χώρα Λιβύη ἐκλήθη. Λιβύης δὲ καὶ 
Ποσειδῶνος γίνονται παῖδες δίδυμοι ᾿Αγήνωρ καὶ 
Βῆλος. ᾿Αγήνωρ μὲν οὖν εἰς Φοινίκην ἀπαλ- 
\ 4 , 9 wn lel 4 ee? > / 
λαγεὶς ἐβασίλευσε, κἀκεῖ τῆς μεγάλης ῥίξης ἐγέ- 
yeTo γενεάρχης" ὅθεν ὑπερθησόμεθα περὶ τούτου. 
Βῆλος δὲ ὑπομείνας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλεύει μὲν 
Αἰγύπτου, γαμεῖ δὲ ᾿Αγχινόηνδ τὴν Νείλου 
θυγατέρα, καὶ αὐτῷ γίνονται παῖδες δίδυμοι, 
1 ἧκεν A: fea E. 2 ὅτι inserted by Bekker: ὡς Heyne. 
3 ἡ a conjecture of Heyne’s. 4 γυνὴ inserted by Aegius. 
5 ᾿Αγχινόην A, Scholiast on Homer, JI. i. 42 (citing the © 
Second Book of Apollodorus): ᾿Αγχιρρόη Scholiast on Plato, 

Timaeus, Ὁ. 25 B: ᾿Αχιρόη Tzetzes, Chiltades, vii. 353, and 
Schol. on Lycophron, 583. 

1 Compare Aeschylus, Prometheus, 846 (865) sqq.; Herodo- 
tus, ii. 153, iii. 27; Ovid, Metamorph. i. 748 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 1465. 

2 Isis, whom the ancients sometimes identified with Io (see 

she came to Egypt, where she recovered her original 
form and gave birth to a son Epaphus beside the 
river Nile.1 Him Hera besought the Curetes to make 
away with, and make away with him they did. When 
Zeus learned of it, he slew the Curetes; but lo set 
out in search of the child. She roamed all over Syria, 
because there it was revealed to her that the wife of 
the king of Byblus was nursing her son ;? and having 
found Epaphus she came to Egypt and was married 
to Telegonus, who then reigned over the Egyptians. 
And she set up an image of Demeter, whom the 
Egyptians called Isis,? and Io likewise they called by 
the name of Isis.* 

Reigning over theEgyptians Epaphus married Mem- 
phis, daughter of Nile, founded and named the city 
of Memphis after her, and begat a daughter Libya, 
after whom the region of Libya was called.> Libya 
had by Poseidon twin sons, Agenor and Belus.® Agenor 
departed to Phoenicia and reigned there, and there 
he became the ancestor of the great stock ; hence we 
shall defer our account of him.’ But Belus remained 
in Egypt, reigned over the country, and married 
Anchinoe, daughter of Nile, by whom he had twin 

below), is said to have nursed the infant son of the king of 
Byblus. See Plutarch, Isis e¢ Osiris, 15 sq. Both stories 

robably reflect the search said to have been instituted by 
fois for the body of the dead Osiris. 

3 For the identification of Demeter with Isis, see Herodo- 
tus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13. 5, i. 25. 1, i. 96. 5. 

4 Herodotus remarked (ii. 41) that in art Isis was repre- 
sented like Io as a woman with cow’s horns. For the identifi- 
cation of Io and Isis, see Diodorus Siculus, i. 24. 8; Lucian, 
Dial. deorum, iii.; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. i. 21. 106, 
p. 382, ed. Potter; Propertius, iii. 20. 17 8ᾳ.; Juvenal, Sat. 
vi. 526 sqq.; Statius, Sylv. iii. 2. 101 sg.; Hyginus, Fab. 145. 

5 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 894 

6 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, vii. 349 sq. 

7 See. below, iii. 1. 

Αἴγυπτος καὶ Aavads, as δέ φησιν Εὐριπίδης, 
καὶ Κηφεὺς καὶ Φινεὺς προσέτι. Δαναὸν μὲν 
οὖν Βῆλος ἐ ἐν Διβύῃ κατῴκισεν," Αἴγυπτον δὲ ἐν 
᾿Δραβίς, ὃ ὃς καὶ καταστρεψάμενος 5 τὴν Μελαμ- 
πόδων ὃ “χώραν «ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ» 3 ὠνόμασεν Αἴγυπ- 
τον. γίνονται δὲ ἐκ πολλῶν γυναικῶν Αἰγύπτῳ 
μὲν παῖδες πεντήκοντα, θυγατέρες. δὲ Δαναῷ 
πεντήκοντα. στασιασάντων δὲ αὐτῶν περὶ τῆς 
ἀρχῆς" ὕστερον, Δαναὸς τοὺς Αἰγύπτου παῖδας 
δεδοικώς, ὑποθεμένης ᾿Αθηνᾶς αὐτῷ ναῦν κατε- 
σκεύασε πρῶτος καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας ἐνθέμενος 
ἔφυγε. προσσχὼν ὃ δὲ Ῥόδῳ τὸ τῆς Λινδίας ἴ 
ἄγαλμα ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἱδρύσατο. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἧκεν εἰς 
ἼΑργος, καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῷ παραδίδωσι 
Γελάνωρ ® ὁ τότε βασιλεύων «αὐτὸς δὲ κρατήσας 
τῆς χώρας ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας Δαναοὺς 
ὠνόμασε;».5 ἀνύδρου δὲ τῆς χώρας ὑπαρχούσης, 

1 κατῴκισεν R: κατώκησεν A. 

2 καταστρεψάμενος Scholiast on Homer, J/. i. 42, Scholiast 
on Plato, Timaeus, Ae 258: κατασκαψάμενος Α. 

8 μελαμπόδων R, Scholiast on Homer, ἢ... i. 42, Scholiast on 
Plato, Timaeus, Ὁ. 25 B, Zenohbius, Cent. ii. 6: μὲν λαμπάδων A. 

4 ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ded by Aegius from the Scholiasts on Homer 
and Plato, ll.ce. 

5 περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς omitted by Heyne and Bekker. Compare 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. i. 42, στασιάντων δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους 
περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς. 

5 προσσχὼν Scholiast on Homer, Il. i. 42: προσάγων A. 

7 Awdlas R: Avdlas A. 

8 TeAdvwp Heyne; compare Pausanias ii. 16. 1, ii. 19. 3, 84. : 
werdvwp A: ἑλλάνωρ Scholiast on Homer, Il. i. 42. 

9 αὐτὸς δὲ κρατήσας τῆς χώρας ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας 
Δαναοὺς ὠνόμασεν. These words are cited in the present 
connexiun by the Scholiast on Homer, Z/. i. 42, as from the 
Second Book of Apollodorus. They are inserted by Aegius, 

Commelinus, Gale, and Miiller, but omitted by Heyne, 
Westermann, Bekker, Hercher, and Wagner. 

sons, Egyptus and Danaus,! but according to Euripi- 
des, he had also Cepheus and Phineus. Danaus was 
settled by Belus in Libya, and Egyptus in Arabia; 
but Egyptus subjugated the country of the Melam- 
pods and named it Egypt after himself. Both had 
children by many wives; Egyptus had fifty sons, and 
Danaus fifty daughters. As they afterwards quar- 
relled concerning the kingdom, Danaus feared the 
sons of Egyptus, and by the advice of Athena he built 
a ship, being the first to do so, and having put his 
daughters on board he fled. And touching at Rhodes 
he set up the image of Lindian Athena.? Thence 
he came to Argos and the reigning king Gelanor 
surrendered the kingdom to him;® and having made 
himself master of the country he named the inhabi- 
tants Danai after himself. But the country being 

1 The following account of Egyptus and Danaus, including 
the settlement of Danaus and his daughters at Argos, is 
uoted verbally, with a few omissions and changes, by the 
Scholiast on Homer, JI. i. 42, who mentions the second book 
of Apollodorus as his authority. Compare Aeschylus, Suppl. 
318 sqqg. ; Scholiast on Euripides, Hecuba, 886, and Orestea, 
872; Hyginus, Fab. 168 ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. x. 497. 
3 Compare Herodotus, ii. 182; Marmor Partum, 15-17, 
pp. 544, 546, ed. C. Miiller (Fragmenta Historicorum 
m, vol.i.); Diodorus Siculus, v. 58. 1; Strabo, xiv. 
2.11, p. 655 ; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangel, iii. 8. As 
to the worship of the guddess, see Cecil Torr, Rhodes in 
Ancient Times (Cambridge, 1885), pp. 74 8g., 94 eq. In 
recent years a chronicle of the temple of Lindian Athena has 
been discovered in Rhodes: it is inscribed on a marble slab. 
See Chr. Blinkenberg, La Chronique du temple Lindten 
(Copenhagen, 1912). 
3 Compare Pausanias, ii. 16. 1, ii. 19. 3 84. 

ἐπειδὴ Kal τὰς πηγὰς éEnpave Ποσειδῶν μηνίων 
νάχῳ διότι τὴν χώραν “ρας ἐμαρτύρησεν 
εἶναι, τὰς θυγατέρας ὑδρευσομένας ἔπεμψε. μία 
δὲ αὐτῶν ᾿Αμυμώνη ζητοῦσα ὕδωρ ῥίπτει βέλος 
ἐπὶ ἔλαφον καὶ κοιμωμένου Σατύρου τυγχάνει, 
κἀκεῖνος περιαναστὰς ἐπεθύμει συγγενέσθαι: 
Ποσειδῶνος δὲ ἐπιφανέντος ὁ Σάτυρος μὲν ἔφυγεν, 
᾿Αμυμώνη δὲ τούτῳ συνευνάζεται, καὶ αὐτῇ 
Ποσειδῶν τὰς ἐν Λέρνῃ πηγὰς ἐμήνυσεν. 

Οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτου παῖδες ἐλθόντες εἰς ΓΑργος 
τῆς τε ἔχθρας παύσασθαι παρεκάλουν καὶ τὰς 
θυγατέρας αὐτοῦ γαμεῖν ἠξίουν. Δαναὸς δὲ ἅμα 
μὲν ἀπιστῶν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐπαγγέλμασιν, ἅμα δὲ 
καὶ μνησικακῶν περὶ τῆς φυγῆς, ὡμολόγει τοὺς 
γάμους καὶ διεκλήρου τὰς κόρας. Ὕπερμνή- 
στραν μὲν οὖν τὴν πρεσβυτέραν ἐξεῖλον Λυγκεῖ 
καὶ Γοργοφόνην" Πρωτεῖ: οὗτοι γὰρ ἐκ βασιλίδος 
γυναικὸς ᾿Αργυφίης ἐγεγόνεισαν Αἰγύπτῳ. τῶν δὲ 
λοιπῶν ἔλαχον Βούσιρις μὲν καὶ ᾿Εἰγκέλαδος καὶ 
Λύκος καὶ Δαΐφρων τὰς Δαναῷ γεννηθείσας ἐξ 
Εὐρώπης Αὐτομάτην ᾿Αμυμώνην ᾿Αγανὴν Σκαιήν. 
αὗται δὲ ἐκ βασιλίδος ἐγένοντο Δαναῷ, ἐκ δὲ 
᾿Ελεφαντίδος Topyopovn καὶ Ὕπερμνήστρα.8 

1 “Ἥρας Heyne, comparing Pausanias, ii. 15,5: ᾿Αθηνᾶς A. 

2 Τοργοφόνην Aegius: γοργοφόντην A. 

3 After ὙὝπερμνήστρα the MSS. (A) add Λυγκεὺς δὲ Καλύκην 
ἔλαχεν. These words are rightly omitted by Hercher and 
Wagner, following Heyne: they are bracketed by C. Miiller, 
but retained by Westermann and Bekker. 

1 Compare Pausanias, ii. 15. 5. 
3 Compare Euripides, Phoentssae, 187 sqg.; Lucian, Dial. 
Marin. vi.; Philostratus, Imagmes, i.8 ; Scholiast on Homer, 

waterless, because Poseidon had dried up even the 
springs out of anger at Inachus for testifying that the 
land belonged to Hera,! Danaus sent his daughters 
to draw water. One of them, Amymone, in her search 
for water threw a dart at a deer and hit a sleeping 
satyr, and he, starting up, desired to force her; but 
Poseidon appearing on the scene, the satyr fled, and 
Amymone lay with Poseidon, and he revealed to her 
the springs at Lerna.? 

But the sons of Egyptus came to Argos, and exhor- 
ted Danaus to lay aside his enmity, and begged 
to marry his daughters. Now Danaus distrusted 
their professions and bore them a grudge on account 
of his exile ; nevertheless he consented to the marriage 
and allotted the damsels among them.’ First, they 
picked out Hypermnestra as the eldest to be the 
wife of Lynceus, and Gorgophone to be the wife of 
Proteus; for Lynceus and Proteus had been borne 
to Egyptus by a woman of royal blood, Argyphia ; 
but of the rest Busiris, Enceladus, Lycus, and 
Daiphron obtained by lot the daughters that 
had been borne to Danaus by Europe, to wit, 
Automate, Amymone, Agave, and Scaea. These 
daughters were borne to Danaus by a queen; but 
Gorgophone and Hypermnestra. were borne to him 

11. iv. 171; Propertius, iii. 18. 47 sg.; Hyginus, Fab. 169. 
There was a stream called Amymone at Lerna. See Strabo, 
viii. 6. 8, p. 371; Pausanias, 1). 37. 1 and 4; Hyginus, l.c. 

3 For the marriage of the sons of Egyptus with the 
daughters of Danaus, and its tragic sequel, see Zenobius, 
Cent. ii. 6; Scholiast on Euripides, Hecuba, 886, and Orestes, 
872; Scholiast on Homer, 171. iv. 171; Hyginus, Fab. 168 ; 
Servius, on Virgil, Aen. x. 497. With the list of names of 
the bridal pairs as recorded by Apollodorus, compare the 
list given by Hyginus, Fab. 170. 

lotpos δὲ Ἱπποδάμειαν, Χαλκώδων ἉΡοδίαν, 
᾿Αγήνωρ Κλεοπάτραν, Xaitos ᾿Αστερίαν, Διο- 
κορυστὴς ᾿Ἱπποδαμείαν,; Αλκης Γλαύκην, ’Ar- 
κμήνωρ Ἱππομέδουσαν, Ἱππόθοος Γόργην, Εὐ- 
χήνωρ ᾿Ιφιμέδουσαν, Ἱππόλυτος. “Ρόδην. οὗτοι 
μὲν οἱ δέκα ἐξ ᾿Δραβίας γυναικός, αἱ δὲ πα θένοι 
ἐξ a μαδρυάδων νυμφῶν, αἱ μὲν ᾿Ατλαντείης, αἱ 
δὲ ἐκ “Φοίβης ᾿Αγαπτόλεμος δὲ ἔλαχε Πειρήνην, 
Κερκέτης δὲ “Δώριον, Εὐρυδάμας Φάρτιν,5 Αἴγιος 
Μνήστραν, [Ἄργιος Εὐίππην, ᾿Αρχέλαος ᾿Ανα- 
ξιβίην, Μενέμαχος Νηλώ, οἱ «μὲν» ἑπτὰ ἐκ 
Φοινίσσης γυναικός, αἱ δὲ παρθένοι Αἰθιοπίδος. 
ἀκληρωτὶ δὲ ἔλαχον δι᾽ ὁμωνυμίαν τὰς Μέμφιδος 
οἱ ἐκ Τυρίας, Κλειτὸς Κλειτήν, Σθένελος >Geve- 
Any, Χρύσιππος Χρυσίππην. οἱ δὲ ἐκ Καλιάδνης 
νηίδος νύμφης παῖδες δώδεκα ἐκληρώσαντο περὶ 
τῶν ἐκ Πολυξοῦς νηίδος νύμφης" ἦσαν δὲ οἱ μὲν 
παῖδες Εὐρύλοχος Φάντης Περισθένης " Ἕρμος 
Δρύας Ποταμὼν Κισσεὺς Λίξος Ἴμβρος Βρομίος 
Πολύκτωρ Χθονίος, αἱ δὲ κόραι Αὐτονόη Θεανὼ 
Ἠλέκτρα Κλεοπάτρα Εὐρυδίκη Γλαυκίππη ᾽Αν- 
θήλεια Κλεοδώρη Εὐίππη ᾿Ερατὼ Στύγνη Βρύκη. 
οἱ δὲ «ἐκ Γοργόνος Αἰγύπτῳ γενόμενοι ἐκληρώ- 
σαντο “περὶ τῶν ἐκ Πιερίας, καὶ λαγχάνει Περί- 
gas μὲν ᾿Ακταίην, Οἰνεὺς δὲ Ποδάρκην, Αἴγυπτος 

1 Ἱπποδάμειαν. This name has already occurred two 
lines higher up; hence Heyne conjectured Κλεοδάμειαν or 
Φιλοδάμειαν, comparing Pausanias, iv. 30. 2 (where the 
better reading seems to be Φυλοδάμεια. Wagner conjec- 
tured Ἱπποθόην, comparing Hyginus, Fab. 170. 

3 "Αλκης R: ἄλκις A. 

8 Φάρτιν R: φάρτην A: Φαιναρέτην Hercher. Heyne con- 
jectured Φάρην. 

by Elephantis. And Istrus got Hippodamia; Chal- 
codon got Rhodia; Agenor got Cleopatra; Chaetus 
got Asteria; Diocorystes got Hippodamia; Alces 
got Glauce; Alcmenor got Hippomedusa; Hippo- 
thous got Gorge; Euchenor got Iphimedusa; Hip- 
polytus got Rhode. These ten sons were begotten 
on an Arabian woman; but the maidens were 
begotten on Hamadryad nymphs, some _ being 
daughters of Atlantia, and others of Phoebe. 
Agaptolemus got Pirene; Cercetes got Dorium; 
Eurydamas got Phartis; Aegius got Mnestra ; 
Argius got Evippe; Archelaus got Anaxibia ; 
Menemachus got Nelo. These seven sons were be- 
gotten on a Phoenician woman, and the maidens on 
an Ethiopian woman. The sons of Egyptus by Tyria 
got as their wives, without drawing lots, the daugh- 
ters of Danaus by Memphis in virtue of the similarity 
of their names ; thus Clitus got Clite; Sthenelus got 
Sthenele; Chrysippus got Chrysippe. The twelve 
sons of Egyptus by the Naiad nymph Caliadne cast 
lots for the daughters of Danaus by the Naiad nymph 
Polyxo: the sons were Eurylochus, Phantes, Peri- 
sthenes, Hermus, Dryas, Potamon, Cisseus, Lixus, 
Imbrus, Bromius, Polyctor, Chthonius ; and the dam- 
sels were Autonoe, Theano, Electra, Cleopatra, Eury- 
dice, Glaucippe, Anthelia, Cleodore, Evippe, Erato, 
Stygne, Bryce. The sons of Egyptus by Gorgo, 
cast lots for the daughters of Danaus by Pieria, and 
Periphas got Actaea, Oeneus got Podarce, Egyptus 

Διωξίππην, Μενάλκης ᾿Αδίτην, Λάμπος ᾿Ωκυπέ- 
την, Ἰδμων Πυλάργην. οὗτοιϊ δέ εἶσι νεώτατοι" 
Ἴδας Ἱπποδίκην, Δαΐφρων ᾿Αδιάντην (αὗται δὲ 
ἐκ μητρὸς ἐγένοντο “Epons), Πανδίων Καλλιδίκην, 
ἤΑρβηλος Οἴμην, Ὑπέρβιος Κελαινώ, Ἵππο- 
κορυστὴς Ὑπερίππην" οὗτοι ἐξ “Ηφαιστίνης, αἱ 
δὲ ἐκ Κρινοῦς. 
Ὡς δὲ ἐκληρώσαντοΞ τοὺς γάμους, ἑστιάσας 
εἰρίδια δίδωσι ταῖς θυγατράσιν. αἱ δὲ κοιμω- 
μένους τοὺς νυμφίους ἀπέκτειναν πλὴν Ὑπερμνής- 
στρας" αὕτη γὰρ Λυγκέα διέσωσε παρθένον av- 
τὴν φυλάξαντα' διὸ καθείρξας αὐτὴν Δαναὸς 
ύρει. αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι τῶν Δαναοῦ θυγατέρων 
τὰς μὲν κεφαλὰς τῶν νυμφίων ἐν τῇ Λέρνῃ κατώ- 
, τὰ δὲ σώματα πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐκήδευσαν. 
καὶ αὐτὰς ἐκάθηραν ᾿Αθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἑρμῆς Διὸς 
κελεύσαντος. Δαναὸς δὲ ὕστερον Ὑπερμνήστραν 
Δυγκεῖ συνῴκισε, τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς θυγατέρας εἰς 
γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα τοῖς νικῶσιν ἔδωκεν. 
᾿Αμυμώνη δὲ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος ἐγέννησε Nav- 
wAtov. οὗτος μακρόβιος γενόμενος, πλέων τὴν 
θάλασσαν, τοῖς ἐμπίπτουσιν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἐπυρσο- 

1 οὗτοι Heyne (conjecture), Westermann: of δὲ νεώτατοι 
omitting εἰσι) Hercher: ὀκτὼ MSS., Aegius, Commelinus, 

ale, Heyne (in text), Bekker: Τὀκτὼ Wagner. 

8 ἐκληρώσαντο EA: ἐκληρώσατο Wagner, comparing Zeno- | 
bius, Cent. ii. 6, where, however, we should rather read 
ἐκληρώσαντο instead of ἐκληρώσατο; for the middle voice of 
κληροῦν cannot be used in the sense of “allotting.” 

1 Compare Pindar, Nem. i. 6 (10), with the Scholiast ; 
Pausanias, ii. 19. 6, ii. 20. 7, ii. 21. 1 and 2; Horace, Odes, 
iii. 11. 30 sqqg.; Ovid, Herotdes, xiv. 

2 Compare Zenobius, Cent. iv. 86. According to Pausanias 

got Dioxippe, Menalces got Adite, Lampus got Ocy- 
pete, Idmon got Pylarge. The youngest sons of 
Egyptus were these : Idas got Hippodice; Daiphron 
got Adiante (the mother who bore these damsels was 
Herse); Pandion got Callidice; Arbelus got Oeme ; 
Hyperbius got Celaeno; Hippocorystes got Hyper- 
ippe ; the mother of these men was Hephaestine, and 
the mother of these damsels was Crino. 

When they had got their brides by lot, Danaus 
made a feast and gave his daughters daggers; and 
they slew their bridegrooms as they slept, all but 
Hypermnestra; for she saved Lynceus because he 
had respected her virginity:1 wherefore Danaus 
shut her up and kept her under ward. But the rest 
of the daughters of Danaus buried the heads of their 
bridegrooms in Lerna? and paid funeral honours to 
their bodies in front of the city; and Athena and 
Hermes purified them at the command of Zeus. 
Danaus afterwards united Hypermnestra to Lynceus; 
and bestowed his other daughters on the victors in 
an athletic contest.3 

Amymone had a son Nauplius by Poseidon.* This 
Nauplius lived to a great age, and sailing the sea he 
used by beacon lights to lure to death such as he fell 

(ii. 24, 2) the heads of the sons of Egyptus were buried on 
the Larisa, the acropolis of Argos, an’ the headless trunks 
were buried at Lerna. 

3 Compare Pindar, Pyth. ix. 112 (195), with the Scholiasts ; 
Pausanias, iii. 12.2. The legend may reflect an old custom 
of racing for a bride. See The Magic Art and the Evolution 
of Kings, ii. 299 sqq. It is said that Danaus instituted 
games which were celebrated every fifth (or, as we should say, 
every fourth) year, and at which the prize of the victor in 
the foot-race was a shield. See Hyginus, Fab. 170. 

* Compare Strabo, viii. 6. 2, p. 368; Pausanias, ii. 38. 2, 
iv. 35. 2. 

δωρεά" συνέβη οὖν καὶ αὐτὸν τελευτῆσαι ἐκείνῳ 
» Cavyate.? πρὶν δὲ τελευτῆσαι ἔγημε 8 ὡς μὲν 
’ [4 Ἧ 4 e . 
we τραγικοὶ λέγουσι, KAupevny τὴν Karpéws, ws 
δὲ ὁ τοὺς νόστους γράψας, Φιλύραν, ὡς δὲ 
Κέρκωψ,5 Ἡσιόνην, καὶ ἐγέννησε ἸΠαλαμήδην 

Οἴακα Ναυσιμέδοντα. 

II. Λυγκεὺς δὲ μετὰ Δαναὸν “Apyous δυνα- 
στεύων ἐξ Ὕπερμνήστρας τεκνοῖ παῖδα Αβαντα. 
τούτου δὲ καὶ ᾿Αγλαΐας ὃ τῆς Μαντινέως δίδυμοι 
παῖδες ἐγένοντο ᾿Ακρίσιος καὶ IIpotros. οὗτοι 
καὶ κατὰ γαστρὸς μὲν ἔτι ὄντες ἐστασίαζον πρὸς 
ἀλλήλους, ὡς δὲ ἀνετράφησαν, περὶ τῆς βασιλείας 
ἐπολέμουν, καὶ πολεμοῦντες εὗρον ἀσπίδας πρῶ- 
τοι. καὶ κρατήσας ᾿Ακρίσιος IIpotrov "Αργους 
4 ’ ς 3 3 ’ Ἁ 3 ’ 
ἐξελαύνει. 0 δ᾽ ἧκεν εἰς Λυκίαν πρὸς ᾿Ιοβάτην, 
e / 7 ‘ > 4 \ rl 
ὡς δέ τινές φασι, πρὸς "Apdidvanra’ καὶ γαμεῖ 
τὴν τούτου θυγατέρα, ὡς μὲν “Ὅμηρος, ΓΑντειαν, 
ς e ’ 4 4 \ 
ὡς δὲ οἱ τραγικοί, Σθενέβοιαν. κατάγει δὲ 
αὐτὸν ὁ κηδεστὴς μετὰ στρατοῦ Λυκίων, καὶ 

1 ἐπυρσοφόρει J. Kuhn, on Pausanias, ii. 25.4: ἐδυσφόρει 
MSS 

2 ἐκείνῳ τῷ Oavdtm. After these words the MSS. add 
ᾧπερ τῶν ἄλλων τελευτησάντων ἐδυσφόρει, which appears to 
be a corrupt and ungrammatical gloss on ἐκείνῳ τῷ θανάτῳ. 
The clause is retained by Heyne, Westermann, Miller, 
Bekker, and Wagner, but is rightly omitted by Hercher. 
J. Kuhn (l.c.) piper to retain the clause, but to alter 
ἐδυσφόρει as before into ἐπυρσοφόρει; but this would not 
suffice to restore the grammar and sense. For such a 
restoration a sentence like ᾧπερ ἄλλους τελευτῆσαι ἐποίει 
πυρσοφορῶν would be required. 

3 πρὶν δὲ τελευτῆσαι ἔγημε A: πρὶν τελευτῆσαι. ἔγημε δὲ 
Wagner (connecting πρὶν τελευτῆσαι with the preceding sen- 
tence). ὁ Képxwy Aegius: xéxpow A. 

5 *AyAatas Heyne, comparing Scholiast on Euripides, 
Orestes, 965: ἀγαλλίας A: ᾿Ωκαλείας Aegius, Commelinus, Gale. 

in with.! It came to pass, therefore, that he himself 
died by that very death. But before his death he 
- married a wife; according to the tragic poets, she 
was Clymene, daughter of Catreus; but according to 
the author of The Returns,? she was Philyra; and ac- 
cording to Cercops she was Hesione. By her he had 
Palamedes, Oeax, and Nausimedon.

Lynceus reigned over Argos after Danaus and
begat a son Abas by Hypermnestra; and Abas had 
twin sons Acrisius and Proetus? by Aglaia, daughter 
of Mantineus. These two quarrelled with each other 
while they were still in the womb, and when they 
were grown up they waged war for the kingdom,‘ and 
in the course of the war they were the first to invent 
shields. And Acrisius gained the mastery and drove 
Proetus from Argos; and Proetus went to Lycia to 
the court of Iobates or, as some say, of Amphianax, 
and married his daughter, whom Homer calls Antia,® 
but the tragic poets call her Stheneboea.® His 
father-in-law restored him to his own land with an 

1 See below, Epitome, vi. 7-11. 

2 Nostot, an epic poem describing the return of the Homeric 
heroes from Troy. See Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 52 sqq.; Hesiod, in this series, pp. 524 sqq.; 
Ὁ. B. Monro, i in his edition of Homer, Odyssey, Bks. xiii.— 
xxiv. p. 378-382. 

ith this and what follows compare Pausanias ii. 16. 2, 
il. "05. 7 

4 So {τ twins Esau and Jacob quarrelled both in the 
womb and in after life (Genesis, xxv. 21 sqq.). Compare 
Rendel Harris, Boanerges, pp. 279 sq., who argues that 
Proetus was the elder twin, who, as in the case of Esau and 
Jacob, was worsted by his younger brother. 

: Homer, Il. vi. 160. 

6 See below, ii. 3. 1, iii. 9. 1. Euripides called her 
Stheneboea (Eustathius, on Homer, Jl. vi. 158, p 632). 

VOL. I. L 

καταλαμβάνει Τίρυνθα, ταύτην αὐτῷ Κυκλώπων 
τειχισάντων. μερισάμενοι δὲ τὴν ᾿Αργείαν 
ἅπασαν κατῴκουν, καὶ ᾿Ακρίσιος μὲν “Apyous 
2 βασιλεύει, ἸΪροῖτος δὲ Τίρυνθος. καὶ γίνεται 
3 ’ \ 3 3 4 le! 4 
Ακρισίῳ μὲν ἐξ Evpudixns τῆς Λακεδαίμονος 
Δανάη, Προίτῳ δὲ ἐκ Σθενεβοίας Λυσίππη καὶ 
᾿Ιφινόη καὶ ᾿Ιφιάνασσα. αὗται δὲ ὡς ἐτελειώ- 
θησαν, ἐμάνησαν, ὡς μὲν Ησίοδός φησιν, ὅτι τὰς 
Διονύσου τελετὰς οὐ κατεδέχοντο, ὡς δὲ ᾿᾽Ακου- 
/ t ἃ a ὦ 4 3 , 
σίλαος λέγει, διότι TO τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέ- 
λισαν. - γενόμεναι δὲ ἐμμανεῖς ἐπλανῶντο ἀνὰ 
) 3 / Ψ » \ \ > 4 
τὴν ᾿Αργείαν ἅπασαν, αὖθις δὲ τὴν ᾿Αρκαδίαν 
ὶ \ II “ 1 ὃ θ [οὶ 3 > 
καὶ τὴν 1]ελοποννήσον ὁ διελθουσαι μετ ἀκοσ- 

1 καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον omitted by Hercher and Wagner. 
We should perhaps read καὶ τὴν «λοιπὴν» Πελοπόννησον. 

1 Compare Bacchylides, Hpinic. x. 77 8ᾳ.; Pausanias, ii. 
25. 8; Strabo, viii. 6. 8, p. 371. 

2 Compare Bacchylides, Hpinic. x. 40-112 ; Herodotus, ix. 
34; Strabo, viii. 3 19, p. 346; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 68 ; Pau- 
sanias, ii. 7. 8, ii. 18. 4, v. 5. 10, viii. 18. 7 8ᾳ. ; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Nem. ix. 13 (30); Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vii. 
4. 26, p. 844, ed. Potter ; Stephanus Byzantius, 8.0. ᾿Αζανία ; 
Virgil, Hcl. vi. 48 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. xv. 325 8qq.; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 47; Servius, on Virgil, Hcl. vi. 48 ; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iii. 453; Vitruvius, 
viii. 3.21. Of these writers, Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, 
and, in one passage (ii. 18. 4), Pausanias, speak of the mad- 
ness of the Argive women in general, without mentioning 
the daughters of Proetus in particular. And, according to. 
Diodorus Siculus, with whom Pansanias in the same passage 
(ii. 18. 4) agrees, the king of Argos at the time of the affair 

- was not Proetus but Anaxagoras, son of Megapenthes. As 
to Megapenthes, see Apollodorus, ii. 4. 4. According to 
Virgil the damsels imagined that they were turned into 
cows ; and Servius and Lactantius Placidus inform us that 
this notion was infused into their minds by Hera (Juno) 
to punish them for the airs of superiority which they 

army of Lycians, and he occupied Tiryns, which the 
Cyclopes had fortified for him.) They divided the 
whole of the Argive territory between them and 
settled in it, Acrisius reigning over Argos and 
Proetus over Tiryns. And Acrisius had a daughter 
Danae by Eurydice, daughter of Lacedaemon, and 
Proetus had daughters, Lysippe, Iphinoe, and Iphi- 
anassa, by Stheneboea. When these damsels were 
grown up, they went mad,’ according to Hesiod, 
because they would not accept the rites of Dionysus, 
but according to Acusilaus, because they disparaged 
the wooden image of Hera. In their madness they 
roamed over the whole Argive land, and afterwards, 
passing through Arcadia and the Peloponnese, 

assumed towards her; indeed, in one place Lactantius 
Placidus says that the angry goddess turned them into 
heifers outright. In these legends Mr. A. B. Cook sees 
reminiscences of priestesses who assumed the attributes and 
assimilated themselves to the likeness of the cow-goddess 
Hera. See his Zeus, i. 451 sqq. But it is possible that the 
tradition describes, with mythical accessories, a real form of 
madness by which the Argive women, or some portion of them, 
were temporarily atfected. We may compare a somewhat 
similar form of temporary insanity to which the women of the 
wild Jakun tribe in the Malay Peninsula are said to be liable. 
‘* A curious ee was made to the Penghulu of Piang-gu, 
in my presence, by a Jakun man from the Anak Endau. He 
stated that all the women of his settlement were frequently 
seized by a kind of madness—presumably some form of 
hysteria—and that they ran off singing into the jungle, each 
woman by herself, and stopped there for several dave and 
nights, finally returning almost naked, or with their clothes 
all torn to shreds. He said that the first outbreak of this 
kind occurred a few years ago, and that they were still 
frequent, one usually taking place every two or three months. 
They were started by one of the women, whereupon all the 
others followed suit.” See Ivor H. N. Evans, ‘‘ Further 
Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of Pahang,” Journal of the 
Federated Malay States Museums, vol. ix. part 1, January 
1920, p. 27 (Calcutta, 1920). 147 

ἃ 

, ¢ lA ὃ ὰ σ΄" 9 ’ 3 / 
μίας ἁπάσης διὰ τῆς ἐρημίας érpoyalov. Me- 
λάμπους δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμυθάονος καὶ Εἰδομένης τῆς 
Ἄβαντος, μάντις ὧν καὶ τὴν διὰ φαρμάκων καὶ 
καθαρμῶν θεραπείαν πρῶτος εὑρηκώς, ὑπισχνεῖται 

εραπεύειν τὰς παρθένους, εἰ λάβοι τὸ τρίτον 
μέρος τῆς δυναστείας. οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος δὲ 
Προίτου θεραπεύειν ἐπὶ μισθοῖς τηλικούτοις, ἔτι 
μᾶλλον ἐμαίνοντο αἱ παρθένοι καὶ προσέτι μετὰ 
τούτων αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες" καὶ γὰρ αὗται τὰς 
οἰκίας ἀπολιποῦσαι τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπώλλυον παῖδας 
καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐφοίτων. προβαινούσης δὲ 
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς συμφορᾶς, τοὺς αἰτηθέντας 
μισθοὺς ὁ IIpoitos ἐδίδου. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο θερα- 
πεύειν ὅταν ἕτερον τοσοῦτον τῆς γῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς 
αὐτοῦ λάβῃ Βίας. ἹἸροῖτος δὲ εὐλαβηθεὶς μὴ 
βραδυνούσης τῆς θεραπείας αἰτηθείη καὶ πλεῖον, 

εραπεύειν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τούτοις. Μελάμ- 
πους δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν 
νεανιῶν μετ᾽ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καί τινος ἐνθέου χορείας 
ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν αὐτὰς εἰς Σικυῶνα συνεδίωξε. κατὰ 
δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν θυγατέρων 
᾿Ιφινόη μετήλλαξεν: ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς τυχούσαις 
καθαρμῶν σωφρονῆσαι συνέβη. καὶ ταύτας μὲν 
ἐξέδοτο Ipottos Μελάμποδι καὶ Βίαντι, παῖδα 
δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐγέννησε Μεγαπένθην. 

III. Βελλεροφόντης δὲ ὁ Γλαύκου τοῦ Σισύφου, 
κτείνας ἀκουσίως ἀδελφὸν Δηλιάδην,1 ὡς δέ τινές 
φασι ἸΠειρῆνα,3 ἄλλοι δὲ ᾿Αλκιμένην, πρὸς Προῖ- 

1 Δηλιάδην J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, vii. 812: ἰλιάδην A. 

2 Πειρῆνα J. Tzetzes, Chiltadea, vii. 812: Melpny A, Zeno- 
bius, Cent. ii. 87. 

they ran through the desert in the most disorderly 
fashion. But Melampus, son of Amythaon by Ido- 
mene, daughter of Abas, being a seer and the first to 
devise the cure by means of drugs and purifications, 
promised to cure the maidens if he should receive the 
third part of the sovereignty. When Proetus 
refused to pay so high a fee for the cure, the 
maidens raved more than ever, and besides that, the 
other women raved with them; for they also aban- 
doned their houses, destroyed their own children, 
and flocked to the desert. Not until the evil had 
reached a very high pitch did Proetus consent to 
pay the stipulated fee, and Melampus promised to 
effect a cure whenever his brother Bias should re- 
ceive just so much land as himself. Fearing that, if 
the cure were delayed, yet more would be demanded 
of him, Proetus agreed to let the physician proceed 
on these terms. So Melampus, taking with him the 
most stalwart of the young men, chased the women 
in a bevy from the mountains to Sicyon with shouts 
and a sort of frenzied dance. In the pursuit Iphinoe, 
the eldest of the daughters, expired ; but the others 
were lucky enough to be purified and so to re- 
cover their wits. Proetus gave them in marriage to 
Melampus and Bias, and afterwards begat a son, 
Megapenthes.

Bellerophon, son of Glaucus, son of Sisyphus,
having accidentally killed his brother Deliades or, as 
some say, Piren, or, as others will have it, Alcimenes, 

1 According to Bacchylides (Hpinic. x. 95 sqq.), the father 
of the damsels vowed to sacrifice twenty red oxen to the Sun, 
if his daughters were healed : the vow was heard, and on the 
intercession of Artemis the angry Hera consented to allow 
the cure. 

τον ἐλθὼν καθαίρεται. καὶ αὐτοῦ Σθενέβοια 
ὄρωτα ἴσχει, καὶ προσπέμπει λόγους περὶ συν- 
ουσίας. τοῦ δὲ ἀπαρνουμένου, λέγει. πρὸς 
Προῖτον ὅτι Βελλεροφόντης αὐτῇ περὶ φθορᾶς 
προσεπέμψατο λόγους. IIpoitos δὲ πιστεύσας 
ἔδωκεν ἐπιστολὰς αὐτῷ πρὸς ᾿Ιοβάτην κομίσαι,3 
ἐν αἷς ἐνεγέγραπτο Βελλεροφόντην ἀποκτεῖναι. 
ἸΙοβάτης δὲ ἀναγνοὺς ὃ ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ Χίμαιραν 
κτεῖναι, νομίζων αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θηρίου διαφθαρή- 
σεσθαι" ἦν γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἑνὶ ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς οὐκ 
εὐάλωτον, εἶχε δὲ προτομὴν μὲν λέοντος, οὐρὰν 
δὲ δράκοντος, τρίτην δὲ κεφαλὴν μέσην αἰγός, 
δι’ ἧς πῦρ ἀνίει. καὶ τὴν χώραν διέφθειρε, καὶ 
τὰ βοσκήματα ἐλυμαίνετο" μία γὰρ φύσις τριῶν 
θηρίων εἶχε δύναμιν. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὴν Χί- 
μαιραν ταύτην ὃ τραφῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ ᾿Αμισωδάρου, 
καθάπερ εἴρηκε καὶ “Ὅμηρος, γεννηθῆναι δὲ ἐκ 
Τυφῶνος καὶ Exidvns, καθὼς Ἡσίοδος ἱστορεῖ. 
ἀναβιβάσας οὖν ἑαυτὸν ὁ Βελλεροφόντης ἐπὶ τὸν 

1 προσπέμπει Faber: προπέμπει A. 

2 κομίσαι Wagner (comparing Zenobius, Cent. ii. 87): 
κομίσειν A, Heyne, Miiller: κομίζειν Westermann, Bekker, 
Hercher. 

3 ἀναγνοὺς Hercher, Wagner (comparing Zenobius, Cent. 
li. 87): ἐπιγνοὺς A. 

4 ula yap φύσις τριῶν θηρίων εἶχε δύναμιν. Wagner would 
transpose this sentence so as to make it follow immediately 
the words πολλοῖς οὐκ εὐάλωτον above, omitting the 
following εἶχε δὲ The sentence would then run: ἦν γὰρ od 
μόνον ἑνὶ ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς οὐκ εὐάλωτον’ pla γὰρ φύσις τριῶν 
θηρίων εἶχε δύναμιν, προτομὴν μὲν λέοντος κτλ. The change 
improves the sense and is confirmed by Zenobius, Cent. 
ii. 87. 

5 καὶ τὴν Χίμαιραν ταύτην omitted by Hercher and Wagner, 
following Heyne. 

came to Proetus and was purified. And Stheneboea 
fell in love with him,? and sent him proposals for a 
meeting; and when he rejected them, she told 
Proetus that Bellerophon had sent her a vicious pro- 

al. Proetus believed her, and gave him a letter 
to take to Iobates, in which it was written that he 
was to kill Bellerophon. Having read the letter, 
Tobates ordered him to kill the Chimera, believing 
that he would be destroyed by the beast, for it was 
more than a match for many, let alone one; it had the 
fore part of a lion, the tail of a dragon, and its third 
head, the middle one, was that of a goat, through 
which it belched fire. And it devastated the country 
and harried the cattle; for it was a single creature 
with the power of three beasts. It is said, too, that 
this Chimera was bred by Amisodares, as Homer also 
afirms,? and that it was begotten by Typhon on 
Echidna, as Hesiod relates.* So Bellerophon mounted 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol.. on Lycophron, 17; 1d. 
Chiliades, vii. 810 sqq.; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. vi. 155. 
According to one account, mentioned by these writers, 
Bellerophon received his name (meaning slayer of Bellerus) 
because he had slain a tyrant of Corinth called Bellerus. 

2 In the following story of Bellerophon, our author follows 
Homer, 11. vi. 155 sqq. (where the wife of Proetus is called 
Antia instead of Stheneboea). Compare Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 17; td. Chiltades, vii 816 84ᾳᾳ.; Zenobius, 
Cent. ii. 87 (who probably followed Apollodorus) ; Hyginus, 
Fab. 57 ; id. Astronom. ii. 18 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 24, 119 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 71 and 72; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
131). Euripides composed a tragedy on the subject called 
Stheneboea. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
A. Nauck?, pp. 567 sqq. According to Tzetzes (Schol. on 
Lycophron, 17), Iobates refrained from slaying Bellerophon 
with his own hand in virtue of an old custom which forbade 
those who had eaten together to kill each other. 

3 Homer, Jl. xvi. 328 aq. 4 Hesiod, Theog. 319 sq. 

Πήγασον, ὃν εἶχεν ἵ ἵππον ἐκ Μεδούσης πτηνὸν 
γεγεννημένον καὶ Ποσειδῶνος, ἀρθεὶς εἰς ὕψος 
ἀπὸ τούτου κατετόξευσε τὴν Χίμαιραν. μετὰ 
δὲ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦτον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ Σολύμοις 
μαχεσθῆναι." ὡς δὲ ἐτελεύτησε καὶ τοῦτον, 
᾿Αμαξόσιν ἐπέταξεν ἀγωνίσασθαι ὃ αὐτόν. ὡς δὲ 
καὶ ταύτας ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς γενναιότητι * Λυκίων 
διαφέρειν δοκοῦντας ἐπιλέξας ἐπέταξεν ἀπο- 
κτεῖναι λοχήσαντας. ὡς δὲ καὶ τούτους ἀπέκτεινε 
πάντας, θαυμάσας τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ὁ ᾿Ιοβάτης 
τά τε γράμματα ἔδειξε καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μένειν 
ἠξίωσε: δοὺς δὲ τὴν θυγατέρα Φιλονόην καὶ 
θνήσκων τὴν βασιλείαν κατέλιπεν αὐτῷ." 

ΙΥ. ᾿Ακρισίῳ δὲ “περὶ παίδων γενέσεως ἀρρένων 
χρηστηριαζομένῳ ὁ 0 θεὸς ὃ ἔφη γενέσθαιἿ παῖδα ἐκ 
τῆς θυγατρός, ὃς αὐτὸν ἀποκτενεῖ.δ δείσας δὲ 
o® ᾿Ακρίσιος τοῦτο, ὑπὸ γῆν θάλαμον κατα- 

1 τὸν Πήγασον Aegius: τὰς πηγὰς A. 

3 μαχεσθῆναι MSS.: μαχέσασθαι Heyne, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher. But for the aorist μαχεσθῆναι see Pausanias, v. 
4. 9, μαχεσθῆναι ; Plutarch, De solertia animalium, 15, μαχε- 
σθέντα ; and on such forms of the aorist in later Greek, see 
Lobeck, Phrynichus, pp. 731 sq.; W. G. Rutherford, The 
New Phrynichus, pp. 191 sqq. 

3 ἀγωνίσασθαι R®BT, Zenobius, Cent. ii. 87: ἀγωνίζεσθαι 
LN, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

ὁ yevvaidryrs Bekker, Hercher: re νεότητι A: τότε νεότητι 
Gale, Westermann, Wagner (comparing Zenobius, Cent. 
τοὺς τότε ῥώμῃ νεότητος διαφέροντα). 

5 Sots δὲ τὴν θυγατέρα... κατέλιπεν αὐτῷ A: δοῦς δὲ αὐτῷ 
τὴν θυγατέρα. .. κατέλιπεν, Wagner (comparing Zenobius, 
Cent. ii. 87). 6 ὁ Πύθιος E. 

1. γενέσθαι EA, Zenobius, Cent. i. 41, Scholiast on Homer, 
il, xiv. 319: γενήσεσθαι Hercher. Perhaps we should read 
γενέσθαι ἂν. 

8 ἀποκτενεῖ Εἰ : ἀποκτείνῃ A, Zenobius, Cent. i. 41. 

9 δὲ ὁ E, Zenobius, Cent. i. 41, Scholiast on Homer, Jl. 
xiv. 319: oby A. 

his winged steed Pegasus, offspring of Medusa and 
Poseidon, and soaring on high shot down the Chimera 
from the height.! After that contest Iobates ordered 
him to fight the Solymi, and when he had finished 
that task also, he commanded him to combat the 
Amazons. And when he had killed them also, he 
picked out the reputed bravest of the Lycians and 
bade them lay an ambush and slay him. But 
when Bellerophon had kiiled them also to a man, 
Iobates, in admiration of his prowess, showed him 
the letter and begged him to stay with him; more- 
over he gave him his daughter Philonoe,? and dying 
bequeathed to him the kingdom.

When Acrisius inquired of the oracle how he
should get male children, the god said that his 
daughter would give birth to a son who would ‘kill 
him.? Fearing that, Acrisius built a brazen chamber 

1 For the combat of Bellerophon with the Chimera, see 
Homer, Jl. vi. 179 sqq.; Hesiod, Theog. 319 sqqg.; Pindar, 
Olymp. xiii. 84 (120) sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 57. 

_ 5. Anticlia, according to the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. 

ΧΙ 59 (82) ; Casandra, according to the Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. vi. 155. 

3 The following legend of Perseus (ii. 4. 1—t) seems to be 
based on that given by Pherecydes in his second book, which 
is cited as his authority by the Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1091, 1515, whose narrative agrees 
closely with that of Apollodorus. The narrative of Apollo- 
dorus is quoted, for the most part verbally, but as usual 
without acknowledgment, by Zenobius, Cent. i. 41, who, 
however, like the Scholiast on Apollonius (l.cc.), passes over 
in silence the episode of Andromeda. Compare Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 838 (who may have followed Apollo- 
dorus); Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xiv. 319. The story of 
Danae, the mother of Perseus, was the theme of plays by 
Sophocles and Euripides. See Tragicorum Graecorum Frag- 
menta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 143 sqq., 168 sqq., 453 sqq.; The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 38 
δηᾳ., 115 899, 

σκευάσας χάλκεον τὴν Δανάην ἐφρούρει. ταύτην 
μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ἔφθειρε ἹΠροῖτος, ὅθεν 
αὐτοῖς καὶ ἡ στάσις ἐκινήθη: ὡς δὲ ἔνιοί φασι, . 
Ζεὺς μεταμορφωθεὶς εἰς χρυσὸν καὶ διὰ τῆς 
ὀροφῆς εἰς τοὺς Δανάης εἰσρυεὶς κόλπους συν- 
ῆλθεν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ᾿Ακρίσιος ὕστερον ἐ 
αὐτῆς γεγεννημένον Ἰ]ερσέα, μὴ πιστεύσας ὑπὸ 
Διὸς ἐφθάρθαι, τὴν θυγατέρα μετὰ τοῦ παὶδὸς 
εἰς λάρνακα βαλὼν ἔρριψεν εἰς θάλασσαν. προσ- 
ενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς λάρνακος Σερίφῳ Δίκτυς ἄρας 
ἀνέτρεφε; τοῦτον. βασιλεύων δὲ τῆς Σερίφον 
Πολυδέκτης ἀδελφὸς Δίκτυος, Δανάης ἐρασθείς, 
καὶ ἠνδρωμένου Περσέως μὴ δυνάμενος αὐτῇ 
συνελθεῖν, συνεκάλει τοὺς φίλους, μεθ᾽ ὧν καὶ 
Περσέα, λέγων ἔρανον συνάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἵππο- 
δαμείας τῆς Οἰνομάου γάμους. τοῦ δὲ Περσέως 
εἰπόντος καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ τῆς Γοργόνος οὐκ 
ἀντερεῖν,: παρὰ μὲν τῶν λοιπῶν ἤτησεν ἵππους, 
παρὰ δὲ τοῦ Περσέως οὐ λαβὼν τοὺς ἵππους, 
ἐπέταξε τῆς Γοργόνος κομίζειν τὴν κεφαλήν. ὃ 
δὲ ‘Eppod καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς προκαθηγουμένων ἐπὶ τὰς. 
Φόρκου παραγίνεται 385 θυγατέρας, ᾿Ενυὼ καὶ 
Πεφρηδὼ 4 καὶ Δεινώ" ἦσαν δὲ αὗται Ἱζητοῦς τε 
καὶ Φόρκου, Γοργόνων ἀδελφαί, γραῖαι ἐκ γενετῆς. 
ἕνα τε ὀφθαλμὸν αἱ τρεῖς καὶ ἕνα ὀδόντα εἶχον, 

1 ἀνέτρεφε A, Zenobius, Cent. i. 41: ἀνέθρεψε E, Wagner. 

2 ἀντερεῖν Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher : 
ἀνταίρειν A, Zenobius, Cent. ii. 41 (corrected by Gaisford). 

3 παραγίνεται Zenobius, Cent. i. 41: γίνεται A. 

4 Πεφρηδὼ Heyne (compare Hesiod, Theog. 273): μεμ- 
φρηδὼ A. 

1 Compare Sophocles, Antigone, 944 8ηᾳ. Horace repre- 
sents Danae as shut up in a brazen tower (Odes, 111. 16. 1 8qq.), 

under ground and there guarded Danae.!_ However, 
she was seduced, as some say, by Proetus, whence 
arose the quarrel between them ; ὃ but some say that 
Zeus had intercourse with her in the shape of a 
stream of gold which poured through the roof into 
Danae’s lap. When Acrisius afterwards learned 
that she had got a child Perseus, he would not 
believe that she had been seduced by Zeus, and put- 
ting his daughter with the child in a chest, he cast 
it into the sea. The chest was washed ashore on 
Seriphus, and Dictys took up the boy and reared 
him. Polydectes, brother of Dictys, was then king 
of Seriphus and fell in love with Danae, but could 
not get access to her, because Perseus was grown to 
man’s estate. So he called together his friends, 
including Perseus, under the pretext of collecting 
contributions towards a wedding-gift for Hippodamia, 
daughter of Oenomaus.? Now Perseus having de- 
clared that he would riot stick even at the Gorgon’s 
head, Polydectes required the others to furnish 
horses, and not getting horses from Perseus ordered 
him to bring the Gorgon’s head. So under the 
guidance of Hermes and Athena he made his way 
to the daughters of Phorcus, to wit, Enyo, Pephredo, 
and Dino; for Phorcus had them by Ceto, and they 
were sisters of the Gorgons, and old women from 
their birth. The three had but one eye and one 

2 That is, between Acrisius and Proetus. See above, ii. 2. 1. 

3 That is, he pretended to be a suitor for the hand of 
Hippodamia and to be collecting a present for her, such as 
suitors were wont to offer to their brides. As to Hippodamia 
and her suitors, see Lpitome, ii. 4 sqq. 

‘ As to the Phorcides, compare Hesiod, Theog. 270 sqq.; 
Aeschylus, Prometheus, 794 sqq.; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 22 ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 774 sqq.; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 12. 

meet? loos wrote a satyric play on the subject. See Tragtco- 
rum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 83 84. 

καὶ ταῦτα παρὰ μέρος ἤμειβον ἀλλήλαις. ὧν 
κυριεύσας ὁ Ilepoevs, ὡς ἀπήτουν, ἔφη δώσειν 
ἂν ὑφηγήσωνται τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐπὶ τὰς νύμφας 
φέρουσαν. αὗται δὲ αἱ νύμφαι πτηνὰ εἶχον 
πέδιλα καὶ τὴν κίβισιν, ἦν φασιν εἶναι πήραν" 
[Πίνδαρος δὲ καὶ Ἡσίοδος ἐν ᾿Ασπίδι ἐπὶ τοῦ 
Περσέως": 

Πᾶν δὲ μετάφρενον εἶχε «κάρα; δεινοῖο πελώρον 
«Τοργοῦς;, ἀμφὶ δέ μιν κίβισις θέε. 

ΝΜ \ \ a 93 a 9 A \ N 
εἴρηται δὲ παρὰ τὸ κεῖσθαι ἐκεῖ ἐσθῆτα Kai THY 
τροφήν.]} εἶχον δὲ καὶ τὴν «"Αἴδος;» κυνῆν." 
ὑφηγησαμένων δὲ τῶν Φορκίδων, ἀποδοὺς τόν τε 
ὀδόντα καὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν αὐταῖς, καὶ παραγενό- 
μενος πρὸς τὰς νύμφας, καὶ τυχὼν ὧν ἐσπούδαζξε, 
τὴν μὲν κίβισιν περιεβάλετο, τὰ δὲ πέδιλα τοῖς 
i a προσήρμοσε, THY δὲ κυνῆν TH κεφαλῇ 
ἐπέθετο. ταύτην ἔχων αὐτὸς μὲν ods ἤθελεν 
bd e »" Ν \ b e “ \ \ 
ἔβλεπεν, ὑπὸ ἄλλων δὲ οὐχ ἑωρᾶτο. λαβὼν δὲ 
καὶ παρὰ ἙἭ). μοῦ ἀδαμαντίνην ἅρπην, πετόμενος 
εἰς τὸν ι᾿Ωκεανὸν ἧκε καὶ κατέλαβε τὰς Γοργόνας 

4 φ \ Φ \ 3 4 
κοιμωμένας. ἧσαν δὲ αὗται Σθενὼ Evpuarn 
Μέδουσα. μόνη δὲ ἦν θνητὴ Μέδουσα" διὰ τοῦτο 

3 Ἧ 4 \ A 3 ᾽ὔ 9 
ἐπὶ τὴν ταύτης κεφαλὴν Περσεὺς ἐπέμφθη. εἶχον 
δὲ αἱ Γοργόνες κεφαλὰς μὲν περιεσπειραμένας 
φολίσι δρακόντων, ὀδόντας δὲ μεγάλους ὡς συῶν, 
καὶ χεῖρας χαλκᾶς, καὶ πτέρυγας χρυσᾶς, δι’ ὧν 
ἐπέτοντο. τοὺς δὲ ἰδόντας λίθους ἐποίουν. ἐπιστὰς 

1 The passage enclosed in square brackets is probably ἃ 
gloss which has crept into the text. 

2 τὴν <"Aidos> κυνῆν Wagner (comparing Zenobius, Cent. 
i. 41; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 838): τὴν κυνῆν A. 

tooth, and these they passed to each other in turn. 
Perseus got possession of the eye and the tooth, and 
when they asked them back, he said he would 
give them up if they would show him the way to 
the nymphs. Now these nymphs had winged 
sandals and the Aibists, which they say was a wallet. 
But Pindar and Hesiod in The Shield say of 
Perseus :—} 

«* But all his back had on the head of a dread monster, 
The Gorgon, and round him ran the hibisis.”’ 

The kbists is so called because dress and food are de- 
posited in it.2 They had also the cap of Hades. 
When the Phorcides had shown him the way, he 
gave them back the tooth and the eye, and coming 
to the nymphs got what he wanted. So he slung 
the wallet (Atbisis) about him, fitted the sandals to 
his ankles, and put the cap on his head. Wearing it, 
he saw whom he pleased, but was not seen by 
others. And having received also from Hermes an 
adamantine sickle he flew to the ocean and caught the 
Gorgons asleep. They were Stheno, Euryale, and 
Medusa. Now Medusa alone was mortal; for that 
reason Perseus was sent to fetch her head. But the 
Gorgons had heads twined about with the scales of 
dragons, and great tusks like swine’s, and brazen 
hands, and golden wings, by which they flew ; and 
they turned to stone such as beheld them. So Perseus 

1 Hesiod, Shteld of Hercules, 223 aq. 
2 The word κίβισις is absurdly derived by the writer from 
κεῖσθαι and ἐσθής. The gloss is probably an interpolation. 

οὖν αὐταῖς ὁ Περσεὺς κοιμωμέναις, κατευθυνούσης 
τὴν χεῖρα ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ἀπεστραμμένος καὶ βλέπων 
εἰς ἀσπίδα χαλκῆν, δι’ ἧς τὴν εἰκόνα τῆς Γορ- 
γόνος ἔβλεπεν, ἐκαρατόμησεν αὐτήν. ἀποτμη- 
θείσης δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς, ἐκ τῆς Γοργόνος ἐξέθορε 
Πήγασος πτηνὸς ἵππος, καὶ Χρυσάωρ ὁ ὃ Γηρυόνου 
πατήρ" τούτους δὲ ἐγέννησεν ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος. ό 
μὲν οὖν Περσεὺς ἐνθέμενος εἰς τὴν κίβισιν τὴν 
κεφαλὴν τῆς Μεδούσης ὀπίσω πάλιν ἐχώρει, αἱ 
δὲ Γοργόνες ἐ ἐκ τῆς κοίτης ἀναστᾶσαι τὸν Περσέα 
ἐδίωκον, καὶ συνιδεῖν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἠδύναντο διὰ τὴν 
κυνῆν. ἀπεκρύπτετο γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς. 
Παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Αἰθιοπίαν, ἧς ἐβασίλευε 
Κηφεύς, εὗρε τὴν τούτου θυγατέρα ᾿Ανδρομέδαν 
παρακειμένην βορὰν θαλασσίῳ κήτει. Κασσι- 
ἐἔπεια γὰρ ἡ Κηφέως γυνὴ Νηρηίσιν ἤρισε περὶ 
κάλλους, καὶ πασῶν εἶναι κρείσσων ηὔχησεν' 
ὅθεν αἱ Νηρηΐδες ἐ ἐμήνισαν, καὶ Ποσειδῶν αὐταῖς 
συνοργισθεὶς πλήμμυράν τε ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν 
ἔπεμψε καὶ κῆτος. Ἄμμωνος δὲ χρήσαντος τὴν 
ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς συμφορᾶς, ἐὰν ἡ Κασσιεπείας 
θυγάτηρ ᾿Ανδρομέδα προτεθῇ τῷ κήτει βορά, 
τοῦτο ἀναγκασθεὶς ὃ Κηφεὺς ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰθιόπων 
ἔπραξε, καὶ προσέδησε τὴν θυγατέρα πέτρᾳ. 
ταύτην θεασάμενος ὁ Περσεὺς καὶ ἐρασθεὶς 

1 ἀναστᾶσαι A: ἀναπτᾶσαι Wagner, comparing Zenobius, 
Cent. i. 41. 

1 Compare Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 782 sq. 

* Compare Hesiod, Theog. 280 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. iv . 
784 sqq., vi. 119 8q.; ‘Hyginus, Fab. 151. 

* For the story of Andromeda, see Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 836; Conon, Narrat. 40 (who rationalizes the 

stood over them as they slept, and while Athena 
guided his hand and he looked with averted gaze on 
a brazen shield, in which he beheld the image of the 
Gorgon,' he beheaded her. When her head was cut 
off, there sprang from the Gorgon the winged horse 
Pegasus and Chrysaor, the father of Geryon ; these 
she had by Poseidon.2, So Perseus put the head 
of Medusa in the wallet (Aibists) and went back 
again ; but the Gorgons started up from their slum- 
ber and pursued Perseus: but they could not see 
him on account of the cap, for he was hidden by it. 
Being come to Ethiopia, of which Cepheus was 
king, he found the king’s daughter Andromeda set 
out to be the prey of a sea monster.’ For Cassiepea, 
the wife of Cepheus, vied with the Nereids in beauty 
and boasted to be better than them all; hence the 
Nereids were angry, and Poseidon, sharing their 
wrath, sent a flood and a monster to invade the 
land. But Ammon having predicted deliverance 
from the calamity if Cassiepea’s daughter Andromeda 
were exposed as a prey to the monster, Cepheus was 
compelled by the Ethiopians to do it, and he bound 
his daughter to a rock. When Perseus beheld her, 
he loved her and promised Cepheus that he would 

story) ; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 16, 17, and 36; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. iv. 665 8qq. ; Hyginus, Fab. 64; wd. Astronom. ii. 11; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
ΡΡ. 24 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 73). sone to 
the first two of these writers, the scene of the tale was laid 
at Joppa. The traces of Andromeda’s fetters were still 
pointed out on the rocks at Joppa in the time of Josephus 
(Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 2). Sophocles and Euripides composed 
tragedies on the subject, of which some fragments remain. 
See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck®, pp. 
157 sqq., 392 sqq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. δ 
Pearson, i. 78 ϑᾳᾳ. 

ἀναιρήσειν ὑπέσχετο Κηφεῖ τὸ κῆτος, εἰ μέλλει 
σωθεῖσαν αὐτὴν αὐτῷ δώσειν γυναῖκα. ἐπὶ τού- 
τοῖς γενομένων ὅρκων, ὑποστὰς τὸ κῆτος ἔκτεινε 

\ \ > ᾽ὔ 3 4 
καὶ τὴν ᾿Ανδρομέδαν ἔλυσεν. ἐπιβουλεύοντος 
δὲ αὐτῷ Φινέως, ὃς ἣν ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Κηφέως 
ἐγγεγυημένος | πρῶτος τὴν ᾿Ανδρομέδαν, μαθὼν 
τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, τὴν Γοργόνα δείξας μετὰ τῶν 
συνεπιβουλευόντων αὐτὸν ἐλίθωσε παραχρῆμα. 
παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Σέριφον, καὶ καταλαβὼν 
προσπεφευγυῖαν 5 τοῖς βωμοῖς μετὰ τοῦ Δίκτυος 

Ἁ / \ \ , ’ὔ 3 Ν 
τὴν μητέρα διὰ τὴν Πολυδέκτον βίαν, εἰσελθὼν 
εἰς τὰ βασίλεια,3 συγκαλέσαντος τοῦ Πολυδέκτου 
τοὺς φίλους ἀπεστραμμένος τὴν κεφαλὴν τῆς 
Γοργόνος ἔδειξε' τῶν δὲ ἰδόντων, ὁποῖον ἕκαστος 
ἔτυχε σχῆμα ἔχων, ἀπελιθώθη. καταστήσας δὲ 
τῆς Σερίφου Δίκτυν βασιλέα, ἀπέδωκε τὰ μὲν 
πέδιλα καὶ τὴν κίβισιν καὶ τὴν κυνῆν Ἑρμῇ, τὴν 
δὲ κεφαλὴν τῆς Γοργόνος ᾿Αθηνᾷ. “Ἑρμῆς μὲν 
οὖν τὰ προειρημένα πάλιν ἀπέδωκε ταῖς νύμφαις, 
᾿Αθηνᾶ δὲ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ ἀσπίδι τῆς Γοργόνος τὴν 

\ 9 ἢ 4 ’ὔ \ e 3 > ἢ ΦΨ 9 
κεφαλὴν ἐνέθηκε. λέγεται δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἐνίων ὅτι δι 
᾿Αθηνᾶν ἡ Μέδουσα ἐκαρατομήθη: φασὶ δὲ ὅτι 
καὶ περὶ κάλλους ἠθέλησεν ἡ Γοργὼ αὐτῇ συγ- 
κριθῆναι. 

Περσεὺς δὲ μετὰ Δανάης καὶ ᾿Ανδρομέδας 
ἔσπευδεν εἰς “Apyos, ἵνα ᾿Ακρίσιον θεάσηται. ὁ 
δὲ «τοῦτο μαθὼν καὶ; δεδοικὼς τὸν χρησμόν, 

1 ἀγγεγνημένος R: ἐγγενόμενος A: ἐγγυώμενος Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

2 προσπεφευγυῖαν Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 838 : πρυ- 
πεφευγνῖαν A. ὃ τὰ βασίλεια R: τὸν βασιλέα A. 

4 ἐνέθηκε Heyne: ἀνέθηκε A. 

5 sotto μαθὼν καὶ. These words, absent in the MSS., are 
restored by Wagner from Zenobius, Cent. i. 41. 

kill the monster, if he would give him the rescued 
damsel to wife. These terms having been sworn 
to, Perseus withstood and slew the monster and 
released Andromeda. However, Phineus, who was 
a brother of Cepheus, and to whom Andromeda 
had been first betrothed, plotted against him; but 
Perseus discovered the plot, and by showing the 
Gorgon turned him and his fellow conspirators at 
once into stone. And having come to Seriphus he 
found that his mother and Dictys had taken refuge 
at the altars on account of the violence of Poly- 
dectes ; so he entered the palace, where Polydectes 
had gathered his friends, and with averted face he 
showed the Gorgon’s head; and all who beheld it 
were turned to stone, each in the attitude which he 
happened to have struck. Having appointed Dictys 
king of Seriphus, he gave back the sandals and the 
wallet (dzbzsts) and the cap to Hermes, but the 
Gorgon’s head he gave to Athena. Hermes restored 
the aforesaid things to the nymphs and Athena 
inserted the Gorgon’s head in the middle of her 
shield. But it is alleged by some that Medusa was 
beheaded for Athena’s sake; and they say that the 
Gorgon was fain to match herself with the goddess 
even in beauty. 

Perseus hastened with Danae and Andromeda to 
Argos in order that he might behold Acrisius. 
But he, learning of this and dreading the oracle,! 

1 That is, the oracle which declared that he would be 
killed by the son of Danae. See above, ii. 4. 1. 

VOL. I. M 

3 Ἁ ν 4 ‘ a 4 ΄ 
ἀπολιπὼν <Apyos εἰς τὴν ᾿Ϊελασγιῶτιν ἐχωρησε 
γῆν. Τευταμίδου 1 δὲ τοῦ Λαρισσαίων Σ βασιλέως 
ἐπὶ κατοιχομένῳ τῷ πατρὶ διατιθέντος ὃ γυμνικὸν 
ἀγῶνα, παρεγένετο καὶ ὁ Ἰ]ερσεὺς ἀγωνίσασθαι 
θέλων, ἀγωνιζόμενος δὲ πένταθλον, τὸν δίσκον 
> \ \ 3 ’ ’ δ “ 
ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ακρισίου πόδα βαλὼν παραχρῆμα 
ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὸν χρησμὸν 
τετελειωμένον * τὸν μὲν ᾿Ακρίσιον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως 
Μ 3 , \ 3 » > Aa 
ἔθαψεν, αἰσχυνόμενος δὲ eis "Apyos ἐπανελθεῖν 
ἐπὶ τὸν κλῆρον τοῦ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ τετελευτηκότος, 
παραγενόμενος εἰς Τίρυνθα5 πρὸς τὸν Προίτου 

Ὁ ’ 3 , 4 ΝΜ 
παῖδα Μεγαπένθην ἠλλάξατο, τούτῳ τε τὸ “Ap- 
γος ἐνεχείρισε. καὶ Μεγαπένθης μὲν ἐβασίλευσεν 
᾿Αργείων, Περσεὺς δὲ Τίρυνθος, προστειχίσας 
Μίδειαν ὁ καὶ Μυκήνας. ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐξ ᾿Ανδρο- 
μέδας παῖδες αὐτῷ, πρὶν μὲν ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα Πέρσης, ὃν παρὰ Κηφεῖ κατέλειπεν 
(ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοὺς Περσῶν βασιλέας λέγεται 
γενέσθαι), ἐν Μυκήναις δὲ ᾿Αλκαῖος καὶ Σθένελος 
καὶ “Ελειοςῖ Μήστωρ τε καὶ ᾿Ηλεκτρύων, καὶ 
θυγάτηρ Topyodovn, ἣν Ilepenpns ἔγημεν. 

1 Τευταμίδου E, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 838 (com- 
are Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiguit. Rom. i. 28. 3), 

ercher, Wagner: τευταμία A, Westermann: Τευταμίου, 
Heyne, Miller, Bekker. 

* Λαρισσαίων EKA, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 838, 
Zenobius, Cent. i. 41: Λαρισαίων R&, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner. | 

 διατιθέντος E, Zenobius, Cent. i. 41: διατεθέντος A. 

4 τετελειωμένον R: τετελεσμένον A. 

ὅ γίρυνθα R: τίρυνθον A. 

8 μίδειαν Aegius: μήδειαν A: Μίδεαν Heyne. See below, 
ii, 4. 6, p. 170, note. 

? Ἕλειος Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 838: ἕλης R: 
ἕλας R8C: ἕλλας Β. 

.162 

forsook Argos and departed to the Pelasgian land. 
Now Teutamides, king of Larissa, was holding 
athletic games in honour of his dead father, and 
Perseus came to compete. He engaged in the 
pentathlum, but in throwing the quoit he struck 
Acrisius on the foot and killed him instantly.! Per- 
ceiving that the oracle was fulfilled, he buried 
Acrisius outside the city,2 and being ashamed to 
return to Argos to claim the inheritance of him 
who had died by his hand, he went to Megapenthes, 
son of Proetus, at Tiryns and effected an exchange 
with him, surrendering Argos into his hands.’ So 
Megapenthes reigned over the Argives, and Perseus 
reigned over Tiryns, after fortifying also Midea and 
Mycenae.* And he had sons by Andromeda: before 
he came to Greece he had Perses, whom he left 
behind with Cepheus (and from him it is said that 
the kings of Persia are descended) ; and in Mycenae 
he had Alcaeus and Sthenelus and Heleus and 
Mestor and Electryon,' and a daughter Gorgophone, 
whom Perieres married.° 

1 Compare Pausanias, ii. 16. 2. : 

3 According to another account, the grave of Acrisius was 
in the temple of Athena on the acropolis of Larissa. See 
Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iii. 45, p. 39, ed. Potter. 

3 As to this exchange of -kingdoms, compare Pausanias, 
ii. 16. 3. 

4 As to the fortification or foundation of Mycenae by Per- 
seus, see Pausanias, ii. 15. 4, ii. 16. 3. 

5 As to the sons of Perseus and Andromeda, compare 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xix. 116; Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. i. 747. The former agrees with Apollodorus 
as to the five sons born to Perseus in Mycenae, except that 
he calls one of them Aelius instead of Heleus; the latter 
mentions only four sons, Alcaeus, Sthenelus, Mestor, and 
Electryon. 

6 See below, iii. 10. 3. 

mM 2 

"Ex μὲν οὖν ’Adxaiov καὶ ᾿Αστυδαμείας τῆς 
Πέλοπος, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι λέγουσι Λαονόμης τῆς 
Γουνέως, ὡς δὲ ἄλλοι πάλιν ᾿Ἱππονόμης τῆς 
Μενοικέως, ᾿Αμφιτρύων ἐγένετο καὶ θυγάτηρ 
᾿Αναξώ, ἐκ δὲ Μήστορος καὶ Λυσιδίκης τῆς 
Πέλοπος ᾿Ἱπποθόη. ταύτην ἁρπάσας Uocedav 
καὶ κομίσας ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Εχινάδας νήσους μίγνυται, 
καὶ γεννᾷ Τάφιον, ὃς ῴκισε Tadov καὶ τοὺς λαοὺς 
Τηλεβόας ἐκάλεσεν, ὅτι τηλοῦ τῆς πατρίδος ἔβη. 
ἐκ Ταφίου δὲ παῖς Πτερέλαος ἐγένετο' τοῦτον 
ἀθάνατον ἐποίησε ἸΠοσειδῶν, ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ χρυ- 
σῆν ἐνθεὶς τρίχα. Πτερελάῳ δὲ ἐγένοντο παῖδες 
Χρομίος Τύραννος ᾿Αντίοχος Χερσιδάμας Μήστωρ 
Eunpns. 

᾿Ηλεκτρύων δὲ γήμας τὴν ᾿Αλκαίου θυγατέρα 
᾿Αναξώ, ἐγέννησε θυγατέρα μὲν ᾿Αλκμήνην, παῖ- 
δας δὲ «Στρατοβάτην; 1 Γοργοφόνον Φυλόνομον 3 
Κελαινέα ᾿Αμφίμαχον Λυσίνομον Χειρίμαχον 
᾿Ανάκτορα ᾿Αρχέλαον, μετὰ δὲ τούτους καὶ νόθον 
ἐκ Φρυγίας γυναικὸς Μιδέας ? Λικύμνιον. 

1 Στρατοβάτην added by Aegius from Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Ha 932 ; compare Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. vii. 
8 (49). 

2 Φυλόνομον RR&B, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 932: 
φιλονόμον C. 

3 Middas Pindar, Ol. vii. 29 (53), Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: Μηδείας A, Tzetzes, . 
Schol. on Lycophron, 932, where Miiller, the editor, reads 
Μιδέας in the text ‘‘ auctoritate Apollodori,” but adds that 
“« Nostri Codd. consentiunt in μηδείας.᾽" 

1 The name Teleboans is derived by the writer from telou 
ebé (τηλοῦ ἔβη), “he went far.” The same false etymology 
*s accepted by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 932). Strabo 

Alcaeus had a son Amphitryon and a daughter 
Anaxo by Astydamia, daughter of Pelops; but some 
say he had them by Laonome, daughter of Guneus, 
others that he had them by Hipponome, daughter 
of Menoeceus ; and Mestor had Hippothoe by 
Lysidice, daughter of Pelops. This Hippothoe was 
carried off by Poseidon, who brought her to the 
Echinadian Islands, and there had intercourse with 
her, and begat Taphius, who colonized Taphos 
and called the people Teleboans, because he had 
gone far! from his native land. And Taphius had a 
son Pterelaus, whom Poseidon made immortal by 
implanting a golden hair in his head.2 And to 
Pterelaus were born sons, to wit, Chromius, Tyrannus, 
Antiochus, Chersidamas, Mestor, and Eueres. 

Electryon married Anaxo, daughter of Alcaeus,® 
and begat a daughter Alcmena,‘ and sons, to wit, 
Stratobates, Gorgophonus, Phylonomus, Celaeneus, 
Amphimachus, Lysinomus, Chirimachus, Anactor, 
and Archelaus; and after these he had also a 
bastard son, Licymnius, by a Phrygian woman 
Midea.5 
says (x. 2. 20, p. 459) that the Taphians were formerly called 
Teleboans. 4 See below, ii. 4. 7. 

3 Thus Electryon married his niece, the daughter of his 
brother Alcaeus (see above, ii. 4. 5). Similarly Butes is said 
to have married the daughter of his brother irechtheus (iii. 
15. 1), and Phineus is reported to have been betrothed 
to the daughter of his brother Cepheus (ii. 4. 3). Taken 
together, these traditions perhaps point to a custom of 
marriage with a niece, the daughter of a brother. 

4 According to another account, the mother of Alcmena 
was a daughter of Pelops (Euripides, Heraclidae, 210 sq.), her 
name being variously given as Lysidice (Scholiast on Pindar, 
Olymp. vii. 27 (49); Plutarch, Thesews, 6) and Eurydice 
(Diodorus Siculus, iv. 9. 1). 

5 Compare Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. vii. 27 (49). 

Σθενέλου δὲ καὶ Νικίππης τῆς Πέλοπος ᾿Αλ- 
xvovn! καὶ Μέδουσα, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Εὐρυσθεὺς 
ἐγένετο, ὃς καὶ Μυκηνῶν ἐβασίλευσεν. ὅτε γὰρ 
Ἡρακλῆς ἔμελλε γεννᾶσθαι, Ζεὺς ἐν θεοῖς ἔφη 
τὸν ἀπὸ Περσέως γεννηθησόμενον τότε βασιλεύ- 
σειν Μυκηνῶν, Ἥρα δὲ da? ζῆλον Εἰλειθυίας 3 
ἔπεισε τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλκμήνης τόκον ἐπισχεῖν, Εἰὐρυ- 
σθέα δὲ τὸν Σθενέλον παρεσκεύασε γεννηθῆναι 
ἑπταμηνιαῖον ὄντα. 

"Hrextpvovos δὲ βασιλεύοντος Μυκηνῶν, μετὰ 
Ταφίων ὁ of Πτερελάον παῖδες ἐλθόντες τὴν 
Μήστορος ἀρχὴν [rob μητροπάτορος)" ἀπηῃτουν, 
καὶ μὴ προσέχοντος" ᾿᾽λεκτρύονος ἀπήλαυνον τὰς 

1 ᾿Αλκυόνη Wagner (comparing Diodorus Siculus, iv. 12. 7): 
ἀλκυνόη R: ἀλκινόη A. 2 διὰ Εἰ : διὰ τὸν A. 

3 Εἰλειθυίας ΕΑ, Wagner: Εἰλείθνιαν Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

ὁ Ταφίων Heyne: Ταφίον MSS., Westermann, Miiller, 
Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. 

δ᾽ χοῦ μητροπάτορος (compend.) R: τῶ μητροπάτωρος R*: τῷ 
μητροπάτορι A. As Heyne saw, the words are probably a 
ge which has crept into the text. Wagner does not 

racket them. 

8 προσέχοντος Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 932: προσέ- 
xovres A. 

1 According to other accounts, her name was Antibia 
(Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xix. 119) or Archippe (J. Tzetzes, 
Ohiliades, ii. 172, 192). 

3 Compare Homer, Jl. xix. 95-133, where (v. 119) the . 
Tlithyias, the goddesses of childbirth, are also spoken of in 
the plural. According to Ovid (Metamorph. ix. 292 sqq.), 
the era of childbirth (Lucina, the Roman equivalent 
of Ilithyia) delayed the birth of Hercules by sitting at 
the door of the room with crossed legs and clasped hands 
until, deceived by a false report that Alemena had been 
delivered, she relaxed her posture and so allowed the birth 
to take place. Compare Pausanias, ix. 11.3 Antoninus 

Sthenelus had daughters, Aleyone and Medusa, by 
Nicippe,! daughter of Pelops; and he had after- 
wards a son Eurystheus, who reigned also over 
Mycenae. For when Hercules was about to be born, 
Zeus declared among the gods that the descendant 
of Perseus then about to be born would reign over 
Mycenae, and Hera out of jealousy persuaded the 
Ilithyias to retard Alemena’s delivery,? and contrived 
that Eurystheus, son of Sthenelus, should be born a 
seven-month child.’ 

When Electryon reigned over Mycenae, the sons 
of Pterelaus came with some Taphians and claimed 
the kingdom of Mestor, their maternal grand- 
father,‘ and as Electryon paid no heed to the claim, 

Liberalis, Transform. 29, according to whom it was the 
Fates and Ilithyia who thus retarded the birth of Hercules. 
Among the Efiks and Ibibios, of Southern Nigeria, ‘‘ the 
ancient custom still obtains that locks should be undone 
and knots untied in the house of a woman who is about to 
bear a babe, since all such are thought, by sympathetic magic, 
to retard delivery. A case was related of a jealous wife, 
who, on the advice of a witch doctor versed in the mysteries 
of her sex, hid a selection of padlocks beneath her garments, 
then went and sat down near the sick woman’s door and 
surreptitiously turned the key in each. She had previously 
stolen an old waist-cloth from her rival, which she knotted 
so tightly over and over that it formed a ball, and, as an 
added precaution, she locked her fingers closely together and 
sat with crossed legs, exactly as did Juno Lucina of old when 
determined to prevent the birth of the infant Hercules” 
(D. Amaury Talbot, Woman’s Mysteries of a Primitive 
People, the [bibios of Southern Nigeria (London, etc. 1915), 
Ῥ. 22). See further Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 294 sqq. 

3 Compare Scholiast on Homer, 11]. xix. 119 ; - Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, ii. 172 sqq., 192 sqq. 

4 Taphius, the father of Pterelaus, was a son of Hippothoe, 
who was a daughter of Mestor. See above, ii. 4.5. Thus 
Mestor was not the maternal grandfather, but the great- 
great-grandfather of the sons of Pterelaus. Who the maternal 

s 9 4 Ἁ “a 2 4 , 
Boas’ ἀμυνομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Ηλεκτρύονος παίδων, 
ἐκ προκλήσεως ἀλλήλους ἀπέκτειναν. ἐσώθη 
δὲ τῶν ᾿Ηλεκτρύονος παίδων Λικύμνιος ἔτι νέος 
ὑπάρχων, τῶν δὲ Πτερελάου Εϊήρης, ὃς καὶ τὰς 
ναῦς ἐφύλασσε. τῶν δὲ Ταφίων οἱ διαφυγόντες 
ἀπέπλευσαν τὰς ἐλαθείσας βόας ἑλόντες, καὶ 
παρέθεντο τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν ᾿Ηλείων Πολυξένῳ" 
3 UA \ , , 
Αμφιτρύων δὲ παρὰ ἸΠολυξένου λυτρωσάμενος 
αὐτὰς ἤγαγεν εἰς Μυκήνας.Σ ὁ δὲ ᾿Ηλεκτρύων 
τὸν τῶν παίδων θάνατον βουλόμενος ἐκδικῆσαι, 

Ἁ \ 4 9 4 \ A 
παραδοὺς τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνι καὶ τὴν 
9 ra 

θυγατέρα ᾿Αλκμήνην, ἐξορκίσας ἵνα μέχρι τῆς 
ἐπανόδου παρθένον αὐτὴν φυλάξῃ, στρατεύειν ἐπὶ 
Τηλεβόας Suevoeito. ἀπολαμβάνοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ 

\ a a 3 ’ 9 ’ > 3» 3 Ἁ 
τὰς Boas, μιᾶς ἐκθορούσης ᾿Αμφιτρύων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν 
ἀφῆκεν ὃ μετὰ χεῖρας εἶχε ῥόπαλον, τὸ δὲ ἀπο- 
κρουσθὲν ἀπὸ τῶν κεράτων εἰς τὴν ᾿Ηλεκτρύονος 
κεφαλὴν ἐλθὸν ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. ὅθεν λαβὼν 
ταύτην τὴν πρόφασιν Σθένελος παντὸς "Αργους 

1 προκλήσεως Gale: προβλήσεως A. 
2 Μυκήνας Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 932: Μυκήνην 
RR&B. 

grandfather of the sons of Pterelaus was we do not know, 
since the name of their mother is not recorded. The words 
‘their maternal grandfather” are probably a gloss which has 
crept into the text. See the Critical Note. Apart from the 
difficulty created by these words, it is hard to suppose that 
Electryon was still reigning over Mycenae at the time of this 
- expedition of the sons of Pterelaus, since, being a son of 
Perseus, he was a brother of their great-great-grandfather . 
Mestor. 

1 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 747-751, with the 
Scholiast on t. 747; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 932, 
whose account seems based on that of Apollodorus. 

they drove away his kine; and when the sons of 
Electryon stood on their defence, they challenged 
and slew each other.!_ But of the sons of Electryon 
there survived Licymnius, who was still young; 
and of the sons of Pterelaus there survived Everes, 
who guarded the ships. Those of the Taphians 
who escaped sailed away, taking with them the 
cattle they had lifted, and entrusted them to 
Polyxenus, king of the Eleans; but Amphitryon 
ransomed them from Polyxenus and brought them 
to Mycenae. Wishing to avenge his sons’ death, 
Electryon purposed to make war on the Teleboans, 
but first he committed the kingdom to Amphitryon 
along with his daughter Alcmena, binding him 
by oath to keep her a virgin until his return.? 
However, as he was receiving the cows back, one 
of them charged, and Amphitryon threw at her the 
club which he had in his hands. But the club 
rebounded from the cow’s horns and _ striking 
Electryon’s head killed him.* Hence Sthenelus 
laid hold of this pretext to banish Amphitryon from 

* Compare Hesiod, Shield of Hercules, 14 sqq., where it is 
said that Amphitryon might not go in to his wife Alemena 
until he had avenged the death of her brothers, the sons of 
Electryon, who had been slain in the fight with the Taphians. 
The tradition points to a custom which enjoined an avenger 
of blood to observe strict chastity until he had taken the life 
of his enemy. 

* A similar account. of the death of Electryon is given 
by Tzetzes, Scho/. on Lycophron, 932, who seems to follow 
Apollodorus. According to this version of the legend, the 
slaying of Electryon by Amphitryon was purely accidental. 
But according to Hesiod (Shield of Hercules, 11 8g., 79 8qq.) 
the two men quarrelled over the cattle, and Amphitryon 
killed Electryon in hot blood. Compare the Scholiast on 
Homer, 11. xiv. 323. 

ἐξέβαλεν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνα, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν Muxn- 
νῶν καὶ τῆς Τίρυνθος αὐτὸς κατέσχε: τὴν δὲ 
Μίδειαν,; μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς Πέλοπος παῖδας 
᾿Ατρέα καὶ Θυέστην, παρέθετο τούτοις. 
᾿Αμφιτρύων δὲ σὺν ᾿Αλκμήνῃ καὶ Λικυμνίῳ 
παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ Θήβας ὑπὸ Κρέοντος ἡγνίσθη, 
\ 4 \ 3 A / ’ 
καὶ δίδωσι τὴν ἀδελφὴν Περιμήδην Λικυμνίῳ. 
λεγούσης δὲ ᾿Αλκμήνης γαμηθήσεσθαι αὐτῷ τῶν 
ἀδελφῶν αὐτῆς ἐκδικήσαντι τὸν θάνατον, ὑποσχό- 
μενος ἐπὶ Τηλεβόας στρατεύει ᾿Αμφιτρύων, καὶ 
παρεκάλει συλλαβέσθαι Κρέοντα. ὁ δὲ ἔφη 
στρατεύσειν, ἐὰν πρότερον ἐκεῖνος τὴν Καδμείαν 8 
τῆς ἀλώπεκος ἀπαλλάξῃ" ἔφθειρε γὰρ τὴν " ΚΚαὸὃ- 
μείαν ἀλώπηξ θηρίον. ὑποστάντος δὲ ὅμως 
εἱμαρμένον ἦν αὐτὴν μηδέ τινα καταλαβεῖν. 
ἀδικουμένης δὲ τῆς χώρας, ἕνα τῶν ἀστῶν παῖδα 
οἱ Θηβαῖοι κατὰ μῆνα προετίθεσαν αὐτῇ, πολλοὺς 
ἁρπαξούσῃ, τοῦτ᾽ εἰ μὴ γένοιτο. ἀπαλλαγεὶς 
1 Μίδειαν Bekker, Hercher: Μίδεαν Heyne, Westermann, 
Miller: phdeay A. Both forms, Μίδεια and Μίδεα, are 
recognized by Strabo (viii. 6. 11, p. 373) and Stephanus 
Byzantius (s.v. Μίδεια), but Strabo preferred the form Midea 
for the city in Argolis, and the form Μίδεια for the similarly - 
named city in Boeotia. In the manuscripts of Pausanias 
the name is reported to occur in the forms Midela, Μιδέα, 
Μήδεια, Μηδεία, and Μηδέα, of which the forms Midela, Μήδεια, 
and Μηδεία appear to be the best attested. See Pausanias, 
ii, 16. 2, ii. 25. 9, vi. 20. 7, viii. 27. 1, with the critical 
commentaries of Schubart and Walz, of Hitzig and Bliimner. 
The editors of Pausanias do not consistently adopt any one 
of these forms. For example, the latest editor (F. Spiro) 
adopts the form Μιδεία in one passage (ii. 16. 2), Μήδεια in a 
second (ii. 25. 9), M:déa in a third (vi. 20. 7), and Μίδεια ina 
fourth (viii. 27. 1). 
2 girg Wagner, following Eberhard and comparing 
Scholiast on Homer, 7]. xiv. 323; Hesiod, Shield of Her- 

the whole of Argos, while he himself seized the 
throne of Mycenae and Tiryns; and he entrusted 
Midea to Atreus and Thyestes, the sons of Pelops, 
whom he had sent for. 

Amphitryon went with Alemena and Licymnius to 
Thebes and was purified by Creon! and gave his 
sister Perimede to Licymnius. And as Alcmena 
said she would marry him when he had avenged her 
brothers’ death, Amphitryon engaged to do so, and 
undertook an expedition against the Teleboans, and 
invited Creon to assist him. Creon said he would 
join in the expedition if Amphitryon would first rid 
the Cadmea of the vixen; for a brute of a vixen was 
ravaging the Cadmea.? But though Amphitryon 
undertook the task, it was fated that nobody should 
catch her. As the country suffered thereby, the 
Thebans every month exposed a son of one of the 
citizens to the brute, which would have carried 
off many if that were not done. So Amphitryon 

1 That is, for the killing of Electryon. Compare Hesiod, 
Shield of Hercules, 79 sqq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
932; Euripides, Hercules Furens, 16 86. 

2 The animal had its lair at Teumessus, and hence was 
known as the Teumessian fox. See Pausanias, ix. 19. 1; 
Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 41; Apostolius, Cent. xvi. 
42; Suidas, 3.v. Tevunola; J. Tzetzes, Chiltades, i. 553 sqq. 
(who refers to Apollodorus as his authority); Ovid, Meta- 
morph. vii. 762 sqq. By an easy application of the rational- 
istic instrument, which cuts so many mythological knots, the 
late Greek writer Palaephatus (De Incredib. 8) converted the 
ferocious animal into a gentleman (καλὸς κἀγαθὸς) named Fox, 
of a truculent disposition and predatory habits, who proved 
a thorn in the flesh to the Thebans, until Cephalus rid them 
of the nuisance by knocking him on the head. 

cules, 14 sqq.: τῷ A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher. 3 τὴν Καδμείαν A: τοὺς Καδμείους Hercher. 
4 thy A: γῆν Hercher. ° ἁρπαξούσῃ Palmer: ἁρπαζούσῃ A. 

οὗν ᾿Αμφιτρύων εἰς ᾿Αθήνας πρὸς Κέφαλον τὸν 
Antovews, συνέπειθεν ἐπὶ μέρει τῶν ἀπὸ Τηλε- 
βοῶν λαφύρων ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν τὸν κύνα ὃν 
Πρόκρις ἤγαγεν ἐκ Κρήτης παρὰ Μίνωος λαβοῦ- 
σα' ἦν δὲ καὶ τούτῳ πεπρωμένον πᾶν, ὅ τι ἂν 
διώκῃ, λαμβάνειν. διωκομένης οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ κυνὸς 
τῆς ἀλώπεκος, Ζεὺς ἀμφοτέρους λίθους ἐποίησεν. 
᾿Αμφιτρύων δὲ ἔ ἔχων ἐκ μὲν Θορικοῦ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς 
Κέφαλον συμμαχοῦντα, ἐκ δὲ Φωκέων Πανοπέα, 
ἐκ δὲ “ἔλους 1 τῆς ᾿Αργείας ἡ Ἔλειον τὸν Περσέως, 
ἐκ δὲ Θηβῶν Κρέοντα, τὰς τῶν Ταφίων νήσους 
ἐπόρθει. ἄχρι μὲν οὖν ἔξη τερέλαος, οὐκ ἐδύ- 
vato τὴν Τάφον ἑλεῖν' ὡς δὲ ἡ Ἡτερελάου θυγάτηρ 
Κομαιθὼ ἐρασθεῖσα ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος τὴν χρυσῆν 
τρίχα τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἐξείλετο, 
Πτερελάου τελευτήσαντος ἐχειρώσατο τὰς νήσους 
ἁπάσας. τὴν μὲν οὖν Κομαιθὼ κτείνει 2 ᾿Αμφι- 
τρύων καὶ τὴν λείαν “ἔχων εἰς Θήβας ἔπλει, καὶ 
τὰς νήσους “λείῳ καὶ Κεφάλῳ δίδωσι. κἀκεῖνοι 
πόλεις αὐτῶν ἐπωνύμους κτίσαντες κατῴκησαν. 
Πρὸ τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αμφιτρύωνα παραγενέσθαι εἰς 
Θήβας Ζεύς, διὰ νυκτὸς ἐλθὼν καὶ τὴν μίαν 
τριπλασιάσας νύκτα, ὅμοιος ᾿Αμφιτρύωνι γενό- 

1 “λους Aegius: ἑλούσης A. 2 κτείνει RR®: κτείνας A. 

8 τὴν μίαν τριπλασιάσας νύκτα MSS. and editions. The 
Vatican Epitome (E) reads as follows: τὴν μίαν νύκτα πεντα- 
πλασιάσας ἣ κατά τινας τριπλασιάσας, of καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τριέσπερον 
ἀξιοῦσι λέγεσθαι τὸν Ἡρακλέα : *‘ having multiplied the single 
night fivefold or threefold, according to some, who on that 
account claim for Hercules the title of Triesperus (He of the 
Three Evenings).” The title of Triesperus is similarly ex- 
plained by Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 33. The multi- 
plication of the night fivefold appears to be mentioned by 
no other ancient writer Compare R. Wagner, Epitoma 
Vaticana, p. 98. 

betook him to Cephalus, son of Deioneus, at 
Athens, and persuaded him, in return for a share 
of the Teleboan spoils, to bring to the chase 
the dog which Procris had brought from Crete 
as a gift from Minos!; for that dog was destined 
to catch whatever it pursued. So then, when the 
vixen was chased by the dog, Zeus turned both of 
them into stone. Supported by his allies, to wit, 
Cephalus frem Thoricus in Attica, Panopeus from 
Phocis, Heleus, son of Perseus, from Helos in Ar- 
golis, and Creon from Thebes, Amphitryon ravaged 
the islands of the Taphians. Now, so long as Ptere- 
laus lived, he could not take Taphos; but when 
Comaetho, daughter of Pterelaus, falling in love 
with Amphitryon, pulled out the golden hair from 
her father’s head, Pterelaus died,? and Amphitryon 
subjugated all the islands. He slew Comaetho, and 
sailed with the booty to Thebes,’ and gave the 
islands to Heleus and Cephalus; and they founded 
cities named after themselves and dwelt in them. 

But before Amphitryon reached Thebes, Zeus 
came by night and prolonging the one night threefold 
he assumed the likeness of Amphitryon and bedded 

1 As to Procris, see below, iii. 15. 1. 

2 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 932. For the 
ae aay of Nisus and his daughter Megara, see below, 
111. . ὅ. 

8 Τὴ the sanctuary of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, the 
historian Herodotus saw a tripod bearing an inscription in 
**Cadmean letters,” which set forth that the vessel had been 
dedicated by Amphitryon from the spoils of the Teleboans. 
See Herodotus, v. 59. Among the booty was a famous goblet 
which Poseidon had given to his son Teleboes, and which 
Teleboes had given to Pterelaus. See Athenaeus, xi. 99, 
p. 4980; Plautus, Amphitryo, 256 sg. For the expedition of 
Amphitryon against the Teleboans or Taphians, see alsoStrabo, 
x. 2.20; Pausanias, i. 37.6; Plautus, Amphitryo, 183-256. 

i) 

μενος ᾿Αλκμήνῃ συνευνάσθη καὶ τὰ γενόμενα 
περὶ Τηλεβοῶν διηγήσατο. ᾿Αμφιτρύων δὲ παρα- 
γενόμενος, ὡς οὐχ ἑώρα φιλοφρονουμένην πρὸς 
αὐτὸν τὴν γυναῖκα, ἐπυνθάνετο τὴν αἰτίαν' εἰ- 
πούσης δὲ ὅτι τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ πα αγενόμενος 
αὐτῇ συγκεκοίμηται, μανθάνει παρὰ Τειρεσίου 
τὴν γενομένην τοῦ Διὸς συνουσίαν. ᾿Αλκμήνη δὲ 
δύο ἐ ἐγέννησε παῖδας, Διὶ μὲν ‘Hpaxréa, μιᾷ νυκτὶ 
πρεσβύτερον, ᾿Αμφιτρύωνι δὲ Ἰφικλέα. τοῦ δὲ 
παιδὸς ὄντος ὀκταμηνιαίου δύο δράκοντας ὑὕὑπερ- 
μεγέθεις “ Ἥρα ἐπὶ τὴν εὐνὴν ἔπεμψε, διαφθαρῆναι 
τὸ βρέφος θέλουσα. ἐπιβοωμένης δὲ ᾿Αλκμήνης 
"A μφιτρύωνα, Ἡρακλῆς διαναστὰς ἄγχων ἑκατέ- 
ραις ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοὺς διέφθειρε. Φέρεκύδης δέ 
φησιν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνα, βουλόμενον μαθεῖν ὁ ὁπότερος 
ἦν τῶν παίδων ἐκείνου, τοὺς δράκοντας εἰς τὴν 
εὐνὴν ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ τοῦ μὲν ᾿Ιφικλέους φυγόντος 
τοῦ δὲ Ἡρακλέους ὑ ὑποστάντος μαθεῖν ὡς ᾿Ιφικλῆς 
ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγέννηται. 

᾿Εδιδάχθη δὲ 3 Ἡρακλῆς ἁρματηλατεῖν μὲν 
ὑπὸ ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος, παλαίειν δὲ ὑπὸ Αὐτολύκου, 
τοξεύειν δὲ ὑπὸ Εὐρύτου, ὁπλομαχεῖν δὲ ὑπὸ 

J 5 er (compend. ) E, Bekker, Hercher: παρὰ A. 
5. δὲ Β: μὲν A. 

1 For the deception οὗ Alemena by Zeus and the birth of 
Hercules and Iphicles, see Hesiod, Shield of Hercules, 27-56 ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 9; Scholiast on Homer, 11. xiv. 323, 
and Od. xi. 266 ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 33; Hy- 

inus, Fab. 29. The story was the subject of plays by 
Sophocles and Euripides which have perished (Tragicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 156, 386 sqq.; 
The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C Pearson, i. 76 899.) ; 
and it is the theme of a well-known comedy of Plautus, the 
Amphitryo, which is extant. In that play (Prologue, 1128qq.), 

with Alemena?! and related what had happened con- 
cerning the Teleboans. But when Amphitryon 
arrived and saw that he was not welcomed by his 
wife, he inquired the cause ; and when she told him 
that he had come the night before and slept 
with her, he learned from Tiresias how Zeus had 
enjoyed her. And Alcmena bore two sons, to wit, 
Hercules, whom she had by Zeus and who was the 
elder by one night, and Iphicles, whom she had by - 
Amphitryon. When the child was eight months 
old, Hera desired the destruction of the babe and 
sent two huge serpents to the bed. Alcmena called 
Amphitryon to her help, but Hercules arose and 
killed the serpents by strangling them with both his 
hands.2, However, Pherecydes says that it was 
Amphitryon who put the serpents in the bed, be- 
cause he would know which of the two children was 
his, and that when Iphicles fled, and Hercules stood 
his ground, he knew that Iphicles was begotten of 
his body. 

Hercules was taught to drive a chariot by Amphi- 
tryon, to wrestle by Autolycus, to shoot with the 
bow by Eurytus, to fence by Castor, and to play the 

Plautus mentions the lengthening of the night in which 
Jupiter (Zeus) begat Hercules. The Scholiast on Homer (Jl. 
xiv. 323) says that Zeus persuaded the Sun not to rise for 
three days; and the threefold night is mentioned also by 
Diodorus Siculus (iv. 9. 2). The whole story was told Ὁ 
Pherecydes, as we learn from the Scholiasts on Homer (Jl. 
xiv. 323; Od. xi. 266); and it is likely that Apollodorus here 
follows him, for he refers to Pherecydes a few lines below. 

2 As to the infant Hercules and the serpents, compare 
Pindar, Nem. i. 33 (50) sqq.; Theocritus, xxiv.; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 10. 1; Pausanias, i. 24.2; Plautus, Amphiiryo, 
1123 δᾳᾳ.; Virgil, Aen. viii. 288 sqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 30. 
According to Theocritus (xxiv. 1), Hercules was ten months 
old when he strangled the serpents. | 

Κάστορος, κιθαρῳδεῖν δὲ ὑπὸ Λίνου. οὗτος δὲ ἦν 
ἀδελφὸς ᾿Ορφέως: ἀφικόμενος δὲ εἰς Θήβας καὶ 
Θηβαῖος γενόμενος ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους τῇ κιθάρᾳ 
πληγεὶς ἀπέθανεν: ἐπιπλήξαντα γὰρ αὐτὸν op- 
γισθεὶς ἀπέκτεινε. δίκην δὲ ἐπαγόντων τινῶν 
A e 
αὐτῷ φόνου, παρανέγνω νόμον Ῥαδαμάνθυος 
λέγοντος, ὃς ἂν ἀμύνηται τὸν χειρῶν ἀδίκων 
κατάρξαντα, ἀθῷον εἶναι, καὶ οὕτως ἀπελύθη.3 
δείσας δὲ ᾿Αμφιτρύων μὴ πάλιν τι ποιήσῃ τοιοῦ- 
τον, ἔπεμψεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὰ βουφόρβια. κἀκεῖ 
τρεφόμενος μεγέθει τε καὶ ῥώμῃ πάντων διή- 
νεγκεν. ἦν δὲ καὶ θεωρηθεὶς φανερὸς 8 ὅτι Διὸς 
παῖς ἦν: τετραπηχυαῖον μὲν γὰρ εἶχε τὸ σῶμα, 
πυρὸς δ᾽ ἐξ ὀμμάτων ἔλαμπεν αἴγλην. οὐκ ἠἡστό- 
vet δὲ οὔτε τοξεύων οὔτε ἀκοντίζων. 

"Ev δὲ τοῖς βουκολίοις ὑπάρχων ὀκτωκαιδε- 
καέτης τὸν Κιθαιρώνειον ἀνεῖλε λέοντα. οὗτος 
γὰρ ὁρμώμενος ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος τὰς ᾿Αμφι- 
τρύωνος ἔφθειρε Boas καὶ τὰς Θεσπίου. βασι- 

1 κατάρξαντα Εἰ : ἄρξαντα A. 7 ἀπελύθη ERR®: ἀπελάθη R. 

3 φανερὸς R: φανερῶς Εἰ : poBepds A. 

4 Θεσπίου Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: Θεστίου EA, Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller. This king’s name is variously re- 
ported by the ancients in the forms Θέσπιος and Θέστιος. In 
favour of the form Θέσπιος, see below, ii. 7. 6; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 29. 2. In favour of the form Θέστιος, see below, 
ii. 4. 12, ii. 7. 8 (where Θεστίου occurs in the MSS.) ; Pausa- 
nias, iii. 19. 5, ix. 27. 6. When we consider the variation . 
of the MSS. on this point, the extreme slightness of the 
difference (a single stroke of the pen) between the two forms, 
and the appropriateness of the form @éomos for the name of 
a king of Thespiae, we may surmise that the true form is 
Θέσπιος, and that it should everywhere replace Θέστιος in 
our editions of Greek authors. There is at all events no 

doubt that Diodorus Siculus read the name in this form, 
for he speaks of @éomios as βασιλεύων τῆς ὁμωνύμον χώρας. 

lyre by Linus.'! This Linus was a brother of Orpheus ; 
he came to Thebes and became a Theban, but was 
killed by Hercules with a blow of the lyre; for 
being struck by him, Hercules flew into a rage and 
slew him.2, When he was tried for murder, Hercules 
quoted a law of Rhadamanthys, who laid it down 
that whoever defends himself against a wrongful 
aggressor shall go free, and so he was acquitted. But 
fearing he might do the like again, Amphitryon sent 
him to the cattle farm; and there he was nurtured 
and outdid all in stature and strength. Even by the 
look of him it was plain that he was a son of Zeus; 
for his body measured four cubits,? and he flashed a 
gleam of fire from his eyes; and he did not miss, 
neither with the bow nor with the javelin. 

While he was with the herds and had reached 
his eighteenth year he slew the lion of Cithaeron, 
for that animal, sallying from Cithaeron, harried 
the kine of Amphitryon and of Thespius.4 Now 

1 As to the education of Hercules, see Theocritus, xxiv. 104 
sqq., according to whom Hercules learned wrestling not from - 
Autolycus but from Harpalycus, son of Hermes. 

2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iii. 67.2 ; Pausanias, ix. 29.9; 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 213 sq. 

3 Four cubits and one foot, according to the exact measure- 
ment of the historian Herodorus. See J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
ii. 210 8q.; id. Schol. on Lycophron, 662. 

4 According to another account, the lion of Cithaeron was 
killed by Alcathous (Pausanias, i. 41. 3 sq.). But J. Tzetzes 
(Chiliades, ii. 216 81.) agrees with Apollodorus, whose 
account of Hercules he seems to follow. 

Heyne, though he admits that he had not been consistent 
(‘* Animo in gravioribus occupato non fui satis constans in hoc 
nomine”) deliberately preferred Θέσπιος to Θέστιος : ‘‘Verum 
tamen necesse est Thespii nomen, si quidem Thespiadae dictae 
sunt filiae.” See his critical note on ii. 7. 8 (vol. i. p. 226). 

[77 
VOL. I. N 

ll 

λεὺς δὲ ἦν οὗτος Θεσπιῶν, πρὸς ὃν ἀφίκετο 
Ἡρακλῆς ἐλεῖν βουλόμενος τὸν λέοντα. ὁ δὲ 
αὐτὸν ἐξένισε πεντήκοντα ἡμέρας, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν 
θήραν ἐξιόντι νυκτὸς ἑκάστης μίαν συνεύναζε 
θυγατέρα (πεντήκοντα δὲ αὐτῷ ἦσαν ἐκ Μεγα- 
μήδης γεγεννημέναι τῆς ᾿Αρνέου)" ἐσπούδαζε γὰρ 
πάσας ἐξ Ἡρακλέους τεκνοποιήσασθαι. Ἥρα- 
κλῆς δὲ μίαν νομίζων εἶναι τὴν ἀεὶ guvevvato- 
μένην, συνῆλθε πάσαις. καὶ χειρωσάμενος τὸν 
λέοντα τὴν μὲν δορὰν ἠμφιέσατο, τῷ χάσματι δὲ 
ἐχρήσατο κόρυθι. 

Ανακάμπτοντι δὲ αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας συνήν- 
τησαν κήρυκες παρὰ Ἔργίνου πεμφθέντες, ἵνα 
παρὰ Θηβαίων τὸν δασμὸν λάβωσιν. ἐτέλουν δὲ 
Θηβαῖοι τὸν δασμὸν ᾿Εργίνῳ δι’ αἰτίαν τήνδε. 
Κλύμενον τὸν Μινυῶν βασιλέα λίθῳ βαλὼν 
Μενοικέως ἡνίο ος, ὄνομα Περιήρης, ἐν Ὄγ- 
χηστῷ Ποσειδῶνος τεμένει τιτρώσκει" ὁ δὲ 
κομισθεὶς εἰς ᾿Ορχομενὸν ἡμιθνὴς ἐπισκήπτει 
τελευτῶν ᾿Εργίνῳ τῷ παιδὶ ἐκδικῆσαι τὸν θάνα- 
τον αὐτοῦ. στρατευσάμενος δὲ ᾿Εργῖνος ἐπὶ Θή- 
βας, κτείνας οὐκ ὀλίγους ἐσπείσατο μεθ᾽ ὅρκων, 
ὅπως πέμπωσιν αὐτῷ Θηβαῖοι δασμὸν ἐπὶ εἴκοσιν 
ἔτη, κατὰ ἔτος ἑκατὸν Boas. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν 

1 οργχηστῷ Aegius: ᾿Ορχηστῷ A. 

1 As to Hercules and the daughters of Thespius, compare 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 29. 2 84.;: Pausanias, ix. 27. 6 sq.; 
Athenaeus, xiii. 4, p. 556F; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 221 sqq. 
The father of the damsels is called Thestius by Pausanias and 
Athenaeus, who refers to Herodorus as his authority. See 
the Critical Note. 

this Thespius was king of Thespiae, and Hercules 
went to him when he wished to catch the 
lion. The king entertained him for fifty days, and 
each night, as Hercules went forth to the hunt, 
Thespius bedded one of his daughters with him 
(fifty daughters having been borne to him by Mega- 
mede, daughter of Arneus) ; for he was anxious that 
all of them should have children by Hercules. 
Thus Hercules, though he thought that his bed- 
fellow was always the same, had intercourse with 
them all. And having vanquished the lion, he 
dressed himself in the skin and wore the scalp? as a 
helmet. 

As he was returning from the hunt, there met 
him heralds sent by Erginus to receive the tribute 
from the Thebans. Now the Thebans paid tribute 
to Erginus for the following reason. Clymenus, 
king of the Minyans, was wounded with a cast of a 
stone by a charioteer of Menoeceus, named Perieres, 
in a precinct of Poseidon at Onchestus; and being 
carried dying to Orchomenus, he with his last breath 
charged his son Erginus to avenge his death. So 
Erginus marched against Thebes, and after slaughter- 
ing not a few of the Thebans he concluded a treaty 
with them, confirmed by oaths, that they should 
send him tribute for twenty years, a hundred kine 
every year. Falling in with the heralds on their 

2 More exactly, ‘‘the gaping mouth.” In Greek art 
Hercules is commonly represented wearing the lion’s skin, 
often with the lion’s scalp as a hood on his head. See, for 
example, A. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums, 
i. figs. 724, 726, 729, 730. 

® As to Hercules and Erginus, compare Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 10. 3-5; Pausanias, ix. 37. 2 sq.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
il. 226 sqq. 

| 179 
ν 2 

δασμὸν εἰς Θήβας τοὺς κήρυκας ἀπιόντας συντυ- 
χὼν Ἡρακλῆς ἐλωβήσατο' ἀποτεμὼν γὰρ. αὐτῶν 
τὰ ὦτα καὶ τὰς ῥῖνας, καὶ [διὰ “σχοινίων |} τὰς 

ρας δήσας ἐκ τῶν τραχήλων, ἔφη τοῦτον Ἐργίνῳ 
καὶ “Μινύαις δασμὸν “κομίξειν. ep οἷς ἀγανακ- 
τῶν" ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Θήβας. Ἡρακλῆς δὲ λα- 
βὼν ὅπλα Tap ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ πολεμαρχῶν ἜἜργῖνον 
μὲν ἔκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ Μινύας ἐτρέψατο καὶ τὸν 
δασμὸν διπλοῦν ἡ ἠνάγκασε Θηβαίοις φέρειν. συν- 
έβη δὲ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ᾿Αμφιτρύωνα͵ γενναίως 
μαχόμενον τελευτῆσαι. λαμβάνει δὲ Ἡρακλῆς 
παρὰ Κρέοντος ἀριστεῖον τὴν πρεσβυτάτην θυγα- 
τέρα Μεγάραν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες ἐγένοντο τρεῖς, 
Θηρίμαχος Κρεοντιάδης Δηικόων. τὴν δὲ νεωτέ- 
ραν θυγατέρα Κρέων ᾿ἸΙφικλεῖϑ δίδωσιν, ἤδη παῖδα 
᾿Ιόλαον ἔχοντι ἐξ Αὐτομεδούσης τῆς ᾿Αλκάθου. 
ἔγημε δὲ καὶ ᾿Αλκμήνην μετὰ τὸν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος 
θάνατον Διὸς παῖς Ῥαδάμανθυς, κατῴκει δὲ ἐν 
᾿᾽Ωκαλέαις τῆς Βοιωτίας πεφευγώς. 

1 διὰ σχοινίων αὖ inepto Graeculo apposita suspicor, Heyne. 
The words are at least misplaced, if, as seems probable, 
ἀποτεμὼν is to be understood as applying to ras χεῖρας as well 
as to τὰ ὦτα καὶ τὰς ῥῖνας. 

2 ἀγανακτῶν. Heyne proposed to insert ἐκεῖνος or Ἐργῖνος. 
The sense seems to require one or the other. 

5 Ἰφικλεῖ Wagner : oe A. For the form ᾿Ιφικλῆς, see 
i, 8. 2, ii. 4. 8 (thrice), ii. 7. 3; and compare R. Wagner, 
Epitoma Vaticana, pp. 98 sq , 

᾿Ὡκαλέαις A. In Homer (22. ii. 501), Strabo (ix. 2. 26, 

p. 410), and Stephanus Byzantius (s.v. ‘ear da) the name 
occurs in the singular, ᾽Ωκαλέα (Ὠκαλέη Homer). 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 10.6; J. Tzetzes, Ohiliades, 
ii, 228. ἊΞ to the sons of Hercules by Megara, compare 
below, ii. 7.8. The ancients differed considerably as to the 

"80 

way to Thebes to demand this tribute, Hercules out- 
raged them ; for he cut off their ears and noses and 
hands, and having fastened them [by ropes] from their 
necks, he told them to carry that tribute to Erginus 
and the Minyans. Indignant at this outrage, Erginus 
marched against Thebes. But Hercules, having re- 
ceived weapons from Athena and taken the com- 
mand, killed Erginus, put the Minyans to flight, and 
compelled them to pay double the tribute to the 
Thebans. And it chanced that in the fight Amphi- 
tryon fell fighting bravely. And Hercules received 
from Creon his eldest daughter Megara as a prize of 
valour,! and by her he had three sons, Therimachus, 
Creontiades, and Deicoén. But Creon gave his 
younger daughter to Iphicles, who already had a son 
Iolaus by Automedusa, daughter of Alcathus. And 
Rhadamanthys, son of Zeus, married Alcmena after 
the death of Amphitryon, and dwelt as an exile at 
Ocaleae in Boeotia.? 

number and names of the children whom Hercules had by 
Megara. According to Pindar (Isthm. iv. 63 sq.) there were 
eight of them. Euripides speaks of three (Hercules Furens, 
995 sqg.). See Scholiast on Pindar, Jsthm. iv. 61 (104); 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 48 and 663; Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. xi. 269 (who agrees with Apollodorus and quotes 
Asclepiades as his authority); Hyginus, Fab. 31 and 32. 
The Thebans celebrated an annual festival, with sacrifices 
and games, in honour of the children. See Pindar, Isthm. 
iv. 61 (104) sgq., with the Scholiast. 

2 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 50, who says 
that Rhadamanthys fled from Crete because he had murdered 
his own brother. He agrees with Pausanias that the worthy 
couple took up their abode at Ocaleae (or Ocalea) in Boeotia. 
Their tombs were shown near Haliartus, in Boeotia. See 
Plutarch, Lysander, 28. The grave of Alemena was excavated 
in antiquity, during the Spartan occupation of the Cadmea. 
It was found to contain a small bronze bracelet, two earthen- 

Προμαθὼν ' δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Ευρύτου ὃ τὴν τοξικὴν 
Ἥ x7 ΕᾺ A ‘E “a \ , > 
ρακλῆς ἔλαβε παρὰ ᾿Ερμοῦ μὲν ξίφος, παρ 
3 LU , 
Απόλλωνος δὲ τόξα, παρὰ δὲ “Hdaictov θώρακα 
fe) > “A ς 
χρυσοῦν, παρὰ δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾶς πέπλον' ῥόπαλον μὲν 
γὰρ αὐτὸς ἔτεμεν ἐκ Νεμέας. 

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν πρὸς Μινύας μάχην συνέβη αὐτῷ 
κατὰ ζῆλον Ἥρας μανῆναι, καὶ τούς τε ἰδίους 
παῖδας, οὗς ἐκ Μεγάρας εἶχεν, εἰς πῦρ ἐμβαλεῖν 
καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιφικλέουςϑ δύο" διὸ καταδικάσας ἑαυτοῦ 
φυγὴν καθαίρεται μὲν ὑπὸ Θεσπίου,, παραγενό- 
μενος δὲ eis Δελφοὺς πυνθάνεται τοῦ θεοῦ ποῦ 

, e \ ’ ’ fe) e 7 
κατοικήσει. ἡ δὲ Πυθία τότε πρῶτον Ἡρακλέα 
αὐτὸν προσηγόρευσε' τὸ δὲ πρώην ὅ ᾿Αλκείδης 

1 προμαθὼν A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher: προσμαθὼν ER, Wagner. 

2 ᾿ΕἘυρύτου Aegius, Commelinus, Gale, Heyne, Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher: αὐτοῦ A, Wagner. 

3 ἰφικλέους Εἰ : ἰφίκλου A. 

ὁ Θεσπίου Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: Θεστίου EA, Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller. 5 πρώην KE: πρῶτον A. 

ware jars, and a bronze tablet inscribed with ancient and 
unknown characters. See Plutarch, De genio Socratis, 5. 

A different story of the marriage of Rhadamanthys and 
Alcmena was told by Pherecydes. According to him, when 
Alcmena died at a good old age, Zeus commanded Hermes to 
steal her body from the coffin in which the sons of Hercules 
were conveying it to the grave. Hermes executed the com- 
mission, adroitly substituting a stone for the corpse in the 
coffin. Feeling the coffin very heavy, the sons of Hercules - 
set it down, and taking off the lid they discovered the fraud. 
They took out the stone and set it up in a sacred grove at 
Thebes, where was a shrine of Alemena. Meantime Hermes 
had carried off the real Alemena to the Islands of the Blest, 
where she was married to Rhadamanthys. See Antoninus 
Liberalis, Transform. 33. This quaint story is alluded to by 
Pausanias, who tells us (ix. 16. 7) that there was no tomb of 
Alemena at Thebes, because at her death she had been turned 
to stone. 

Having first learned from Eurytus the art of 
archery,! Hercules received a sword from Hermes, a 
bow and arrows from Apollo,? a golden breastplate 
from Hephaestus, and a robe from Athena; for he 
had himself cut a club at Nemea. 

Now it came to pass that after the battle with the 
Minyans Hercules was driven mad through the 
jealousy of Hera and flung his own children, whom 
he had by Megara, and two children of Iphicles into 
the fire ;? wherefore he condemed himself to exile, 
and was purified by Thespius, and repairing to 
Delphi he inquired of the god where he should 
dwell. The Pythian priestess then first called 
him Hercules, for hitherto he was called Alcides.5 

1 See above ii. 4.9. According to another account, Hercu- 
les learned archery from the exile Rhadamanthys (Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 50), and if we accept the MS. reading 
αὐτοῦ in the present passage (see Critical Note), this was the 
version of the story here followed by Apollodorus. But it 
seems more likely that αὐτοῦ is a scribe’s mistake for Εὐρύτον 
than that Apollodorus should have contradicted himself flatly 
in two passages so near each other. The learned Tzetzes (1.c.) 
mentions no less than three different men—Teutarus, Eurytus, 
and Rhadamanthys—to whom the honour of having taught 
Hercules to shoot was variously assigned by tradition. 

2 As to the gifts of the gods#*to Hercules, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 13. 3, who, besides the sword and bow given by 
Hermes and Apollo, mentions horses given by Poseidon. 

3’ Compare Euripides, Hercules Furens, 967 sqq.; Moschus, 
iv. 13 sqqg.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 11. 1 sq.; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 38 ; Nicolaus Damascenus, Frag. 20, in Frag- 
menta Historiccrum Graecorum, ed. C. Miiller, iii. 369; 
Hyginus, Fab. 32. 

Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 10. 7. 

5 Hercules was called Alcides after his grandfather Alcaeus, 
the father of Amphitryon. See above, ii. 4.5. But, accord- 
ing to another account, the hero was himself called Alcaeus 
before he received the name of Hercules from Apollo. See 
Sextus Empiricus, pp. 398 sg., ed. Im. Bekker ; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Olymp. vi. 68 (115) : 

προσηγορεύετο. κατοικεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν εἶπεν ἐν 
Τίρυνθι, Ἐὐὐρυσθεῖ λατρεύοντα ἔτη δώδεκα, καὶ 
τοὺς ἐπιτασσομένους ἄθλους δέκαϊ ἐπιτελεῖν, καὶ 
οὕτως ἔφη, τῶν ἄθλων συντελεσθέντων, ἀθάνατον 
αὐτὸν ἔσεσθαι. 

V. Τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Τίρυνθα ἦλθε, 
καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ Εὐρυσθέως ἐτέλει. 
πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Νεμέου λέον- 
τος τὴν δορὰν κομίζειν: τοῦτο δὲ ζῷον ἦν ἄτρω- 
τον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον. πορευόμενος οὖν 
ἐπὶ τὸν λέοντα ἦλθεν εἰς Κλεωνάς, καὶ ξενίζεται 
παρὰ ἀνδρὶ χερνήτῃ Μολόρχῳ. καὶ θύειν ἱερεῖον 
θέλοντι εἰς ἡμέραν ἔφη τηρεῖν τριακοστήν, καὶ ἂν 
μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας σῶος ἐπανέλθῃ, Διὲ σωτῆρι 
θύειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, τότε ὡςϑ ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν. 

1 δέκα Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: δώδεκα ΕΑ. 
2 γεγεννημένον ER®: γεγενημένον A. 
3 rére ws Aegius: τῷ τέως A. 

1 For the labours of Hercules, see Sophocles, Trachinzae, 
1091 sqqg.; Euripides, Hercules Furens, 359 sqq., 1270 sqq. ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 10 sgg.; Pausanias, v. 10. 9, v. 26. 7; 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 208 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiltades, 229 sqq.; Virgil, Aen. viii. 287 sqq.; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. ix. 182 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 30. 

2 As to the Nemean lion, compare Hesiod, Theog. 326 sqq.; 
Bacchylides, Epinic. viii. 6 sqgqg.; Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1091 
8qq.; Theocritus, xxv. 162 sqg.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 11. 3 sq.; 
Eratosthenes, Cataster. 12; J. Tzetzes, Chiltades, 11. 232 sq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 30. According to Hesiod, the Nemean lion was 
noes dS the hound of Geryon, upon the monster 
Echidna. Hyginus says that the lion was bred by the Moon. 

3 As to Hercules and Molorchus, compare Tibullus, iv. 1. 
12 sg.; Virgil, Georg. iii. 19, with Servius’s note ; Martial, iv. 
84. 30, ix. 43. 13; Statius, Sylv. iii. 1. 28. 

4 The Greeks had two distinct words for sacrificing. 
according as the sacrifice was offered to a god or to a hero, 
that is, to a worshipful dead man; the former sacrifice was 
expressed hy the verb θύειν, the latter by the verb ἐναγίζειν. 

And she told him to dwell in Tiryns, serving 
Eurystheus for twelve years and to perform the ten 
labours imposed on him, and so, she said, when the 
tasks were accomplished, he would be immortal.!

When Hercules heard that, he went to Tiryns
and did as he was bid by Eurystheus. First, Eurys- 
theus ordered him to bring the skin of the Nemean 
lion ;? now that was an invulnerable beast begotten 
by Typhon. On his way to attack the lion he came 
to Cleonae and lodged at the house of a day-labourer, 
Molorchus ;3 and when his host would have offered 
a victim in sacrifice, Hercules told him to wait for 
thirty days, and then, if he had returned safe from 
the hunt, to sacrifice to Saviour Zeus, but if he were 
dead, to sacrifice to him as to a hero. And having 

The verbal distinction can hardly be preserved in English, 
except by a periphrasis. For the distinction between the 
two, see Pausanias, ii. 10. 1, ii. 11. 7, iii. 19. 3; and for more 
instances of ἐναγίζειν in this sense, see Pausanias, iii. 1. 8, 
vi. 2). 11, vii. 17. 8, vii. 19. 10, vii. 20. 9, viii. 14. 10 and 
1], viii. 41. 1, ix. 5. 14, ix. 18. 3 and 4, ix. 38. 5, x. 24.6; 
Inscriptiones Graecue AMegaridis, Oropiae, Boeotiae, ed. 
G. Dittenberger, p. 32, No. 53. For instances of the 
antithesis between θύειν and ἐναγίζειν, see Herodotus, ii. 44; 
Plutarch, De MHerodoti malignitate, 13; Ptolemaeus 
Hephaest., Nov. Hist. iii. (Mythographt Graeci, ed. A. 
Westermann, p. 186); Pollux, viii. 91; Scholiast on Euri- 
pides, Phoenissae, 274. The corresponding nouns θυσίαι 
and ἐναγίσματα are similarly opposed to each other. See 
Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 58. Another word which 
is used only of sacrificing to heroes or the dead is évréuvew. 
See, for example, Thucydides, v. 11, ὡς fpwt τε ἐντέμνουσι (of 
the sacrifices offered at Amphipolis to Brasidas). Sometimes 
the verbs ἐναγίζειν and ἐντέμνειν are coupled in this sense. 
See Philostratus, Heroica, xx. 27 and 28. For more evidence 
as to the use of these words, see Fr. Pfister, Der Reliquien- 
kult im Altertum (Giessen, 1909-1912), pp. 466 ϑᾳᾳ. Compare 
P. Foucart, Le culte des héros chez les Grece (Paris, 1918), pp. 
96, 98 (from the Mémoires de ? Académie des Inscriptions et 
Belles-Lettres, vol. xiii). 

9 Ἀ \ Ty , 3 , ‘N Ἁ , 

eis δὲ τὴν Νεμέαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν λέοντα 
μαστεύσας ἐτόξευσε τὸ πρῶτον' ws δὲ ἔμαθεν 
ἄτρωτον ὄντα, ἀνατεινάμενος τὸ ῥόπαλον ἐδίωκε. 
συμφυγόντος δὲ εἰς ἀμφίστομον; σπήλαιον αὐτοῦ 
τὴν ἑτέραν ἐνῳκοδόμησεν" εἴσοδον, διὰ δὲ τῆς 
ἑτέρας ἐπεισῆλθε τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν 
χεῖρα τῷ τραχήλῳ κατέσχεν ἄγχων ἕως ἔπνιξε, 

’ nr 
καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὥμων ἐκόμιζεν εἰς Κ λεωνάς.3 
Ἁ / a“ 
καταλαβὼν δὲ τὸν Moropyov ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳ 
τῶν ἡμερῶν ὡς νεκρῷ μέλλοντα τὸ ἱερεῖον ἐναγί- 
“A 4 
Sev, σωτῆρι θύσας Ari ἦγεν εἰς Μυκήνας τὸν 
᾽ Ez θ \ δὲ λ ν, 4 > δι \ 
λέοντα. ὑρυσῦθευς 0€ καταπλαγεὶς" αὑτοῦ τὴν 
ἀνδρείαν ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸνδ αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πόλιν 
εἰσιέναι, δεικνύειν δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκέλευε τοὺς 
5 A A [χά / \ , @ “A 
ἄθλους. φασὶ δὲ ὅτι δείσας καὶ πίθον ἑαυτῷ 
χαλκοῦν εἰσκρυβῆναι ὑπὸ γῆνδ κατεσκεύασε, καὶ 
, fal 

πέμπων κήρυκα Κοπρέα Πέλοπος τοῦ ᾿Ηλείου 
ἐπέταττε τοὺς ἄθλους. οὗτος δὲ Ἴφιτον κτείνας, 
φυγὼν εἰς Μυκήνας καὶ τυχὼν παρ᾽ Εὐρυσθέως 
καθαρσίων ἐκεῖ κατῴκει. 

Δεύτερον δὲ ἄθλον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τὴν Λερναίαν 
ὕδραν κτεῖναι' αὕτη δὲ ἐν τῷ τῆς Λέρνης ἕλει 
ἐκτραφεῖσα ἐξέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τά τε 

1 «τὸ;» ἀμφίστομον Wagner, comparing Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 11. 3 ag. 2 ἐνῳκοδόμησεν E: ἀνῳκοδόμησεν A. 

3 KAewvds Hercher, Wagner (comparing Pediasmus, De 
Hercults laboribus, 1): Μυκήνας A. 

4 καταπλαγεὶς Εἰ : καταλαβὼν A. 

5 ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸν Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἀπείπατο 
λοιπὸν ΕΑ. 6 ἣν Εἰ : γῆς A. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 12. 1, who however places 
this incident after the adventure with the Erymanthian boar. 

2 As to the herald Copreus, compare Homer, J]. xv. 639 80., 
with the note of the Scholiast. 

come to Nemea and tracked the lion, he first shot an 
arrow at him, but when he perceived that the beast 
was invulnerable, he heaved up his club and made 
after him. And when the lion took refuge in a 
cave with two mouths, Hercules built up the one 
entrance and came in upon the beast through the 
other, and putting his arm round its neck held it 
tight till he had choked it; so laying it on his 
shoulders he carried it to Cleonae. And finding 
Molorchus on the last of the thirty days about to 
sacrifice the victim to him as to a dead man, he sacri- 
ficed to Saviour Zeus and brought the lion to Mycenae. 
Amazed at his manhood, Eurystheus forbade him 
thenceforth to enter the city, but ordered him to ex- 
hibit the fruits of his labours before the gates. They 
say, too, that in his fear he had a bronze jar made 
for himself to hide in under the earth,! and that he 
sent his commands for the labours through a herald, 
Copreus,? son of Pelops the Elean. This Copreus 
had killed Iphitus and fled to Mycenae, where he was 
purified by Eurystheus and took up his abode. 

As a second labour he ordered him to kill the 
Lernaean hydra.? That creature, bred in the swamp 
of Lerna, used to go forth into the plain and ravage 

3 Compare Euripides, Hercules Furens, 419 sqq.; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 11. 5 sg.; Pausanias, ii. 37.4, v. 5.10, v. 17. 11; 
Zenobius, Cent. vi, 26; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 
212 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 237 sqq.; Virgil, Aen. viii. 
299 sqg.; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 69 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 30. 
Diodorus and Ovid multiply the hydra’s heads to a hundred ; 
the sceptical Pausanias (ii. 37. 4) would reduce them to one. 
Both Diodorus and Pausanias, together with Zenobius and 
Hyginus, mention that Hercules poisoned his arrows with 
the gall of the hydra. The account which Zenobius gives of 
the hydra is clearly based on that of Apollodorus, though 
as usual he does not name his authority. 

APOLLODORTS 

βοσκήματα και τὴν χώραν crepe: per. εἶχε δὲ 
ἡ ὕδρα ὑπερμέγεθες σῶμα, κεφαλὰς ἔχον ἐννέα, 
τὰς μὲν ὀκτὼ θνητάς, τὴν δὲ μέσην ἀθάνατον. 
ἐπιβὰς οὖν ἅρματος, ἡνιοχοῦντος | Ἴολαου, , παρε- 
γένετο εἰς τὴν Δέρνην, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἵππους 
ἔστησε, τὴν δὲ ὕδραν εὑρὼν ἔν τινι λόφῳ' παρὰ 
τὰς πηγὰς τῆς ᾿Αμυμώνης, ὅ ὅπου ὁ φωλεὸς αὐτῆς 
ὑπῆρχε, βάλλων βέλεσι πεπυρωμένοις ἠνάγκασεν 
ἐξελθεῖν, ἐκβαίνουσαν δὲ αὐτὴν κρατήσας κατεῖ- 
χεν. ἡ δὲ θατέρῳ" τῶν ποδῶν ἐνείχετο * περι- 
πλακεῖσα. τῷ ῥοπάλῳ δὲ τὰς κεφαλὰς κόπτων 
οὐδὲν ἀνύειν ἠδύνατο"! μιᾶς γὰρ κοπτομένης 
κεφαλῆς δύο ἀνεφύοντο. ἐπεβοήθει δὲ καρκίνος 
τῇ ὕδρᾳ ὑπερμεγέθης, δάκνων τὸν πόδα. διὸ 
τοῦτον ἀποκτείνας ἐπεκαλέσατο καὶ αὐτὸς βοη- 
θὸν τὸν Ἰόλαον, ὃς μέρος τι καταπρήσας τῆς 
ἐγγὺς ὕλης τοῖς δαλοῖς ἐπικαίων τὰς ἀνατολὰς 
τῶν κεφαλῶν ἐκώλυεν ἀνιέναι. καὶ τοῦτον τὸν 
τρόπον τῶν ἀναφυομένων κεφαλῶν περιγενόμενος, 
τὴν ἀθάνατον ἀποκόψας κατώρυξε καὶ βαρεῖαν 
ἐπέθηκε πέτραν, παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν φέρουσαν διὰ 
Λέρνης εἰς ᾿Ελαιοῦντα" ὃ τὸ δὲ σῶμα τῆς ὕδρας 
ἀνασχίσας τῇ χολῇ τοὺς ὀιστοὺς ἔβαψεν. Εὐ- 
ρυσθεὺς δὲ ἔφη μὴ δεῖν καταριθμῆσαι τοῦτον Ἷ ἐν 
τοῖς δέκα 8 τὸν ἄθλον' οὐ γὰρ μόνος ἀλλὰ καὶ 
μετὰ ᾿Ιολάου τῆς ὕδρας περιεγένετο. 

' λόφῳ KA: τόπῳ ἴ,, V (first hand, in margin). 
* θατέρῳ Ei: θᾶττον A. 
ἐνείχετο E: ἠνείχετο A. 
ἠδύνατο K, Zenobius, Cent. vi. 26: ἐδύνατο A. 
5 καὶ Εἰ, Zenobius, Cent. vi. 26: κατὰ A. 
© ᾿Ελαιοῦντα, L. Ross, Reisen und Reiserouten durch Grie- 
chenland, i. (Berlin, 1841), p. 156 note: ἐλεοῦντα EA. 

em & ts 

both the cattle and the country. Now the hydra had 
a huge body, with nine heads, eight mortal, but the 
middle one immortal. So mounting ἃ chariot 
driven by Iolaus, he came to Lerna, and having 
halted his horses, he discovered the hydra on a hill 
beside the springs of the Amymone, where was its 
den. By pelting it with fiery shafts he forced it to 
come out, and in the act of doing so he seized and 
held it fast. But the hydra wound itself about one 
of his feet and clung to him. Nor could he effect 
anything by smashing its heads with his club, for as 
fast as one head was smashed there grew up two. A 
huge crab also came to the help of the hydra by biting 
his foot.!_ So he killed it, and in his turn called for 
help on Iolaus who, by setting fire to a piece of the 
neighbouring wood and burning the roots of the 
heads with the brands, prevented them from sprouting. | 
Having thus got the better of the sprouting heads, he 
chopped off the immortal head, and buried it, and put 
a heavy rock on it, beside the road that leads through 
Lerna to Elaeus. But the body of the hydra he slit 
up and dipped his arrows in the gall. However, 
Eurystheus said that this labour should not be 
reckoned among the ten because he had not got the 
better of the hydra by himself, but with the help of 
Tolaus. 

1 For this service the crab was promoted by Hera, the foe 
of Hercules, to the rank of a constellation in the sky. See 
Eratosthenes, Cataster. 11 (who quotes as his authority the 
Heraclia of Panyasis) ; Hyginus, Astronomica, ii. 23. 

7 τοῦτον Εἰ, Pediasmus, De Herciulis laboribus, 2 (τὸν ἀγῶνα 
τοῦτον) : omitted in A. 

8 δέκα Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: δώδεκα EA, Pediasmus, 
De Herculis laboribus, 2. 

Τρίτον ἄθλον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τὴν Kepuvite! 
» ’ ” ἢ a 43 e 
ἔλαφον εἰς Μυκήνας ἔμπνουν ἐνεγκεῖν. hy δὲ ἡ 
»» 4 9 » J 3 ’ e 4, 
ἔλαφος ἐν Οἰνόῃ, χρυσόκερως, ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερά' 
διὸ καὶ βουλόμενος αὐτὴν Ηρακλῆς μήτε ἀνελεῖν 
μήτε τρῶσαι, συνεδίωξεν ὅλον ἐνιαυτόν. ἐπεὶ δὲ 

a, A“ 
κάμνον τὸ θηρίον τῇ διώξει συνέφυγεν εἰς ὄρος 
δι \ 

TO λεγόμενον ᾿Αρτεμίσιον, κἀκεῖθεν ἐπὶ ποταμὸν 
Λάδωνα, τοῦτον διαβαίνειν μέλλουσαν τοξεύσας 

, ἴω A 
συνέλαβε, καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὦμων διὰ τῆς 
3 ’ 3 ’ 99 4 Vw 
Αρκαδίας ἠπείγετο. μετ᾽ ᾿Απόλλωνος δὲ ΓΑρτεμις 
συντυχοῦσα ἀφηρεῖτο, καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ζῷον αὐτῆς 

c e 
KTée\vovTa® κατεμέμφετο. ὁ δὲ ὑποτιμησάμενος 
τὴν ἀνάγκην, καὶ τὸν αἴτιον εἰπὼν Εὐρυσθέα 
γεγονέναι, πραὕνας τὴν ὀργὴν τῆς θεοῦ τὸ θηρίον 
ἐκόμισεν ἔμπνουν εἰς Μυκήνας. 

Τέταρτον ἄθλον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τὸν ᾿Ερυμάν- 
θιον κάπρον ζῶντα κομίζειν: τοῦτο δὲ τὸ θηρίον 
50 \ “A e , 3 ΨΥ A “ 
ἠδίκει τὴν Ψωφῖδα, ὁρμώμενον ἐξ ὄρους ὃ καλοῦ- 

9 ’ 
σιν ᾿Ερύμανθον. διερχόμενος οὖν Φολόην ἐπι- 
[ο 4 “a \ 4 
ξενοῦται Κενταύρῳ Φόλῳ, Σειληνοῦ καὶ νύμφης 

1 Κερυνῖτιν Heyne: κερνῆτιν E: κερνήτην A. 
2 κτείνοντα Wagner: κτείναντα KA. 

1 Compare Pindar, Olymp. iii. 28 (50) sqg.; Euripides, 
Hercules Furens, 375 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 13. 1; 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 265 sqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 30. Pindar — 
says that in his quest of the hind with the golden horns 
Hercules had seen ‘‘ the land at the back of the cold north 
wind.” Hence, as the reindeer is said to be the only species 
of deer of which the female has antlers, Sir William Ridgeway 
argues ingeniously that the hind with the golden horns was 
no other than the reindeer. See his Early Age of Greece 
i. (Cambridge, 1901), pp. 360 egg. Later Greek tradition, 2s 
we see from Apollodorus, did not place the native land of the 

Igo 

As a third labour he ordered him to bring the 
Cerynitian hind alive to Mycenae.! Now the hind 
was at Oenoe; it had golden horns and was sacred to 
Artemis; so wishing neither to kill nor wound it, 
Hercules hunted it a whole year. But when, weary 
with the chase, the beast took refuge on the moun- 
tain called Artemisius, and thence passed to the 
river Ladon, Hercules shot it just as it was about to 
cross the stream, and catching it put it on his shoul- 
ders and hastened through Arcadia. But Artemis 
with Apollo met him, and would have wrested the 
hind from him, and rebuked him for attempting to 
kill her sacred animal.2? Howbeit, by pleading ne- 
cessity and laying the blame on Eurystheus, he 
appeased the anger of the goddess and carried the 
beast alive to Mycenae. 

As a fourth labour he ordered him to bring the 
Erymanthian boar alive ;3 now that animal ravaged 
Psophis, sallying from a mountain which they call 
Erymanthus. So passing through Pholoe he was en- 
tertained by the centaur Pholus, a son of Silenus by a 

hind so far away. Oenoe was a place in Argolis. Mount 
Artemisius is the range which divides Argolis from the plain 
of Mantinea. The on is the most beautiful river of 
Arcadia, if not of Greece. The river Cerynites, from which 
the hind took its name, is a river which rises in Arcadia and 
flows through Achaia into the sea. The modern name of the 
river is Bouphousia. See Pausanias, vii. 25.5, with my note. 

2 The hind is said to have borne the inscription, ‘‘ Taygete 
dedicated (me) to Artemis.” See Pindar, Olan iii, 29 (53) 
8q., with the Scholiast. 

5 As to the Erymanthian boar and the centaurs, see 
Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1095 sgq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 12; 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 268 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 30. The 
boar’s tusks were said to be preserved in a sanctuary of Apollo 
at Cumae in Campania (Pausanias, viii. 24. 5). 

IgI 

pertas παιδί. οὗτος Hpaxdei μὲν ὀπτὰ παρεῖχε 
τὰ κρέα, αὐτὸς δὲ ὠμοῖς ἐχρῆτο. αἰτοῦντος δὲ οἶνον 
Ἡρακλέους, ἔφη δεδοικέναι τὸν κοινὸν τῶν Kevr- 
ταύρων ἀνοῖξαι πίθον' θαρρεῖν δὲ παρακελευσά- 
μενος Ἡρακλῆς αὐτὸν ἤνοιξε, καὶ pet οὐ πολὺ 
τῆς ὀσμῆς αἰσθόμενοι παρῆσαν οἱ Κένταυροε, 
πέτραις ὡπλισμένοι καὶ ἐλάταις, ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ 
Φόλου σπήλαιον. τοὺς μὲν οὖν πρώτους τολμή- 
σαντας εἴσω παρελθεῖν Αγχιον καὶ Αγριον 
Ἡρακλῆς ἐτρέψατο βάλλων δαλοῖς, τοὺς δὲ 
λοιποὺς ἐτόξευσε διώκων ἄχρι τῆς Μαλέας. ἐκεῖ- 
θεν δὲ πρὸς Χείρωνα συνέφυγον, ὃς ἐξελαθεὶς ὑπὸ 
Λαπιθῶν ὄρους Πηλίου παρὰ Μαλέαν κατῴκησε. 
τούτῳ περιπεπτωκότας τοὺς Κενταύρους τοξεύων 
ἵησι βέλος ὁ Ἡρακλῆς, τὸ δὲ ἐνεχθὲν ᾿Ἔ)λάτον 
διὰ τοῦ βραχίονος τῷ γόνατι τοῦ Χείρωνος ἐμπή- 
γνυται. ἀνιαθεὶς δὲ Ἡρακλῆς προσδραμὼν τό τε 
βέλος ἐξείλκυσε, καὶ δόντος Χείρωνος φάρμακον 
ἐπέθηκεν. ἀνίατον δὲ ἔχων τὸ ἕλκος εἰς τὸ σπή- 
λαιον ἀπαλλάσσεται.Σ κἀκεῖ τελευτῆσαι βουλό- 
μενος, καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος ἐπείπερ ἀθάνατος ἦν, 
ἀντιδόντος Aut Προμηθέως αὑτὸν 5 ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
γενησόμενον ἀθάνατον, οὕτως ἀπέθανεν. οἱ λοι- 
ποὶ δὲ τῶν Κενταύρων φεύγουσιν ἄλλος ἀλλαχῇ, 
καὶ τινὲς μὲν παρεγένοντο εἰς ὄρος Μαλέαν, Kv- 
ρυτίων δὲ εἰς Φολόην, Νέσσος δὲ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν 
Εὐὔηνον. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ὑποδεξάμενος Hocer- 

1 τῆς ὀσμῆς Εἰ : διὰ τῆς ὀσμῆς A. 

3 ἀπαλλάσσεται Scaliger: ἀλλάσσεται EA. 

3 αὑτὸν Wagner: τὸν KA; Προμηθέα τὸν Hemsterhuis on 
Lucian, Dialog. Mort. 26. 

Melian nymph.' He set roast meat before Hercules, 
while he himself ate his meat raw. When Hercules 
called for wine, he said he feared to open the jar 
which belonged to the centaurs in common.? But 
Hercules, bidding him be of good courage, opened 
it, and not long afterwards, scenting the smell, the 
centaurs arrived at the cave of Pholus, armed with 
rocks and firs. The first who dared to enter, Anchius 
and Agrius, were repelled by Hercules with a shower 
of brands, and the rest of them he shot and pursued 
as far as Malea. Thence they took refuge with 
Chiron, who, driven by the Lapiths from Mount 
Pelion, took up his abode at Malea. As the centaurs 
cowered about Chiron, Hercules shot an arrow at 
them, which, passing through the arm of Elatus, 
stuck in the knee of Chiron. Distressed at this, 
Hercules ran up to him, drew out the shaft, and 
applied a medicine which Chiron gave him. But the 
hurt proving incurable, Chiron retired to the cave 
and there he wished to die, but he could not, for he 
was immortal. However, Prometheus offered him- 
self to Zeus to be immortal in his stead, and so Chiron 
died. The rest of the centaurs fled in different 
directions, and some came to Mount Malea, and 
Eurytion to Pholoe, and Nessus to the river Evenus. 
The rest of them Poseidon received at Eleusis and 

1 As to these nymphs, see Hesiod, Theog. 187. ‘The name 
perhaps means an ash-tree nymph (from μελία, an ash- 
tree), as Dryad means an oak-tree nymph (from δρῦς, an 
oak-tree). 

2 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 271; Theocritus, vii. 
149 sg. The jar had been presented by Dionysus to a 
centaur with orders not to open it till Hercules came 
(Diodorus Siculus, iv. 12. 3). 

VOL, I. oO 

δῶν εἰς ᾿Ελευσῖνα ὄρει κατεκάλυψεν. Poros δὲ 
ἑλκύσας ἐκ νεκροῦ τὸ βέλος ἐθαύμαζεν, εἰ τοὺς 
τηλικούτους τὸ μικρὸν διέφθειρε τὸ δὲ τῆς χειρὸς 
ὀλισθῆσαν ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν πόδα καὶ παραχρῆμα 
ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ εἰς Φολόην 
Ἡρακλῆς καὶ Φόλον τελευτήσαντα θεασάμενος, 
θάψας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ κάπρου θήραν παραγί- 
νεται, καὶ διώξας αὐτὸν ἔκ τινος λόχμης μετὰ 
κραυγῆς, εἰς χιόνα πολλὴν παρειμένον εἰσωθήσας ἢ 
ἐμβροχίσας τε ἐκόμισεν εἰς Μυκήνας. 

Πέμπτον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ ἄθλον τῶν Αὐγείου 
βοσκημάτων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ μόνον ἐκφορῆσαι τὴν 
ὄνθον. ἦν δὲ ὁ Αὐγείας βασιλεὺς "Ἤλιδος, ὡς 
μέν τινες εἶπον, παῖς ᾿Ηλίου, ὡς δέ τινες, Ποσει- 
δῶνος, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι, Φόρβαντος, πολλὰς δὲ εἶχε 
βοσκημάτων ποίμνας. τούτῳ προσελθὼν Ἣρα- 
κλῆς, οὐ δηλώσας τὴν Εὐρυσθέως ἐπιταγήν, 
ἔφασκε μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν ὄνθον ἐκφορήσειν, εἰ δώσει 
τὴν δεκάτην αὐτῷ τῶν βοσκημάτων. Αὐγείας δὲ 
ἀπιστῶν ὑπισχνεῖται. μαρτυράμενος ὃ δὲ Ἥρα- 
κλῆς τὸν Αὐγείου παῖδα Φυλέα, τῆς τε αὐλῆς τὸν 
θεμέλιον διεῖλε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλφειὸν καὶ τὸν Πηνειὸν 

1 Φόλος δὲ. . . θάψας αὐτὸν. This passage has been 
emended by Wagner from the Vatican Epitome (E). In 
the MSS. of Apollodorus (A) it runs as follows: ἐπανελθὼν 
δὲ εἰς Φολόην Ἡρακλῆς καὶ Φόλον τελευτῶντα θεασάμενος μετὰ 
καὶ ἄλλων πολλῶν, ἑλκύσας ἐκ νεκροῦ τὸ βέλος ἐθαύμαζεν, εἰ 
τοὺς τηλικούτους τὸ μικρὸν διέφθειρε" τὸ δὲ τῆς χειρὸς ὀλισθῆσαν 
ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὸν παῖδα καὶ παραχρῆμα ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. θάψας δὲ 
Φόλον Ἡρακλῆς. 

3 εἰσωθήσας E: omitted in A. Compare Wagner, Epitome 
Vaticana, Pp. 100 sqg.; and for the late form of the aorist 
(εἰσωθήσας for εἰσώσας), see Veitch, Greck Verbs (Oxford, 
1879), p. 715. 

hid them in a mountain. But Pholus, drawing the 
arrow from a corpse, wondered that so litttle a 
thing could kill such big fellows; howbeit, it slipped 
from his hand and lighting on his foot killed him on 
the spot.!. So when Hercules returned to Pholoe, he 
beheld Pholus dead; and he buried him and pro- 
ceeded to the boar-hunt. And when he had chased 
the boar with shouts from a certain thicket, he drove 
the exhausted animal into deep snow, trapped it, and 
brought it to Mycenae. 

The fifth labour he laid on him was to carry out 
the dung of the cattle of Augeas in a single day.’ 
Now Augeas was king of Elis; some say that he was 
a son of the Sun, others that he was a son of Posei- 
don, and others that he was a son of Phorbas ; and 
he had many herds of cattle. Hercules accosted him, 
and without revealing the command of Eurystheus, 
said that he would carry out the dung in one day, 
if Augeas would give him the tithe of the cattle. 
Augeas was incredulous, but promised. Having taken 
Augeas’s son Phyleus to witness, Hercules made a 
breach in the foundations of the cattle-yard, and then, 
diverting the courses of the Alpheus and Peneus, 

1 Compare Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 294. 

2 As to Augeas and his cattle-stalls, see Theocritus, xxv. 
7 8qq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 13. 3; ‘Pausanias, v. 1. 9 8q.; 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 278 sqq. (who seems to follow Apollo. 
dorus) ; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 629, xi. 700; Scholiast 
on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 172; Hyginus, Fab. 30. 
According to the rationalistic Pausanias, the name of the 
father of Augeas was Eleus (Hletos), which was popularly 
corrupted into Helios, ‘‘Sun ” ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 
300. 

3 μαρτυράμενος Εἰ, Pediasmus, De Herculis laburibus, 5: 
μαρτυρούμενος A. 

o 2 

σύνεγγυς ῥέοντας παροχετεύσας ἐπήγαγεν, Expovy 
δι ἄλλης ἐξόδου ποιήσας. μαθὼν δὲ Αὐγείας ὅτι 
κατ᾽ ἐπιταγὴν Εὐρυσθέως τοῦτο ἐπιτετέλεσται, 
τὸν μισθὸν οὐκ ἀπεδίδου, προσέτι δ᾽ ἠρνεῖτο καὶ 
μισθὸν ὑποσχέσθαι δώσειν, καὶ κρίνεσθαι περὶ 
τούτου ἕτοιμος ἔλεγεν εἶναι. καθεζομένων δὲ τῶν 
δικαστῶν κληθεὶς ὁ Φυλεὺς ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους τοῦ 
πατρὸς κατεμαρτύρησεν, εἰπὼν ὁμολογῆσαι μισ- 
θὸν δώσειν αὐτῷ. ὀργισθεὶς δὲ Αὐγείας, πρὶν 

\ a 2 a , / \ ‘ 
τὴν ψῆφον ἐνεχθῆναι, τόν te Φυλέα καὶ τὸν 

Ν 

Ἡρακλέα βαδίξειν ἐξ "Ἤλιδος ἐκέλευσε. Φυλεὺς 

\ 4 3 ’ 4 3 “ , e 
. μὲν οὖν εἰς Δουλίχιον ἦλθε κἀκεῖ κατῴκει, Hpa- 

a \ 3 wv N \ \ 

Kans δὲ εἰς ᾿Ὥλενον πρὸς Ackapevoy ἧκε, καὶ 
κατέλαβε τοῦτον μέλλοντα δι’ ἀνάγκην μνηστεύ- 
ew Εὐρυτίωνι Κενταύρῳ Μνησιμάχην τὴν θυγα- 

’ ς 4? Ag \ va 3 4 3 
τέρα' ὑφ᾽ οὗ παρακληθεὶς βοηθεῖν ἐλθόντα ἐπὶ 
τὴν νύμφην Εὐρυτίωνα ἀπέκτεινεν. Εὐρυσθεὺς 
δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτον ἐν τοῖς δέκα προσεδέξατο τὸν 
ἄθλον, λέγων ἐπὶ μισθῷ πεπρᾶχθαι. 

“ 3 4 3 A \ , 

Exrov ἐπέταξεν ἦθλον αὐτῷ τὰς Στυμφαλίδας 

ὄρνιθας ἐκδιῶξαι. ἣν δὲ ἐν Στυμφάλῳ πόλει τῆς 
᾿Αρκαδίας Στυμφαλὶς λεγομένη λίμνη, πολλῇ 
συνηρεφὴς ὕλῃ" εἰς ταύτην ὄρνεις συνέφυγον 

1 δέκα Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: δώδεκα EA, Pediasmus, 
De Herculis laboribus, 5. 
2 πεπρᾶχθαι E, Wagner. The MSS. appear to read πεπρα- 

xévat, and so Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker and 
Hercher. 

1 Compare Homer, Jl. ii. 629, with the Scholiast ; Pausa- 
nias, v. 1. 10, v. 3. 1 and 3. 

3 Compare Bacchylides, referred to by the Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. xi. 295; Bacchylides, ed. R. C. Jebb, p. 430; 
aa Siculus, iv. 33. 1; Pausanias, vii. 18. 1; Hyginus, 

which flowed near each other, he turned them into 
the yard, having first made an outlet for the water 
through another opening. When Augeas learned 
that this had been accomplished at the command of 
Eurystheus, he would not pay the reward ; nay more, 
he denied that he had promised to pay it, and on 
that point he professed himself ready to submit to 
arbitration. The arbitrators having taken their seats, 
Phyleus was called by Hercules and bore witness 
against his father, affirming that he had agreed to 
give him a reward. In a rage Augeas, before the 
voting took place, ordered both Phyleus and Hercules 
to pack out of Elis. So Phyleus went to Dulichium 
and dwelt there,' and Hercules repaired to Dexa- 
menus at Olenus.?, He found Dexamenus on the 
point of betrothing perforce his daughter Mnesimache 
to the centaur Eurytion, and, being called upon by 
him for help, he slew Eurytion when that centaur 
came to fetch his bride. But Eurystheus would not 
admit this labour either among the ten, alleging 
that it had been performed for hire. 

The sixth labour he enjoined on him was to chase 
away the Stymphalian birds.2 Now at the city of 
Stymphalus in Arcadia was the lake called Stympha- 
lian, embosomed in a deep wood. To it countless 

3 As to the Stymphalian birds, see Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. ii. 1052-1057, with the Scholiast on 1054; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 13. 2; Strabo, viii. 6. 8, p. 371; Pausaniag, vili. 
22. 4; Quintus ‘Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 227 sqq. 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 291 sq.; Hyginus, Fab. 20 and 30 ; 
Servius, on Virgil, Aew. viii. 300. These fabulous birds were 
said to shoot their feathers like arrows. Compare D’Arcy 
Wentworth Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds, Ὁ. 162. 
From the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (/.c.) we learn 
that the use of a brazen rattle to frighten the birds was 
mentioned both by Pherecydes and Hellanicus. 

APOLLODORUS __ 

Ψ Ἁ b ] N “A ’ φ QA ~ 
ἄπλετοι, THY ἀπὸ τῶν λύκων ἁρπαγὴν δεδοικυῖαι. 
A € “ A 
ἀμηχανοῦντος οὖν Ἡρακλέους πῶς ἐκ τῆς ὕλης 
τὰς ὄρνιθας ἐκβάλῃ, χάλκεα κρόταλα δίδωσιν 
na > A fel A 
αὐτῷ AOnva παρὰ Hdoaictov λαβοῦσα. ταῦτα 
’ A 
κρούων eri} τινος ὄρους TH λίμνῃ παρακειμένου ὃ 
τὰς ὄρνιθας ἐφόβει" αἱ δὲ τὸν δοῦπον οὐχ ὑπο- 

4 “A 
μένουσαι μετὰ δέους ἀνίπταντο, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν 

, e n 
τρόπον Ἡρακλῆς ἐτόξευσεν αὐτάς. 

“EBdopmov ἐπέταξεν ἦθλον τὸν Κρῆτα ἀγαγεῖν 
ταῦρον. τοῦτον ᾿Ακουσίλαος μὲν εἶναί φησι τὸν 
ὃ θ , Εὐ [4 Δ , A δὲ ἃ € ‘ 

ιαπορθμεύσαντα Εὐρώπην Au, τινὲς δὲ τὸν ὑπὸ 

΄“ 3 ’ 3 4 a 
Ποσειδῶνος ἀναδοθέντα ἐκ θαλάσσης, ὅτε κατα- 
θύσειν ἸΠοσειδῶνι Μίνως εἶπε τὸ φανὲν ἐκ τῆς 
θαλάσσης. καί φασι θεασάμενον αὐτὸν τοῦ 

’ N i“ “~ A 3 \ 4 
ταύρου TO κάλλος τοῦτον μὲν εἰς τὰ βουκόλια 
ἀποπέμψαι,3 θῦσαι δὲ ἄλλον Ποσειδῶνι" ἐφ᾽ οἷς 
9 al fal 
ὀργισθέντα τὸν θεὸν ἀγριῶσαι Tov ταῦρον. ἐπὶ 
τοῦτον παραγενόμενος εἰς Κρήτην Ἡρακλῆς, 
> δ} a4 > A Mi 4 > a 
ἐπειδὴ συλλαβεῖν 4 ἀξιοῦντι Μίνως εἶπεν αὐτῷ 
’ ὃ / \ \5 \ 3 

λαμβάνειν διωγωνισαμένῳ, λαβὼν καὶ ὃ πρὸς Ἐϊ- 
ρυσθέα διακομίσας ἔδειξε, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν 
Ν Ξ ς δὲ θ \ 2 6 , Ν 
ἄνετον’ ὁ δὲ πλανηθεὶς εἰς Σπάρτην τε καὶ 
3 , ccd \ \ 3 / 3 
Ἀρκαδίαν ἅπασαν, καὶ διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Ισθμόν, εἰς 

1 éxi E, Pediasmus, De Herculis laboribus, 6: ὑπό A. 

2 παρακειμένου E, Pediasmus, De Herculis laboribus, 6: 
περικειμένον A. 

3 ἀποπέμψαι Εἰ : ἀποπέμπειν A. + συλλαβεῖν E: λαβεῖν A. 

5 λαβὼν καὶ EK: καὶ λαβὼν A. 

6 εἰς E, but apparently absent in A: ἀνὰ Heyne, who, 

however, would prefer to omit Σπάρτην τε καὶ ᾿Αρκαδίαν 
ἅπασαν as an interpolation. 

1 In no other ancient account of the Stymphalian birds, 
so far as I know, are wolves mentioned. There is perhaps 

birds had flocked for refuge, fearing to be preyed 
upon by the wolves.! So when Hercules was at 
_ a loss how to drive the birds from the wood, Athena 
gave him brazen castanets, which she had received 
from Hephaestus. By clashing these on a certain 
mountain that overhung the lake, he scared the 
birds. They could not abide the sound, but fluttered 
up in a fright, and in that way Hercules shot 
them. 

The seventh labour he enjoined on him was to 
bring the Cretan Bull.? Acusilaus says that this was 
the bull that ferried across Europa for Zeus; but some 
say it was the bull that Poseidon sent up from the sea 
when Minos promised to sacrifice to Poseidon what 
should appear out of the sea. And they say that 
when he saw the beauty of the bull he sent it away 
to the herds and sacrificed another to Poseidon; at 
which the god was angry and made the bull savage. 
To attack this bull Hercules came to Crete, and 
when, in reply to his request for aid, Minos told him 
to fight and catch the bull for himself, he caught it 
and brought it to Eurystheus, and having shown it 
to him he let it afterwards go free. But the bull 
roamed to Sparta and all Arcadia, and traversing the 

a reminiscence of an ancient legend in the name of the 
Wolf’s Ravine, which is still given to the deep glen, between 
immense pine-covered slopes, through which the road runs 
south-westward from Stymphalus to Orchomenus. The glen 
forms a conspicuous feature in the landscape to anyone 
seated on the site of the ancient city and looking across the 
clear shallow water of the lake to the high mountains that 
bound the valley on the south. See my commentary on 
Pausanias, vol. iv. p. 269. 

2 As to the Cretan bull see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 13. 4; 
Pausanias, i. 27. 9 sq., v.10.9; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 293— 
298 (who seems to follow Apollodorus) ; Hyginus, Fab. 30. 

Μαραθῶνα τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἀφικόμενος τοὺς ἐγχω- 
ρίους διελυμαίνετο. 

“Oydoov ἦθλον ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τὰς Διομήδους 
τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς ἵππους εἰς Μυκήνας κομίζειν" ἦν δὲ 
οὗτος “Apeos καὶ Κυρήνης, βασιλεὺς Βιστόνων 
ἔθνους Θρᾳκίου καὶ μαχιμωτάτου, εἶχε δὲ ἀνθρω- 
ποφάγους ἵππους. πλεύσας οὖν μετὰ τῶν ἑκου- 
σίως συνεπομένων καὶ βιασάμενος τοὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς 
φάτναις τῶν ἵππων ὑπάρχοντας ἤγαγεν ἐπὶ τὴν 
θάλασσαν. τῶν δὲ Βιστόνων σὺν ὅπλοις ἐπι- 
βοηθούντων τὰς μὲν ἵππους παρέδωκεν ᾿Αβδήρῳ" 
φυλάσσειν' οὗτος δὲ ἣν “Ἑρμοῦ παῖς, Λοκρὸς ἐξ 
Ὀποῦντος, Ἡρακλέους ἐρώμενος, ὃν αἱ ἵπποι 
διέφθειραν ἐπισπασάμεναι"5 πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Bi- 
στονας διαγωνισάμενος καὶ Διομήδην ἀποκτείνας 
τοὺς λοιποὺς ἠνάγκασε φεύγειν, καὶ κτίσας 
πόλιν “ABonpa*t παρὰ τὸν τάφον τοῦ διαφθα- 

1 »Αβδήρῳ, E: αὐδήρῳ or ἀνδήρῳ A, Pediasmus, De Herculis 
laboribus, 8 

3 For ἐπισπασάμεναι we should perhaps read διασπασάμεναι, 
‘‘by tearing him in pieces.” The mares were man-eating. 

ς mes E, Pediasmus, De Herculis luboribus, 8: ἡνάγ- 
KAYE Δ. 

4 ἄβδηρα Εἰ, Wagner: ἄνδηρον A: "Αβδηρον Heyne, Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

' 2 As to the man-eating mares of Diomedes, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 15. 3 8ᾳ.; Philostratus, Imagines, ii. 25 ; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 245 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
ii 308 (who seems to follow Apollodorus, except that he 
speaks of the animals in the masculine as horses, not mares) ; 
Strabo, vii. p. 331, frags. 44 and 47, ed. A. Meineke; Stepha- 
nus Byzantius, 8.v. “ABSnpa ; Hyginus, Fab. 30 (who gives 
the names of four horses, not mares). According to Diodorus 
Siculus (l.c.), Hercules killed the Thracian king Diomedes 
himself by exposing him to his own mares, which devoured 

Isthmus arrived at Marathon in Attica and harried 
the inhabitants. 

The eighth labour he enjoined on him was to bring 
the mares of Diomedes the Thracian to Mycenae.! 
Now this Diomedes was a son of Ares and Cyrene, 
and he was king of the Bistones, a very war-like 
Thracian people, and he owned man-eating mares. So 
Hercules sailed with a band of volunteers, and having 
overpowered the grooms who were in charge of the 
mangers, he drove the mares to the sea. When the 
Bistones in arms came to the rescue, he committed 
the mares to the guardianship of Abderus, who was 
a son of Hermes, a native of Opus in Locris, and a 
minion of Hercules; but the mares killed him by 
dragging him after them. But Hercules fought against 
the Bistones, slew Diomedes and compelled the rest 
to flee. And he founded a city Abdera beside the 
grave of Abderus who had been done to death,? 

hin. Further, the historian tells us that when Hercules 
brought the mares to Eurystheus, the king dedicated them 
to Hera, and that their descendants existed down to the time 
of Alexander the Great. 

2 Compare Strabo, vii. p. 531, frags. 44 and 47, ed. A. 
Meineke; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἄβδηρα; Philostratus, 
Imagines, ii.24. From Philostratus we learn that athletic 
games were celebrated in honour of Abderus. They com- 
prised boxing, wrestling, the pancratium, and all the other 
usual contests, with the exception of horse-racing—no 
doubt because Abderus was said to have been killed by 
horses. We may compare the rule which excluded horses 
from the Arician grove, because horses were said to have 
killed Hippolytus, with whom Virbius, the traditionary 
founder of the sanctuary, was identified. See Virgil, Aen. 
vii. 761-780 ; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 265 sg. When we remember 
that the Thracian king Lycurgus is said to have been killed 
by horses in order to restore the fertility of the land (see 
Apollodorus, iii. 5. 1), we may conjecture that the tradition 

pévtos ᾿Αβδήρου, τὰς ἵππους κομίσας Evpuc bet 
ἔδωκε. μεθέντος δὲ αὐτὰς Εὐρυσθέως, εἰς τὸ 
λεγόμενον ὄρος ᾿᾽Ολυμπον ἐλθοῦσαι πρὸς τῶν 
θηρίων ἀπώλοντο. 

Ἔνατον ἦἄθλον Ἡρακλεῖ ἐπέταξε ζωστῆρα 
κομίζειν τὸν Ἵἵππολύτης. αὕτη δὲ ἐβασίλευεν 
᾿Αμαξζόνων, ai κατῴκουν περὶ τὸν Θερμώδοντα 
ποταμόν, ἔθνος μέγα τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον: ἤσκουν 
γὰρ ἀνδρίαν, καὶ εἴ ποτε μιγεῖσαι γεννήσειαν, τὰ 
θήλεα ἔτρεφον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν δεξιοὺς μαστοὺς 
ἐξέθλιβον, ἵνα μὴ κωλύωνται ἀκοντίζειν, τοὺς δὲ 
ἀριστεροὺς εἴων, ἵνα τρέφοιεν. εἶχε δὲ ᾿Γππολύτη 
τὸν Ἄρεος ζωστῆρα, σύμβολον τοῦ πρωτεύειν 
ἁπασῶν. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν ζωστῆρα Ἡρακλῆς 
ἐπέμπετο, λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμούσης τῆς Εὐρυσ- 
θέως θυγατρὸς ᾿Αδμήτης. παραλαβὼν οὖν ἐθε- 
λοντὰς συμμάχους ἐν μιᾷ νηὶ Ere,” καὶ προσί- 
σχει νήσῳ Πάρῳ, ἣν κατῴκουν οἱ Μίνωος υἱοὶ 
Εὐρυμέδων Χρύσης Νηφαλίων Φιλόλαος. ἀπο- 
βάντων δὲ δύο τῶν ἐν «τῇ; ὃ νηὶ συνέβη τελευ- 
τῆσαι ὑπὸ τῶν Μίνωος υἱῶν" ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτῶν 
1 ras ER: τοὺς A. 2 πλεῖ E. 3 fv Faber: καὶ Α.. 

+ ἀποβάντων Heyne: ἀπὸ πάντων A. 5 τῇ added by Bekker. 

of the man-eating mares of Diomedes, another Thracian king 
who is said to have been killed by horses, points to a custom 
of human sacrifice performed by means of horses, whether 
the victim was trampled to death by their hoofs or tied to 
their tails and rent asunder. If the sacrifice was offered, as 
the legend of Lycurgus suggests, for the sake of fertilizing 
the ground, the reason for thus tearing the victim to pieces 
may have been to scatter the precious ἥ 6. iving fragments 
as widely and as quickly as possible over the barren earth. 
Compare Adonis, Attis, Ostris*, ii. 97 ϑηᾳ. The games at 

and bringing the mares he gave them to Eurystheus. 
But Eurystheus let them go, and they came to Mount 
Olympus, as it is called, and there they were de- 
stroyed by the wild beasts. 

The ninth labour he enjoined on Hercules was to 
bring the belt of Hippolyte.1 She was queen of the 
Amazons, who dwelt about the river Thermodon, a 
people great in war; for they cultivated the manly 
virtues, and if ever they gave birth to children 
through intercourse with the other sex, they reared 
the females ; and they pinched off the right breasts 
that they might not be trammelled by them in throw- 
ing the javelin, but they kept the left breasts, that they 
might suckle. Now Hippolyte had the belt of Ares 
in token of her superiority to all the rest. Hercules 
was sent to fetch this belt because Admete, daughter 
of Eurystheus, desired to get it. So taking with him a 
band of volunteer comrades in a single ship he set 
sail and put in to the island of Paros, which was in- 
habited by the sons of Minos,? to wit, Eurymedon, 
Chryses, Nephalion, and Philolaus. But it chanced 
that two of those in the ship landed and were killed 
by the sons of Minos. Indignant at this, Hercules 
Abdera are alluded to by the poet Machon, quoted by 
Athenaeus, viii. 41, p. 349 B. 

1 As to the expedition of Hercules to fetch the belt of the 
Amazon, see Euripides, Hercules Furens, 408 sqq.; Apollonius 
BRhodius, Argon. ii. 777 sqq., 966 sqq., with the Scholia on 
vv. 778, 780; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 16; Pausanias, v. 10. 9; 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomertca, vi. 240 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, ii. 309 sqq.; td. Schol. on Lycophron, 1327 (who 
ae Apollodorus and cites him by name); Hyginus, 

2 According to Diodorus Siculus (v. 79. 2), Rhadamanthys 
bestowed the island of Paros on his son Alcaeus. Combined 
with the evidence of Apollodorus, the tradition points to a 
Cretan colony in Paros.; 

APOLLODORUS. 

Ἡρακλῆς τούτους μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀπέκτεινε, 
τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατακλείσας ἐπολιόρκει, ἕως 
ἐπιπρεσβευσάμενοι παρεκάλουν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀναιρε- 
A e 
θέντων δύο λαβεῖν, ods ἂν αὐτὸς θελήσειεν. ὁ 
δὲ λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν, καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ανδρόγεω τοῦ 
Μίψωος υἱοὺς ἀνελόμενος ᾿Αλκαῖον καὶ Σθένελον, 
3 , \ 4 Ἁ 4 \ 
ἧκεν εἰς Muciav πρὸς Λύκον tov Δασκύλου, καὶ 
ξενισθεὶς ὑπὸ ... τοῦ Βεβρύκων βασιλέως 
συμβαλόντων, βοηθῶν Λύκῳ πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε, 
3 φ A UA 4 3 A 
pe? ὧν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα Μύγδονα, ἀδελφὸν 
᾿Αμύκου. καὶ ris? Βεβρύκων πολλὴν 8 ἀποτεμό- 
μενος γῆν ἔδωκε Δύκῳ" ὁ δὲ πᾶσαν ἐκείνην ἐκά- 
λεσεν Ἡράκλειαν. 

Καταπλεύσαντος δὲ εἰς τὸν ἐν Θεμεσκύρᾳ λι- 
μένα, παραγενομένης ets* αὐτὸν ἹἹππολύτης καὶ 
τίνος ἥκοι χάριν πυθομένης, καὶ δώσειν τὸν 

a A a 3 
ζωστῆρα ὑποσχομένης," “Hpa μιᾷ τῶν ᾿Αμαζόνων 
εἰκασθεῖσα τὸ πλῆθος ἐπεφοίτα, λέγουσα ὅτιϑ 
4 (ὃ 3 c 7 e Ao 
τὴν βασιλίδα ἀφαρπάζουσινίῖ οἱ προσελθοντες 
ξένοι. αἱ δὲ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν κατέθεον 
σὺν ἵπποις. ὡς δὲ εἶδεν αὐτὰς καθωπλισμένας 
Ἡρακλῆς, νομίσας ἐκ δόλου τοῦτο γενέσθαι, τὴν 
μὲν ἹἽἵππολύτην κτείνας τὸν ζωστῆρα ἀφαιρεῖται, 
πρὸς δὲ τὰς λοιπὰς ἀγωνισάμενος ἀποπλεῖ, καὶ 
προσίσχει Τροίᾳ. 
/ \ / \ a 3 , 
Συνεβεβήκει δὲ τότε κατὰ μῆνιν ᾿Απόλλωνος 
fa! “ 3 
καὶ Ποσειδῶνος ἀτυχεῖν τὴν πόλιν. ᾿Απόλλων 

1 The passage is corrupt and defective. Heyne proposed 
to correct and supply it as follows: καὶ ξενισθεὶς ὑπ᾽ « αὐτοῦ,» 
τοῦ Βεβρύκων βασιλέως εἰσβαλόντος <els τὴν γῆν,» βοηθῶν. 
Sommer conjectured ὑπ᾽ «- αὐτοῦ, τούτου δὲ καὶ; τοῦ Βεβρύκων 
βασιλέως συμβαλόντων. 

3 τῆς Wagner: τὴν A. 3 πολλὴν Heyne: πόλιν A. 

ΤΗΕ LIBRARY, II. v. 9 

killed the sons of Minos on the spot and besieged 
the rest closely, till they sent envoys to request that 
in the room of the murdered men he would take 
two, whom he pleased. So he raised the siege, and 
taking on board the sons of Androgeus, son of Minos, 
to wit, Alcaeus and Sthenelus, he came to Mysia, to 
the court of Lycus, son of Dascylus, and was enter- 
tained by him; and in a battle between him and 
the king of the Bebryces Hercules sided with 
Lycus and slew many, amongst others King Mygdon, 
brother of Amycus. And he took much land from 
the Bebryces and gave it to Lycus, who called it all 
Heraclea. 

Having put in at the harbour of Themiscyra, he 
received a visit from Hippolyte, who inquired why he 
was come, and promised to give him the belt. But 
Hera in the likeness of an Amazon went up and 
down the multitude saying that the strangers who had 
arrived were carrying off the queen. So the Amazons 
in arms charged on horseback down on the ship. 
But when Hercules saw them in arms, he suspected 
treachery, and killing Hippolyte stripped her of her 
belt. And after fighting the rest he sailed away and 
touched at Troy. 

But it chanced that the city was then in distress con- 
sequently on the wrath of Apollo and Poseidon. For 

4 eis KE, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1327: ὡς A. 
5 δπυσχομένης Pediasmus (De Herculis laboribus, 9), Her- 
cher, Wagner : ὑπισχνουμένης EA. 
* ὅτι E, absent apparently in A. 
7 1 ἀφαρπάζουσιν ER: ἁρπάζουσιν A. 
8 σὺν ἵπποις omitted by Hercher, 

yap καὶ Ποσειδῶν τὴν Λαομέδοντος ὕβριν πειρά- 
σαι θέλοντες, εἰκασ θέντες ἀνθρώποις ὑπέσχοντο 
ἐπὶ μισθῷ τειχιεῖν τὸ Πέργαμον. τοῖς δὲ τει- 
χίσασι τὸν μισθὸν οὐκ ἀπεδίδον. διὰ τοῦτο 
Απόλλων μὲν λοιμὸν ἔπεμψε, Ποσειδῶν δὲ κῆτος 
ἀναφερόμενον ὑπὸ πλημμυρίδος, ὃ τοὺς ἐν τῷ 
πεδίῳ συνήρπαζεν ἀνθρώπους. χρησμῶν δὲ λε- 
γόντων ἀπαλλαγὴν ἔσεσθαι τῶν συμφορῶν, ἐὰν 
προθῇ! Λαομέδων ἩἩσιόνην τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτοῦ 
τῷ κήτει βοράν, οὗτος" προύθηκε ταῖς πλησίον 
τῆς θαλάσσης πέτραις προσαρτήσας. ταύτην 

1 προθῇ EK: προσθῇ A. 
2 χῷ κήτει βοράν, οὗτος Εἰ : βορὰν κήτει, ὁ δὲ A. 

1 Compare Homer, Jl. vii. 452 sq., xxi. 441-457. According 
to the former of these passages, the walls of Troy were built 
by Poseidon and Apollo jointly for king Laomedon. But 
according to the latter passage the walls were built by 
Poseidon alone, and while he thus toiled as a mason, Apollo 
served as a herdsman, tending the king’s cattle in the wooded 
glens of Ida. Their period of service lasted for a year, and 
at the end of it the faithless king not only dismissed the two 
deities without the stipulated wages which they had honestly 
earned, but threatened that, if they did not take themselves 
off, he would tie Apollo hand and foot and sell him for a slave 
in the islands, not however before he had lopped off the ears 
of both of them with a knife. Thus insulted as well as robbed, 
the two gods retired with wrath and indignation at their 
hearts. Phis strange tale, told by Homer, is alluded to by 
Pindar (Olymp. viii. 30 (40) s¢q.), who adds to it the detail 
that the two gods took the hero Aeacus with them to aid 
them in the work of fortification; and the Scholiast on 
Pindar (pp. 194 eg. ed. Boeckh) explains that, as Troy was 
fated to be captured, it was necessary that in building the 
walls the immortals should be assisted by a mortal, else the 
city would have been impregnable. The sarcastic Lucian 
tells us (De sacrifictis, 4) that both Apollo and Poseidon 
laboured as bricklayers at the walls of Troy, and that the 
sum of which the king cheated them was more than thirty 

desiring to put the wantonness of Laomedon to the 
proof, Apollo and Poseidon assumed the likeness οἱ 
men and undertook to fortify Pergamum for wages. 
But when they had fortified it, he would not pay 
them their wages.1 Therefore Apollo sent a pest- 
ilence, and Poseidon a sea monster, which, carried 
up by a flood, snatched away the people of the 
plain. But as oracles foretold deliverance from these 
calamities if Laomedon would expose his daughter 
Hesione to be devoured by the sea monster, he ex- 
posed her by fastening her to the rocks near the sea.” 

Trojan drachmas. The fraud is alluded to by Virgil (Georg. 
i. 502) and Horace (Odes, iii. 3. 21 eg.). Compare Hyginus, 
Fab. 89; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 194 sqq.; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen. viii. 157; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 43 8ᾳ., 138 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 186; Second Vatican Mythographer, 193). Homer 
oes not explain why Apollo and Poseidon took service with 
Laomedon, but his Scholiast (on Jl. xxi. 444), in agreement 
with Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 34), says that their 
service was a punishment inflicted on them by Zeus for a 
conspiracy into which some of the gods had entered for the 
purpose of putting him, the supreme god: in bonds. The 
conspiracy is mentioned by Homer (Jl. i. 399 sqqg.), who 
names Poseidon, Hera, and Athena, but not Apollo, among 
the conspirators ; their nefarious design was defeated by the 
intervention of Thetis and the hundred-handed giant Bri- 
areus. We have already heard of Apollo serving a man in 
the capacity of neatherd as a punishment for murder per- 
etrated by the deity (see above, i. 9. 15, with the note). 
These backstair chronicles of Olympus shed a curious light 
on the early Greek conception of divinity. 

2 For the story of the rescue of Hesione by Hercules, see 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 42; Scholiast on Homer, 11. xx. 146; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 34; Ovid, Metamorph. 
xi. 211 sqq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argon. ii. 451 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 89; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 157; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 44 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 136). A curious variant 

ἰδὼν ἐκκειμένην Ἡρακλῆς ὑπέσχετο cwcey,) εἰ 
τὰς ἵππους παρὰ Λαομέδοντος λήψεται ἃς Ζεὺς 
ποινὴν τῆς Γανυμήδους ἁρπαγῆς ἔδωκε. δώσειν 
δὲ Λαομέδοντος εἰπόντος, κτείνας τὸ κῆτος Ησιό- 
νην ἔσωσε. μὴ βουλομένου δὲ τὸν μισθὸν ἀπο- 
δοῦναι, πολεμήσειν Τροίᾳ" ἀπειλήσας ἀνήχθη. 
Καὶ προσίσχει Αἴνῳ, ἔνθα ξενίξεται ὑπὸ 116λ- 
τυος. ἀποπλέων δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος τῆς Αἰνίας 
Σαρπηδόνα, Ποσειδῶνος μὲν υἱὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ 
Πόλτυος, ὑβριστὴν ὄντα τοξεύσας ἀπέκτεινε. 
καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Θάσον καὶ χειρωσάμενος 
τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας Θρᾷκας ἔδωκε τοῖς ᾿Ανδρόγεω 
παισὶ κατοικεῖν. ἐκ Θάσου δὲ ὁρμηθεὶς ἐπὶ Το- 
ρώνην Πολύγονον καὶ Τηλέγονον, τοὺς Πρωτέως 
τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος υἱούς, παλαίειν προκαλουμένους 
κατὰ τὴν πάλην ἀπέκτεινε. κομίσας δὲ τὸν 
ζωστῆρα εἰς Μυκήνας ἔδωκεν Εὐρυσθεῖ. 

1 σώσειν E: σώσειν αὐτὴν A. 2 Τροίᾳ E: Τροίαν A. 

of the story is told, without mention of Hesione, by the 
Second Vatican Mythographer (Fab. 193, vol. i. p. 138, 
ed. 6. H. Bode). Tzetzes says that Hercules, in full armour, 
leaped into the jaws of the sea-monster, and was in its 
belly for three days hewing and hacking it, and that at 
the end of the three days he came forth without any hair 
on his head. ‘The Scholiast on Homer (l.c.) tells the tale 
similarly, and refers to Hellanicus as his authority. The 
story of Hercules and Hesione corresponds closely to that of 
Perseus and Andromeda (see Apollodorus, ii. 4. 3). Both 
tales may have originated in a custom of sacrificing maidens 
to be the brides of theSea. Compare The Magic Art and the 
Evolution of Kings, ii. 150 eqq. 

1 The horses were given by Zeus to Tros, the father of 
Ganymede. See Homer, 11. v. 265 sqq.; Homeric Hymn to 
Aphrodite, 210 sq.; Pausanias, v. 24. 5. According to 

Seeing her exposed, Hercules promised to save 
her on condition of receiving from Laomedon the 
mares which Zeus had given in compensation for the 
rape of Ganymede.! On Laomedon’s saying that 
he would give them, Hercules killed the monster 
and saved Hesione. But when Laomedon would not 
give the stipulated reward,? Hercules put to sea 
after threatening to make war on Troy.? 

And he touched at Aenus, where he was entertained 
by Poltys. And as he was sailing away he shot and 
killed on the Aenian beach a lewd fellow, Sarpedon, 
son of Poseidon and brother of Poltys. And having 
come to Thasos and subjugated the Thracians who 
dwelt in the island, he gave it to the sons of Andro- 
geus to dwell in. From Thasos he proceeded to 
Torone, and there, being challenged to wrestle by 
Polygonus and Telegonus, sons of Proteus, son of 
Poseidon, he killed them in the wrestling match.‘ 
And having brought the belt to Mvcenae he gave it 
to Eurystheus. 

another account, which had the support of a Cyclic poet, the 
compensation given to the bereaved father took the shape, 
not of horses, but of a golden vine wrought by Hephaestus. 
See Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes. 1391. As the duty of 
Ganymede was to pour the red nectar from a golden bowl in 
heaven (Homeric Henn to Aphrodite, 206), there would be 
a certain suitability in the bestowal of a golden vine to replace 
him in his earthly home. 

2 As to the refusal of Laomedon to give the horses to 
Hercules, see Homer, Jl. v. 638-651, xxi. 441-457; Ovid, 
Metamorph. xi. 213 sqq.; Hyginus, ’ab.69. Laomedon twice 
broke his word, first to Poseidon and Apollo and afterwards 
to Hercules. Hence Ovid speaks of " the twice-perjured 
walls of Troy ” (Metamorph. xi. 215). 

3 As to the siege and capture of Troy by Hercules, see 
below, ii. 6. 4. 

4 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 320 sq. 

δου 
VOL, I. Ρ 

APOLLODORUS .. 

10 Aéearey ἐπετάγη; ἄθλον τὰς Γηρυόνου βόας 
ἐξ ᾿Ερυθείας κομίζειν. ᾿Ερύθεια δὲ ἣν ᾽Ωκεανοῦ 
πλησίον κειμένη νῆσος, ἣ νῦν Γάδειρα καλεῖται. 
ταύτην κατῴκει Γηρνόνης Χρυσάορος καὶ Καλ- 
λιρρόης τῆς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ, τριῶν ἔχων ἀνδρῶν συμ- 
gues σῶμα, συνηγμένονϑ εἰς ἐν κατὰ τὴν γαστέρα, 
ἐσχισμένον δὲ εἰς τρεῖς ἀπὸ λαγόνων τε καὶ 
μηρῶν. εἶχε δὲ φοινικᾶς βόας, ὧν ἣν βουκόλος 
Εὐρυτίων, φύλαξ δὲ "Ορθοςϑδ ὁ κύων δικέφαλος ἐξ 
᾿Εχίδνης καὶ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένος 5 σπορευό- 
μενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Γηρυόνου Boas διὰ τῆς Εὐρώ- 
TS, ἄγρια πολλὰ «ζῴα; ἀνελὼνϊ Λιβύης ἐπέ- 
Bawve,® καὶ παρελθὼν Ταρτησσὸν ἔστησε σημεῖα 
τῆς πορείας ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων Εϊρώπης καὶ Λιβύης 

1 éwerdyn E: δὲ érdyn A. | *® βόας E: βοῦς A. 

3 συνηγμένον μὲν Bekker. 4 δὲ Heyne: re A. 

5 “Op00s Pediasmus, De Herculis laboribus, 10: “Op@pos A. 
See exegetical note on this passage. 

6 γεγενημένος BC. 

7 πόλλα <(ga> ἀνελὼν Wagner (comparing Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 17. 3): πόλλα παρελθὼν A. 

8 ἐπέβη Scholiast on Plato, Z7'tmaeus, p. 24 £, Hercher. 

1 As to Hercules and the cattle of Geryon, see Hesiod, 
Theog. 287-294, 979-983 ; Pindar, Frag. 169 (151), ed. Sandys ; 
Herodotus, iv. 8; Plato, Gorgias, 39, p. 484 Β ; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 17 sq.; Pausanias, iii. 18. 13, iv. 36. 3; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 249 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
ii. 322-352 (who seems to follow Apollodorus) ; Scholiast on 
Plato, Timaeus, Ὁ. 248; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. 120 ; Solinus, 
xxiii, 12; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 300. 

2 Compare Herodotus, iv. 8; Strabo, iii. 2. 11, p. 148, 
iii. 5 4, p. 169; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. 120; Solinus, xxiii. 12. 
Gadira is Cadiz. According to Pliny (J.c.), the name is de- 
rived from a Punic word gadir, meaning ‘‘ hedge.”” Compare 
Dionysius, Perieg. 453 sqq. The same word agadir is still 

As a tenth labour he was ordered to fetch the kine 
of Geryon from Erythia.! Now Erythia was an 
island near the ocean; it is now called Gadira.? 
This island was inhabited by Geryon, son of Chrysaor 
by Callirrhoe, daughter of Ocean. He had the body 
of three men grown together and joined in one at 
the waist, but parted in three from the flanks and 
thighs. He owned red kine, of which Eurytion 
was the herdsman and Orthus,‘ the two-headed hound, 
begotten by Typhon on Echidna, was the watch-dog. 
50 journeying through Europe to fetch the kine of 
Geryon he destroyed many wild beasts and set foot 
in Libya,5 and proceeding to Tartessus he erected as 
tokens of his journey two pillars over against each 

used in the south of Morocco in the sense of ‘‘fortified house,” 
and many places in that country bear the name. Amongst 
them the port of Agadir is the best known. See E. Doutté, 
En tribu (Paris, 1914), pp. 50 sq. The other name of the 
island is given by Solinus (/.c.) in the form Erythrea, and by 
Mela (iii. 47) in the form Eythria. 

> As to the triple form of Geryon, compare Hesiod, Theoy. 
287; Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 870; Euripides, Hercules 
Furens, 423 sq.; Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p. 248; 
Pausanias, v. 19. 1; Lucian, Toxaris, 62; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 652; Lucretius, v. 28; Horace, Odes, ii. 14. 
7 8q.; Virgil, Aen. vi. 289; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 184 sq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 30 and 151. 

4 The watchdog’s name is variously given as Orthus (Orthos) 
and Orthrus (Orthros). See Hesiod, Theog. 293 (where Orthos 
seems to be the better reading); Quintus Smyrnaeus, Post- 
homerica, vi. 253 (Orthros) ; Scholiast on Pindar, Jsthm. i. 
13 (15) (Orthos) ; Scholiast on Plato, Timaeus, p. 248 (Orthros, 
so Stallbaum); J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 333 (Orthros); 
Pediasmus, De Herculis laboribus, 10 (Orthos); Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. viii. 300 (Orthrus). 

5 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 17. 3 sqg., who says that 
Hercules completely cleared Crete of wild beasts, and that he 
subdued many of the wild beasts in the deserts of Libya and 
rendered the land fertile and prosperous.   = 

AVL 

ν 3, 

ἀντιστοίχους δύο στήλας. Oepopevos! δὲ ὑπὸ 
Ἡλίου κατὰ τὴν πορείαν, τὸ τόξον ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν 
ἐνέτεινεν: ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀνδρείαν αὐτοῦ θαυμάσας 
χρύσεον ἔδωκε δέπας, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ᾿Ωκεανὸν διεπέ- 
pace. καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς ᾿Ερύθειαν ἐν ὄρει 
"ABavrt αὐλίζεται. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ κύων ἐπ᾽ 
αὐτὸν ὥρμα' ὁ δὲ καὶ τοῦτον τῷ ῥοπάλῳ παίει, 

1 θερόμενος R, Pediasmus, De Hercwlis laboribus, 10: θερ- 
μαινόμενος A. 

1 The opinions of the ancients were much divided on the 
subject of the Pillars of Hercules. See Strabo, iii. 5. 5, 
pp. 169-172. The usual opinion apparently identified them 
with the rock of Calpe (Gibraltar) and the rock of Abyla, 
Abila, or Abylica (Ceuta) on the northern and southern sides 
of the straits. See Strabo, iii. 5. 5, p. 170; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 649; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 4; Mela, i. 
27, ii. 95; Martianus Capella, vi. 624. Further, it seems to 
have been commonly supposed that before the time of Her- 
cules the two continents were here joined by an isthmus, and 
that the hero cut through the isthmus and so created the 
straits. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 18. 5; Seneca, Hercules 
furens, 235 sqq.; id. Hercules Octaeus, 1240; Pliny, l.c.; Mela, 
i. 27; Martianus Capella, vi. 625. Some people, however, on the 
contrary, thought that the straits were formerly wider, and 
that Hercules narrowed them to prevent the monsters of the 
Atlantic ocean from bursting into the Mediterranean (Diodorus 
Siculus, l.c.). An entirely different opinion identified the 
Pillars of Hercules with two brazen pillars in the sanctuary 
of Hercules at Gadira (Cadiz), on which was engraved an 
inscription recording the cost of building the temple. See 
Strabo, iii. 5. 5, p. 170; compare Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 242, 
who speaks of ‘‘the columns of Hercules consecrated at 
Gadira.” For other references to the Pillars of Hercules, see 
Pindar, Olymp. iii. 43 8ᾳ., Nem. iii. 21, Isthm. iv. 11 8q.; 
Athenaeus, vii. 98, p. 315cp; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 339 
(who here calls the pillars Alybe and Abinna) ; Scholiast on 
Plato, Timaeus, Ὁ. 24; Dionysius, Orbis Descriptio, 64-68, 
with the commentary of Eustathius (Geographi Graeci 

other at the boundaries of Europe and Libya.! But 
being heated by the Sun on his journey, he bent 
his bow at the god, who in admiration of his hardi- 
hood, gave him a golden goblet in which he crossed 
the ocean.?- And having reached Erythia he lodged 
on Mount Abas. However the dog, perceiving him, 
rushed at him; but he smote it with his club, and 

Minores, ed. C. Miiller, ii. pp. 107, 228). According to Eusta- 
thius (/.c.), Calpe was the name given to the rock of Gibraltar 
by the barbarians, but its Greek name was Alybe; and the 
rock of Ceuta was called Abenna by the barbarians but by 
the Greeks Cynegetica, that is, the Hunter’s Rock. He tells 
us further that the pillars were formerly named the Pillars 
of Cronus, and afterwards the Pillars of Briareus. 
2 Apollodorus seems to be here following Pherecydes, as 
we learn from a passage which Athenaeus (xi. 39, p. 470 cD) 
uotes from the third book of Pherecydes as follows: ‘‘ And 
ercules drew his bow at him as if he would shoot, and the 
Sun bade him give over; so Hercules feared and gave over. 
And in return the Sun bestowed on him the golden goblet 
which carried him with his horses, when he set, through the 
Ocean all night to the east, where the Sun rises. Then 
Hercules journeyed in that goblet to Erythia. And when he 
was on the open sea, Ocean, to make trial of him, caused the 
goblet to heave wildly on the waves. Hercules was about to 
shoot him with an arrow; and the Ocean was afraid, and 
bade him give over.” Stesichorus described the Sun embark- 
ing in a golden goblet that he might cross the ocean in the 
darkness of night and come to his mother, his wedded wife, 
and children dear. See Athenaeus, xi. 38, p. 468E; compare 
td. xi. 16, p. 781D. The voyage of Hercules in the golden 
goblet was also related by the early poets Pisander and Pan- 
yasis in the poems, both called Heraclia, which they devoted 
to the exploits of the great hero. See Athenaeus, xi. 38, 
p. 469 D; compare Macrobius, Saturn., v. 21. 16 and 19. 
Another poet, Mimnermus, supposed that at night the weary 
Sun slept in a golden bed, which floated across the sea to 
Ethiopia, where a chariot with fresh horses stood ready for 
him to mount and resume his daily journey across the sky. 
See Athenaeus, xi. 39, p. 470 a. 

καὶ tov βουκόλον Εἰὐρυτίωνα τῷ κυνὶ βοηθοῦντα 
ἀπέκτεινε. Μενοίτης δὲ ἐκεῖ τὰς “Atdov βόας 
βόσκων Γηρυόνῃ τὸ γεγονὸς ἀπήγγειλεν. ὁ δὲ 
καταλαβὼν Ἡρακλέα παρὰ ποταμὸν ᾿Ανθεμοῦντα 
τὰς βόας ἀπάγοντα, συστησάμενος μάχην τοξευ- 
θεὶς ἀπέθανεν. ᾿Ηρακλῆς δὲ ἐνθέμενος τὰς βόας 
εἰς τὸ δέπας καὶ διαπλεύσας εἰς Ταρτησσὸν 
Ἡλίῳ πάλιν ἀπέδωκε τὸ δέπας. 

Διελθὼν δὲ ’ABSnpiav! εἰς Atyvotivny? ἦλθεν, 
ἐν ἡ τὰς βόας ἀφῃροῦντο ᾿Ιαλεβίωνδ τε καὶ Δέρ- 
κυνος οἱ Ποσειδῶνος υἱοί, obs κτείνας διὰ Τυρρη- 
vias fet. ἀπὸ Ῥηγίου δὲ εἷς ἀπορρήγνυσι ταῦρος, 

1 »Αβδηρίαν Heyne: αὐδηρίαν or ἀνδηρίαν A: Ἰβηρίαν Gale. 

2 ΔΛυγιστίνην Gale (compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 19. 4, 
ἐποίησατο τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῆς Λιγυστικῆ5) : Λιγύην Heyne, con- 
jecturing Λίγνας : Λιβύην A, J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 340. 

3 Ἰαλεβίων R: ἀλεβίων A. 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 652, who 
probably follows Apollodorus. 

2 Abderia, the territory of Abdera, a Phoenician city of 
southern Spain, not to be confused with the better known 
Abdera in Thrace. See Strabo, iii. 4. 3, p. 157; Stephanus 
Byzantius, 8.v. “ABdnpa. 

ee has much abridged a famous adventure of 
Hercules in Liguria. Passing through the country with the 
herds of Geryon, he was attacked by a great multitude of the 
warlike natives, who tried to rob him of the cattle. Fora 
time he repelled them with his bow, but his supply of arrows 
running short he was reduced to great straits; for the 
ground, being soft earth, afforded no stones to be used as 
missiles. So he prayed to his father Zeus, and the god in 
pity rained down stones from the sky ; and by picking them 
up and hurling them at his foes, the hero was able to turn 
the tables on them. The place where this adventure took 

lace was said to be a plain between Marseilles and the 
hone, which was called the Stony Plain on account of the 
vast quantity of stones, about as large as a man’s hand, 

when the herdsman Eurytion came to the help of the 
dog, Hercules killed him also. But Menoetes, who 
was there pasturing the kine of Hades, reported to 
Geryon what had occurred, and he, coming up with 
Hercules beside the river Anthemus,! as he was 
driving away the kine, joined battle with him and 
was shot dead. And Hercules, embarking the kine 
in the goblet and sailing across to Tartessus, gave 
back the goblet to the Sun. 

And passing through Abderia? he came to 
Liguria,> where Ialebion and Dercynus, sons of 
Poseidon, attempted to rob him of the kine, but 
he killed them‘ and went on his way through 
Tyrrhenia. But at Rhegium a bull broke away 5 

which were scattered thickly over it. In his play Prometheus 
Unbound, Aeschylus introduced this story in the form of a 
prediction put in the mouth of Prometheus and addressed 
to his deliverer Hercules. See Strabo, iv. 1. 7, pp. 182 δᾳ.; 
Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antig. Rom. i. 41; Kustathius, 
Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes, 76 (Geogravhi Graect 
Miunores, ed. C. Miiller, ii. 231) ; Hyginus Astronom. ii. 6; 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 66 sq. 
The Stony Plain is now called the Plaine de la Crau. It 
“ὁ attracts the attention of all travellers between Arles and 
Marseilles, since it is intersected by the railway that joins 
those two cities. It forms a wide level area, extending for 
many square miles, which is covered with round rolled stones 
from the size of a pebble to that of a man’s head. These are 
supposed to have been brought down from the Alps by the 
Durance at some early period, when this plain was submerged 
and formed the bed of what was then a bay of the Mediterra- 
nean at the mouth of that river and the Rhone” (H.F. Tozer, 
Selections from Strabo, p. 117). 

4 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 340 sgqg., who calls the 
victims Dercynus and Alebion. 

5 The author clearly derives the name of Rhegium from 
this incident (Ρήγιον from ἀπορρήγνυσι). The story of the 
escape of the bull, or heifer, and the pursuit of it by Hercules 
was told by Hellanicus. See Diunysius Halicarnasensis, 

, 9 \ 4 3 Ἁ δ 
καὶ ταχέως εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐμπεσὼν καὶ διανη- 
ld ‘4 
Eduevos «εἰς; Σικελίαν, καὶ τὴν πλησίον χώραν 

διελθὼν [τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου κληθεῖσαν ᾿Ιταλίαν 
(Τυρρηνοὶ γὰρ ἰταλὸν τὸν ταῦρον ἐκάλεσαν),}} 

4 3 [4 Ψ 3 i 3 A 
ἦλθεν εἰς πεδίον Ἔρυκος, ὃς ἐβασίλενεν ᾿Ελύμων. 
Ἔρυξ δὲ ἦν Ποσειδῶνος παῖς, ὃς τὸν ταῦρον ταῖς 
ἰδίαις συγκατέμιξεν ἀγέλαις. παραθέμενος οὖν 
Q , ς n e ’ὕ 3 ἃ A Ε] A 
tas Boas Ἡρακλῆς Hdaiotm ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ 
ξήτησιν ἠπείγετο" εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν ταῖς τοῦ "Ερυκος 
ἀγέλαις, λέγοντος οὐ δώσειν ἂν μὴ παλαίσας 
αὐτοῦ περιγένηται, τρὶς περιγενόμενος κατὰ τὴν 
πάλην ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον λαβὼν μετὰ τῶν 
Ν > ἃ \ 31 ἢ 3 , e \ 
ἄλλων ἐπὶ tov Ἰόνιον ἤλαυνε πόντον. ὡς δὲ 
ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς μυχοὺς τοῦ πόντου, ταῖς βουσὶν 
olatpov ἐνέβαλεν ἡ “Hpa, καὶ σχίξονται κατὰ 

el e 
τὰς τῆς Θράκης ὑπωρείας: ὁ δὲ διώξας τὰς μὲν 
συλλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἤγαγεν, αἱ δὲ 
3 a Q Ἁ 4 4 / A 
ἀπολειφθεῖσαι TO λοιπὸν ἦσαν ἄγριαι. μόλις δὲ 
τῶν βοῶν συνελθουσῶν Στρυμόνα μεμψάμενος 
, a 

τὸν ποταμόν, πάλαι TO ῥεῖθρον πλωτὸν ὃν ἐμ- 
πλήσας πέτραις ἄπλωτον ἐποίησε, καὶ τὰς βόας 
1 χὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου... ἐκάλεσαν omitted by Wagner. Heyne 

proposed to omit these words, together with the preceding 
καὶ τὴν πλησίον χώραν διελθὼν, and he is followed by Hercher. 

Antiq. Rom. i. 35.2. It is somewhat singular that Apollo- 
dorus passes so lightly over the exploits of Hercules in Italy, 
and in particular that he says nothing about those adventures 
of his at Rome, to which the Romans attached much signifi- 
cance. For the Italian adventures of the hero, and his 
sojourn in Rome, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 20-22; Dionysius 
Halicarnasensis, Anttg. Rom. i. 34 8q., 38-44; Propertius, 
iv. 9; Virgil, Aen. viii. 201 sqq.; Ovid, Fastt, i. 543 sqqg. On 
the popularity of the worship of Hercules in Italy, see 

and hastily plunging into the sea swam across to 
Sicily, and having passed through the neighbouring 
country since called Italy after it, for the Tyrrhenians 
called the bull ¢alus,} came to the plain of Eryx, 
who reigned over the Elymi.2, Now Eryx was a son 
of Poseidon, and he mingled the bull with his own 
herds. So Hercules entrusted the kine to Hephaes- 
tus and hurried away in search of the bull. He 
found it in the herds of Eryx, and when the king 
refused to surrender it unless Hercules should beat 
him in a wrestling bout, Hercules beat him thrice, 
killed him in the wrestling, and taking the bull 
drove it with the rest of the herd to the Ionian Sea. 
But when he came to the creeks of the sea, Hera 
afflicted the cows with a gadfly, and they dispersed 
among the skirts of the mountains of Thrace. 
Hercules went in pursuit, and having caught some, 
drove them to the Hellespont; but the remainder 
were thenceforth wild.2 Having with difficulty 
collected the cows, Hercules blamed the river Stry- 
mon, and whereas it had been navigable before, he 
made it unnavigable by filling it with rocks; and he 

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antzg. Rom. i. 40. 6, who says: 
‘* And in many other parts of Italy (besides Rome) precincts 
are consecrated to the god, and altars are set up both in cities 
and beside roads; and hardly will you find a place in Italy 
where the god is not honoured.” 

1 Some of the ancients supposed that the name of Italy 
was derived from the Latin vitulus, ‘‘a calf.” See Varro, 
Rerum Rusticarum, ii. 1. 9; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, 
Antiq. Rom. i. 35. 2; compare Aulus Gellius, xi. 1. 2. 

2 As to Herculus and Eryx, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 2 ; 
Pausanias, iii. 16. 4 8ᾳ., iv. 36.4; J. Tzetzes, Chtliades, ii. 
346 sqq.; id. Schol. on Lycophron, 866; Virgil, Aen. v. 410 
8qq.; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 570. 

3 The story was apparently told to account for the origin 
of wild cattle in Thrace. 

1] 

Εὐρυσθεῖ κομίσας δέδωκεν. ὁ δὲ αὐτὰς κατέ- 
θυσεν “Ἥρᾳ. 

Τελεσθέντων δὲ τῶν ἄθλων ἐν μηνὶ καὶ ἔτεσιν 
ὀκτώ, μὴ προσδεξάμενος Εὐρυσθεὺς τόν τε τῶν 
τοῦ Αὐγέον βοσκημάτων καὶ τὸν τῆς ὕδρας, évde- 

1 This period fur the completion of the labours of Hercules 
is mentioned also by the Scholiast on Homer (17. viii. 368) 
and Tzetzes (Chiliades, ii. 353 sq.), both of whom, however, 
may have had the present passage of Apollodorus before 
them. It is possible that the period refers to the eight years’ 
cycle, which figured prominently in the religious calendar of 
the ancient Greeks; for example, the Pythian games were 
originally held at intervals of eight years. See Geminus, 
Hlement. Astron. viii. 25 sqq. ed. C. Manitius ; Censorinus, 
De die natali, 18. It is to be remembered that the period of 
service performed by Hercules for Eurystheus was an expia- 
tion for the murder of his children (see Apollodorus, ii. 4. 12). 
Now Cadmus is said to have served Ares for eight years as 
an expiation for the slaughter of the dragon, the offspring of 
Ares (see Apollodorus, iii. 4.2). But in those days, we are 
told, the ‘‘eternal year’’ comprised eight common years 
(Apollodorus, U.c.). Now Apollo served Admetus for a year 
as an expiation for the slaughter of the Cyclopes (Apollodorus, 
iii. 10. 4); but according to Servius (on Virgil, Aen. vii. 761), 
the period of Apollo’s service was not one but nine years. In 
making this statement Servius, or his authority, probably 
had before him a Greek author, who mentioned an ἐννεατηρὶς 
as the period of Apollo’s service. But though évvearnpls 
means literally ‘‘nine years,” the period, in consequence of 
the Greek mode of reckoning, was actually equivalent to eight 
years (compare Celsus, De die natals, 18. 4, ‘‘ Octaeterts facta, 
quae tunc enneaterts vocitata, quia primus ejus annus nono 
quoque anno redibat”’). These legends about the servitude 
of Cadmus, Apollo, and Hercules for eight years, render it 

robable that in ancient times Greek homicides were banished 
or eight years, and had during that time to do penance by 
serving a foreigner. Now this period of eight years was 
called a ‘‘ great year” (Censorinus, De dite natalt, 18. 5), and 
the period of banishment for a homicide was regularly a 

conveyed the kine and gave them to Eurystheus, who 
sacrificed them to Hera. 

When the labours had been performed in eight 
years and a month,! Eurystheus ordered Hercules, as 
an eleventh labour, to fetch golden apples from the 

year. See Apollodorus, ii. 8.3; Euripides, Hippolytus, 34-37, 
td. Orestes, 1643-1645; Nicolaus Damascenus, Frag 20 
(Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Miiller, iii. 369) ; 
Hesychius, 8.v. ἀπενιαυτισμός ; Suidas, 8.v. ἀπεναυτίσαι. Hence 
it seems probable that, though in later times the period of a 
homicide’s banishment was a single ordinary year, it may 
formerly have been a ‘‘great year,’ or period of eight 
ordinary years. It deserves to be noted that any god who 
had forsworn himself by the gs had to expiate his fault by 
silence and fasting for a full year, after which he was 
banished the company of the gods for nine years (Hesiod, 
Theog. 793-804) ; and further that any man who partook of 
human flesh in the rites of Lycaean Zeus was supposed to 
be turned into a wolf for nine years. See Pausanias, viii. 2; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 81; Augustine, De ctvitate Det, xviii. 
17. These notions point to a nine years’ period of expiation, 
which may have been observed in some places ins of the 
eight years’ period. In the present passage of Apollodorus, 
the addition of a month to the eight years’ period creates a 
difficulty which I am unable to explain. Ancient mathemat- 
icians defined a ‘‘ great year” as the period at the end of 
which the sun, moon, and planets again occupy the same 
itions relatively to each other which they occupied at the 
ginning ; but on the length of the period opinions were much 
divided. See Cicero, De natura deorum, ii. 20. 51. sq. Differ- 
ent, apparently, from the ‘‘great year” was the ‘‘revolving” 
(vertens) or ‘‘mundane” (mundanus) year, which was the 
period at the end of which, not only the sun, moon, and 
planets, but also the so-called fixed stars again occupy the 
positions relatively to each other which they occupied at the 
beginning; for the ancients recognized that the so-called fixed 
stars do move, though their motion is imperceptible to our 
senses. The length of a ‘‘revolving” or ‘‘mundane” year 
was calculated by ancient physicists at fifteen thousand years. 
See Cicero, Somnium Scipionis, 7, with the commentary of 
Macrobius, ii. 11. 

᾿ΑΡΟΙΟΠΟΒΟΒ 

κατον ἐπέταξεν ἄθλον παρ᾽ “Ἑσπερίδων χρύσεα 
μῆλα κομίζειν: ταῦτα δὲ ἦν, οὐχ ὥς τινες εἶπον 
ἐν Λιβύῃ, adr ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἄτλαντος ἐν Ὕπερ- 
βορέοις: ἃ Διὶ «Γῇ; γήμαντι “Hpav? ἐδωρήσατο. 
ἐφύλασσε δὲ αὐτὰ δράκων ἀθάνατος, Τυφῶνος 
καὶ ᾿Εχίδνης, κεφαλὰς ἔχων ἑκατόν' ἐχρῆτο δὲ 
φωναῖς παντοίαις καὶ ποικίλαις. μετὰ τούτου δὲ 
᾿Εσπερίδες ἐφύλαττον, Αἴγλη ᾿Ερύθεια “Ἑσπερία 
᾿Αρέθουσα.32 πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ ποταμὸν ᾿Εἰχέ- 
δωρον ἧκε. Κύκνος δὲ "Apeos καὶ Πυρήνης εἰς 
μονομαχίαν αὐτὸν προεκαλεῖτο. “Apeos δὲ τοῦ- 
Tov ἐκδικοῦντος καὶ συνιστάντος μονομαχίαν, 
βληθεὶς κεραυνὸς μέσος ἀμφοτέρων διαλύει τὴν 

1 κομίζειν Aegius: κομίσων RA. 

2 Ad «Γῆ » γήμαντι Ἥραν Valckenar (comparing Scholiast 

on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1396): Ai γήμαντι Ἥρα A. 
3 ‘Eomepla ᾿Αρέθουσα Gale, Aegius: ἑστία ἐρέθουσα A. 

1 As to the apples of the Hesperides, see Hesiod, Theog. 
215 eq.; Euripides, Hercules Furens, 394 sqq.; Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1396 sqq., with the Scholiast on 1396 ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 26; Pausanias, v. ll. 6, v. 18. 4, 
vi. 19. 8; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 3; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
ii. 355 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 637 sqq., ix. 190; 
Hyginus, Fab. 30; id. Astronom. ii. 3; Scholia in Caesaris 
Germanict Aratea, Pp. 382 84ᾳ., in Martianus Capella, 
ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 13 8ᾳ., 180 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 38; Second Vatican Mythographer, 161). 
From the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (l.c.) we learn 
that the story of Hercules and the apples of the Hesper- 
ides was told by Pherecydes in the second book of his 
work on the marriage of Hera. The close resemblance which 
the Scholiast’s narrative bears to that of Apollodorus seems 
to show that here, as in many other places, our author 
followed Pherecydes. The account given by Pherecydes of 
the origin of the golden apples is as follows. When Zeus 
married Hera, the gods brought presents to the bride. Among 
the rest, Earth brought golden apples, which Hera so much 
admired that she ordered them to be planted in the garden 

‘20 

Hesperides,! for he did not acknowledge the Jabour 
of the cattle of Augeas nor that of the hydra. These 
. apples were not, as some have said, in Libya, but on 
Atlas among the Hyperboreans.2, They were pre- 
sented by Earth to Zeus after his marriage with Hera, 
and guarded by an immortal dragon with a hundred 
heads, offspring of Typhon and Echidna, which spoke 
with many and divers sorts of voices. With it the 
Hesperides also were on guard, to wit, Aegle, Ery- 
thia, Hesperia, and Arethusa. So journeying he 
came to the river Echedorus. And Cycnus, son of 
Ares and Pyrene, challenged him to single combat. 
Ares championed the cause of Cycnus and marshalled 
the combat, but a thunderbolt was hurled between 
the two and parted the combatants.2 And going on 

of the gods beside Mount Atlas. But, as the daughters of 
Atlas used to pilfer the golden fruit, she set a huge serpent 
to ape the tree. Such is the story told, on the authority 
of Pherecydes, by Eratosthenes, Hyginus (Astronom. ii. 3), 
and the Scholiast on the Aratea of Germanicus. . 

2 Here Apollodorus departs from the usual version, which 
placed the gardens of the Hesperides in the far west, not the 
far north. We have seen that Hercules is said to have gone 
to the far north to fetch the hind with the golden horns (see 
above, ii. 5. 3 note); also he is reported to have brought 
from the land of the Hyperboreans the olive spray which was 
to form the victor’s crown at the Olympic games. See Pindar, 
Olymp. iii. 11 (20) sqq.; Pausanias, v. 7.7, compare 2d. v. 15. 3. 

8 Compare Hyginus, Fab. 31, who describes the interven- 
tion of Mars (Ares) on the side of his son Cycnus, and the fall 
of the thunderbolt which parted the combatants ; yet he says 
that Hercules killed Cyecnus. This combat, which, according 
to Apollodorus, ended indecisively, was supposed to have 
been fought in Macedonia, for the Fchedorus was a Mace- 
donian river (Herodotus, vii. 124, 127). Accordingly we 
must distinguish this contest from another and more famous 
fight which Hercules fought with another son of Ares, also 
called Cycnus, near Pagasae in Thessaly. See Apollodorus, 
ii. 7. 7, with the note. Apparently Hyginus confused the 
two combats. : 

μάχην. βαδίξων δὲ δι᾽ ᾿Γλλυριῶν, καὶ σπεύδων 
3 \ 3 , XN 4 \ 
ἐπὶ ποταμὸν ᾿ριδανόν, ἧκε πρὸς νύμφας Atos 
καὶ Θέμιδος. αὗται μηνύουσιν αὐτῷ Νηρέα. 
συλλαβὼν δὲ αὐτὸν κοιμώμενον καὶ παντοίας 
> Uf b' Ν \ 3 » Ἁ 
ἐναλλάσσοντα μορφὰς ἔδησε, καὶ οὐκ ἔλυσε πρὶν 
ἢ μαθεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ποῦ τυγχάνοιεν τὰ μῆλα 
καὶ αἱ Ἕ) σπερίδες. μαθὼν δὲ Λιβύην διεξήει. 

’ 3 4 a) [ον 9 “ 
ταύτης ἐβασίλευε παῖς Ποσειδῶνος ᾿Ανταῖος, ὃς 
τοὺς ξένους ἀναγκάζων παλαίειν ἀνήρει. τούτῳ 
παλαίειν ἀναγκαζόμενος ᾿Ηρακλῆς ἀράμενος ἅμ- 
pact μετέωρον κλάσας ἀπέκτεινε' ψαύοντα γὰρ 
γῆς ἰσχυρότερον συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι, διὸ καὶ 
Γῆς τινες ἔφασαν τοῦτον εἶναι παῖδα. 

Μετὰ Λιβύην δὲ Αἴγυπτον διεξήει.5 ταύτης 

1 σπεύδων Aegius: φεύγων A. 

2 ἅμμασι R, Scholiast on Plato, Laws, vii. p. 796 4: ὄμ- 
pact A. 

3 ἰσχυρότερον R: ἰσχυρότατον A. 

4 συνέβαινε R, Scholiast on Plato, Lawa, vii. p. 796 a: 
συνέβη A. 

5 διεξήει Fuber : ἐξῃει A. 

1 The meeting of Hercules with the nymphs, and his 
struggle with Nereus, are related also by the Scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1396, citing as his authority 
Pherecydes, whom Apollodorus also probably follows. The 
transformations of the reluctant sea-god Nereus in his en- 
counter with Hercules are like those of the reluctant sea-god 
Proteus in his encounter with Menelaus (Homer, Od. iv. 354— 
570), and those of the reluctant sea-goddess Thetis with her 
lover Peleus (see below, iii. 13. 5). 

-® As to Hercules and Antaeus, see Pindar, Jsthm. iv. 52 (87) 
8qq., with the Scholiast on 52 (87) and 54 (92); Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 17. 4; Pausanias, ix. 11. 6; Philostratus, 
Imagines, ii. 21; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 
285 sqg.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 363 sqq.; Scholiast on 
Plato, Laws, vii. p. 796 A (whose account agrees almost 
verbally with that of Apollodorus); Ovid, Ibis, 393-395, 

foot through Illyria and hastening to the river 
Eridanus he came to the nymphs, the daughters of 
Zeus and Themis. They revealed Nereus to him, 
and Hercules seized him while he slept, and though 
the god turned himself into all kinds of shapes, the 
hero bound him and did not release him till he had 
learned from him where were the apples and the 
Hesperides.1_ Being informed, he traversed Libya. 
That country was then ruled by Antaeus, son of 
Poseidon,? who used to kill strangers by forcing 
them to wrestle. Being forced to wrestle with him, 
Hercules hugged him, lifted him aloft,’ broke and 
killed him; for when he touched earth so it was that 
he waxed stronger, wherefore some said that he was 
a son of Earth. 

After Libya he traversed Egypt. That country 

with the Scholia; Hyginus, Fab. 31; Lucan, Pharsal. iv. 
588-655 ; Juvenal, Sat. iii. 89; Statius, Ζεῦ. vi. 893 
sqq.; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Zheb. vi. 869 (894) ; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 19, 131 (First Vatican Mythographer, 55; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 164). According to Pindar, 
the truculent giant used to roof the temple of his sire 
Poseidon with the skulls of his victims. The fable of his 
regaining strength through contact with his mother Earth 
is dwelt on by Lucan with his usual tedious prolixity. It is 
briefly alluded to by Ovid, Juvenal, and Statius. Antaeus 
is said to have reigned in western Morocco, on the Atlantic 
coast. Here a hillock was pointed out as his tomb, and the 
natives believed that the removal of soil from the hillock 
would be immediately followed by rain, which would not 
cease till the earth was replaced. See Mela, iii. 106. Ser- 
torius is said to have excavated the supposed tomb and to 
have found a skeleton sixty cubits long. See Plutarch, 
Sertorius, 9; Strabo, xvii. 3. 8, p. 829. 

3 More literally, ‘‘ lifted him aloft with hugs.” For this 
technical term (ἅμμα) applied to a wrestler’s hug, see Plutarch, 
Fabius-Mazximus, 23, and Alcibiades, 2. εἰς . eo 

22% 

ἐβασίλευε Βούσιρις Ποσειδῶνος παῖς καὶ Avowa- 
γάσσης τῆς Ἐπάφου. οὗτος τοὺς ξένους ἔθυεν 
ἐπὶ βωμῷ Διὸς κατά τι λόγιον: ἐννέα yap ὅτη 
ἀφορία τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατέλαβε, Ppacios! δὲ 
ἐλθὼν ἐκ Κύπρου, μάντις τὴν ἐπιστήμην, ἔφη 

1 φράσιος A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller: φράγιος E: 
Θράσιος Aegius, Bekker, Hercher. Compare Ovid, A7s 
Amat. i. 649 sg. (Thrasius); Hyginus, Fab. 56 (Thasius). 

1 For Hercules and Busiris, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
18. 1, iv. 27. 28q.; Plutarch, Parallela, 38; Scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1396; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, ii. 367 sq.; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 182 sq.; 1α., 
Ars Amat. i. 647-652; Scholia on Ovid, Jbis, 397 (p. 72, 
ed. R. Ellis); Hyginus, Fab. 31 and 56; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen, viii. 300 and Georg. iii. 5; Philargyrius, on Virgil, 
Georg. iii. 5; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Zheb. xii. 
155. Ovid, with his Scholiasts, Hyginus and Philargyrius, 
like Apollodorus, allege a nine or eight years’ dearth or 
drought as the cause of the human sacrifices instituted by 
Busiris. Their account may be derived from Pherecydes, 
who is the authority cited by the Scholiast on Apollo- 
nius Rhodius (l.c.). Hyginus (Fab. 56) adds that the 
seer Phrasius, who advised the sacrifice, was a brother of 
Pygmalion. Herodotus, without mentioning Busiris, scouts 
the story on the ground that human sacrifices were utterly 
alien to the spirit of Egyptian religion (Herodotus, ii. 45). 
Isocrates also discredited the tradition, in so far as it relates 
to Hercules, because Hercules was four generations younger, 
and Busiris more than two hundred years older, than Perseus. 
See Isocrates, Busiris, 15. Yet there are grounds for think- 
ing that the Greek tradition was substantially correct. For 
Manetho, our highest ancient authority, definitely affirmed 
that in the city of Ilithyia it was customary to burn alive 
‘‘Typhonian men” and to scatter their ashes by means of 
winnowing fans (Plutarch, 7915 et Osiris, 73). These “ Ty- 
phonian men” were red-haired, because Typhon, the Egyptian 
embodiment of evil, was also red-haired (Plutarch, .1818 et 
Osiris, 30 and 33). But red-haired men would commonly be 
foreigners, in contrast to the black-haired natives of Egypt ; 
and it was just foreigners who, according to Greek tradition, 

was then ruled by Busiris,! a son of Poseidon by 
Lysianassa, daughter of Epaphus. This Busiris used 
to sacrifice strangers on an altar of Zeus in accordance 
with a certain oracle. For Egypt was visited with 
dearth for nine years, and Phrasius, a learned seer 
who had come from Cyprus, said that the dearth 

were chosen as victims. Diodorus Siculus points this out 
(i. 88. 5) in confirmation of the Greek tradition, and he tells 
us that the red-haired men were sacrificed at the grave of 
Osiris, though this statement may be an inference from his 
etymology of the name Busiris, which he explains to mean 
‘* grave of Osiris.” The etymology is correct, Busiris being 
a Greek rendering of the Egyptian bu-As-iri, ‘‘place of 
Osiris.” See A.Wiedemann, Herodots Zweites Buch (Leipsic, 
1890), p. 213. Porphyry informs us, on the authority of 
Manetho, that the Egyptian custom of sacrificing human 
beings at the City of the Sun was suppressed by Amosis 
(Amasis), who ordered waxen effigies to be substituted for 
the victims. He adds that the human victims used to be 
examined just like calves for the sacrifice, and that they were 
sealed in token of their fitness for the altar. See Porphyry, 
De abstinentia, iii. 35. Sextus Empiricus even speaks of 
human sacrifices in Egypt as if they were practised down to 
his own time, which was about 200 a.p. See Sextus Empiri- 
cus, p. 173, ed. Bekker. Seleucus wrote a special treatise on 
human sacrifices in Egypt (Athenaeus, iv. 72, p.172pD). In 
view of these facts, the Greek tradition that the sacrifices 
were offered in order to restore the fertility of the land or to 
procure rain after a long drought, and that on one occasion 
the king himself was the victim, may be not without signifi- 
cance. For kings or chiefs have been often sacrificed under 
similar circumstances (see Apollodorus, iii. 5.1; Adonis, Atis, 
Osiris, 3rd ed. ii. 97 sqg.; The Magic Art and the Evolu- 
tion of Kings, i. 344 sqq., 352 sqq.) ; and in ancient Egypt the 
rulers are definitely said to have been held responsible for the 
failure of the crops (Ammianus Marcellinus, xxviii. 5. 14) ; 
hence it would not be surprising if in extreme cases they 
were put to death. Busiris was the theme of a Satyric play 
by Euripides. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
A. Nauck?, pp. 452 sq. 

22s 
VOL. 1. Q 

‘ 3 ’ 1 ’ . ’ wv ~ Ἁ 
τὴν ἀφορίαν ' παύσασθαι ἐὰν ξένον ἄνδρα τῷ Διὶ 
σφάξωσι κατ᾽ ἔτος. Βούσιρις δὲ ἐκεῖνον πρῶτον 
σφάξας τὸν μάντιν τοὺς κατιόντας ξένους ἔσφαζε. 
συλληφθεὶς οὖν καὶ Ἡρακλῆς τοῖς βωμοῖς προσ- 
εφέρετο τὰ δὲ δεσμὰ διαρρήξας τόν τε Βούσιριν 
καὶ τὸν ἐκείνου παῖδα ᾿Αμφιδάμαντα ἀπέκτεινε. 

Διεξιὼν δὲ ᾿Ασίαν: Θερμυδραῖς, Λινδίωνϑ λι- 
μένι, προσίσχει. καὶ βοηλάτου τινὸς λύσας τὸν 
ἕτερον τῶν ταύρων ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης εὐωχεῖτο. 
θύσας. ὁ δὲ βοηλάτης βοηθεῖν ἑαυτῷ μὴ δυνά- 
μενος στὰς ἐπί τινος ὄρους κατηρᾶτο. διὸ καὶ 
νῦν, ἐπειδὰν θύωσιν Ἡρακλεῖ, μετὰ καταρῶν 
τοῦτο πράττουσι. 

1 We should perhaps read τὴν ἀφορίαν ἂν παύσασθαι. 
2 ἀσίαν ER: ἀσίας A. 
3 λινδίων ER: λωδίων A. 

1 The Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. iv. 1396) 
ealls him Iphidamas, and adds ‘‘the herald Chalbes and the 
attendants” to the list of those slain by Hercules. 

2 Thermydra is the form of the name given by Stephanus 
Byzantius (s.v.). In his account of this incident Tzetzeg calls 
the harbour Thermydron (Chiliades, ii, 385). Lindus was one 
of the chief cities of Rhodes. 

3 Compare Conon, Narrat. 11; Philostratus, Imagines, ii. 
24; J. Pretzes, Chiliades, ii. 385 sqq.; Lactantius, Divin. 
Inst. i. 21. According to all these writers except Tzetzes 
(who clearly follows Apollodorus), Hercules’s victim in this 
affair was not a waggoner, but a ploughman engaged in the 
act of ploughing; Philostratus names him Thiodamus, and 
adds: ‘* Hence a ploughing ox is sacrificed to Hercules, and 
they begin the sacrifice with curses such as, 1 suppose, the 
husbandman then made use of; and Hercules is pleased and 
blesses the Lindians in return for their curses.” Accordin 
to Lactantius, it was a pair of oxen that was sacrificed, an 
the altar at which the sacrifice took place bore the name of 
bouzygos, that is, ‘‘ yoke of oxen.” Hence it seems probable 

would cease if they slaughtered a stranger man in 
honour of Zeus every year. Busiris began by 
slaughtering the seer himself and continued to 
slaughter the strangers who landed. So Hercules 
also was seized and haled to the altars, but he burst 
his bonds and slew both Busiris and his son Amphi- 
damas.! | 

And traversing Asia he put in to Thermydrae, the 
harbour of the Lindians.?, And having loosed one of 
the bullocks from the cart of a cowherd, he sacrificed 
it and feasted. But the cowherd, unable to protect 
himself, stood on a certain mountain and cursed. 
Wherefore to this day, when they sacrifice to Hercu- 
les, they do it with curses.® 

that the sacrifice which the story purported to explain was 
offered at the time of ploughing in order to ensure a blessin 
on the ploughman’s labours. This is confirmed by the ritual 
of the sacred ploughing observed at Eleusis, where members 
of the old priestly family of the Bouzygas or Ox-yokers 
uttered many curses as they guided the plough down the 
furrows of the Rarian Plain. See Hiymologicum Magnum, 
8.υ. Βονζυγία, p. 206, lines 47 sqq.; Anecdote Graeca, ed. Im. 
Bekker, i. 221; Hesychius, 8.v. Βουζύγης ; Paroemtographt 
Graect, ed. E. L. Leutsch und F. G. Schneidewin, i. 388; 
Scholiast on Sophocles, Antigone, 255; Plutarch, Praecepta 
Conjugalia, 42. Compare J. Toepffer, Attische Genealogte 
(Berlin, 1889), pp. 136 sg.; The Spurits of the Corn and of the 
Wild, i. 108 sg. The Greeks seem to have deemed curses of 
special efficacy to promote the fertility of the ground; for we 
are told that when a Greek sowed cummin he was expected to 
utter imprecations or the crop would not turn out well. See 
Theophrastus, Historia plantarum, vii. 3.3, ix. 8.8; Plutarch, 
Quaest. Conviv. vii. 2.3; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xix. 120. Roman 
writers mention a like custom observed by the sowers of rue 
and basil. See Palladius, De re rustica, iv.9; Pliny, Nat. 
Hist. xix. 120. As to the beneficent effect of curses, when 
properly directed, see further The Magic Art and the Evolu- 
tion of Kings, i. 278 sqq. 

Q dL 

Παριὼν δὲ ᾿Αραβίαν ᾿Ημαθίωνα κτείνει παῖδα 
Τιθωνοῦ. καὶ διὰ τῆς Λιβύης πορευθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν 
ἔξω θάλασσαν παρ᾽ Ἡλίου" τὸ δέπας παραλαμ- 
βάνει.Σ καὶ περαιωθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν ἤπειρον τὴν 
ἀντικρὺ κατετόξευσεν ἐπὶ τοῦ Καυκάσου τὸν 
ἐσθίοντα τὸ τοῦ Προμηθέως ἧπαρ ἀετόν, ὄντα 
᾿Εχίδνης καὶ Τυφῶνος: καὶ τὸν ἸΙρομηθέα ἔλυσε, 
δεσμὸν ἑλόμενος τὸν τῆς ἐλαίας, καὶ παρέσχε 

1 παρ᾽ Ἡλίον C. Robert, De Avpollodori Bibliotheca, pp. 
47 sq. (comparing Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
iv. 1396): καταπλεῖ οὗ A. 

2 παραλαμβάνει Frazer: καταλαμβάνει MSS., Heyne, Wes- 
termann, Miiller, Bekker, Wagner: λαμβάνει Hercher. The 
verb καταλαμβάνειν means to seize or catch, generally with 
the implication of force or violence. It cannot mean to 
receive peaceably as a favour, which is the sense required in 
the present passage. Thus the scribes have twice blundered 
over the preposition παρὰ in this sentence (καταπλεῖ, κατα- 
λαμβάνει). 

1 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 369 sg., who as usual 
follows Apollodorus. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 27.3), 
after Hercules had slain Busiris, he ascended the Nile to 
Ethiopia and there slew Emathion, king of Ethiopia. 

2 As to Hercules and Prometheus, see Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 15.2; Pausanias, v. 11.6; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 370 sq.; 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 1248, iv. 1396 ; 
pe ee Astronom. ii. 15; τᾶ. Fab. 31, 54, and 144; Servius, 
on Virgil, Hcl. vi. 42. The Scholiast on Apollonius (ii. 1248) 
agrees with Apollodorus as to the parentage of the eagle 
which preyed on Prometheus, and he cites as his authority 
Pherecydes; hence we may surmise that Apollodorus is 
following the same author in the present passage. The time 
during which Prometheus su ffered on the Caucasus was said 
by Aeschylus to be thirty thousand years (Hyginus, Astron. 
ii. 15); but Hyginus, though he reports this in one passage, 
elsewhere reduces the term of suffering to thirty years (Fab. 54 
and 144). 

3 The reference seems to be to the crown of olive which 
Hercules brought from the land of the Hyperboreans and 

228 : 

And passing by Arabia he slew Emathion, son 
of Tithonus,! and journeying through Libya to the 
outer sea he received the goblet from the Sun. 
And having crossed to the opposite mainland he shot 
on the Caucasus the eagle, offspring of Echidna and 
Typhon, that was devouring the liver of Prometheus, 
and he released Prometheus,” after choosing for him- 
self the bond of olive,? and to Zeus he presented 

instituted as the badge of victory in the Olympic games. 
See Pindar, Olymp. iii. 11 (20) 87ᾳ.; Pausanias, v. 7.7. The 
ancients had a curious notion that the custom of wearing 
crowns or garlands on the head and rings on the fingers was 
a memorial of the shackles once worn for their sake by their 
great benefactor Prometheus among the rocks and snows of 
the Caucasus. In order that the will of Zeus, who had 
sworn never to release Prometheus, might not be frustrated 
by the entire liberation of his prisoner from his chains, 
Prometheus on obtaining his freedom was ordered to wear on 
his finger a ring made out of his iron fetters and of the rock 
to which he had been chained ; hence, in memory of their 
saviour’s sufferings, men have worn rings ever since. The 
practice of wearing crowns or garlands was explained by 
some people in the same way. See Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 15; 
Servius, on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 42; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvii. 2 ; 
Isidore, Origines, xix. 32. 1. According to one version of the 
legend, the crown which the sufferer on regaining his liberty 
was doomed to wear was a crown of willow ; and the Carians, 
who used to crown their brows with branches of willow, 
explained that they did so in imitation of Prometheus. See 
Athenaeus, xv. 11-- 18, pp. 671 E-673 B. In the present passage 
of Apollodorus, if the text is correct, Hercules, as the 
deliverer of Prometheus, is obliged to bind himself vicariously 
for the prisoner whom he has released ; and he chooses to do 
so with his favourite olive. Similarly he has to find a sub- 
stitute to die instead of Prometheus, and he discovers the 
substitute in Chiron. As to the substitution of Chiron for 
Prometheus, see Apollodorus, ii. 5. 4. It is remarkable that, 
though Prometheus was supposed to have attained to immor- 
tality and to be the great benefactor, and even the creator, of 
mankind, he appears not to have been worshi a by the 
Greeks; Lucian says that nowhere were temples of Prometheus 
to be seen (Prometheus, 14). 
2.9 

APOLLODORTS 

τῷ Au Χείρωνα θνήσκειν ἀθάνατον ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ 

θέλοντα. 

‘Os δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Ὑπερβορέους πρὸς "Ἄτλαντα, 
εἰπόντος Προμηθέως τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὰ 
μῆλα μὴ πορεύεσθαι, διαδεξάμενον δὲ λτλαντος 
τὸν πόλον ἀποστέλλειν ἐκεῖνον, πεισθεὶς διεδέ- 
ἕατο. Ατλας δὲ δρεψάμενος ὃ παρ᾽ “Ἑσπερίδων 
τρία μῆλα ἧκε πρὸς Ἡρακλέα. καὶ μὴ βουλό- 
μενος τὸν πόλον ἔχειν... καὶ σπεῖραν ἐπὶ τῆς 
κεφαλῆς θέλειν ποιήσασθαι. τοῦτο ἀκούσας 
ἜΛτλας, ἐπὶ γῆς καταθεὶς τὰ μῆλα τὸν πόλον 
διεδέξατο. καὶ οὕτως ἀνελόμενος αὐτὰ Ἡρακλῆς 
ἀπηλλάττετο. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν οὐ παρὰ Ατλαντος 
αὐτὰ λαβεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν δρέψασθαι τὰ μῆλα, 
κτείναντα τὸν φρουροῦντα ὄφιν. κομίσας δὲ τὰ 
μῆλα Evpucbet ἔδωκεν. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν Ἡρακλεῖ 

1 ἀθάνατον A, but wanting in E and omitted by Wagner. 
(1416 proposed to read Xelpwva ἀθάνατον «-- ὄντα: θνήσκειν ἀντ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ θέλοντα. Retaining the MS. order of the words we 
might read θνήσκειν ἀθάνατον --ὄντα:- ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέλοντα. 
The accumulation of participles (ὄντα--- θέλοντα) is awkward 
but ga in the manner of Apollodorus. 

2 For δρεψάμενος we should perhaps read δεξάμενος. For 
δρέπτεσθαι means ‘‘to pluck from a tree,” not ‘‘ to receive from 
a person.” The verb is used correctly by Apollodorus a few 
lines below. 

3 Gale pointed out that there is here a gap in the text 
of Asoliodorns: which can be supplied from the following 
passage of a scholium on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 
1396: τὰ μὲν μῆλα αὐτός φησιν ἀποίσειν Ἑὐρυσθεῖ, τὸν δ᾽ οὐρανὸν 
ἐκέλευσεν ἐκεῖνον ἀνέχειν ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ὁ δὲ Ἡρακλῇς ὑπο- 
σχόμενος, δόλῳ ἀντεπέθηκεν αὐτὸν τῷ Ατλαντι. ἦν γὰρ εἰπὼν 
αὐτῷ ὃ Προμηθεὺς ὑποθέμενος, κελεύειν δέξασθαι τὸν οὐρανόν, 

Chiron, who, though immortal, consented to die in 
his stead. 

Now Prometheus had told Hercules not to go him- 
selfafter the apples but to send Atlas, first relieving 
him of the burden of the sphere; so when he was 
come to Atlas in the land of the Hyperboreans, he took 
the advice and relieved Atlas. But when Atlas had 
received three apples from the Hesperides, he came 
to Hercules, and not wishing to support the sphere 
<he said that he would himself carry the apples to 
Eurystheus, and bade Hercules hold up the sky in 
his stead. Hercules promised to do so, but succeeded 
by craft in putting it on Atlas instead. For at the 
advice of Prometheus he begged Atlas to hold up 
the sky till he should>! put a pad on his head. 
When Atlas heard that, he laid the apples down on 
the ground and took the sphere from Hercules. And 
so Hercules picked up the apples and departed. But 
some say that he did not get them from Atlas, but 
that he plucked the apples himself after killing the 
guardian snake. And having brought the apples he 
gave them to Eurystheus. But he, on receiving 

1 The passage in angular brackets is wanting in the 
manuscripts of Apollodorus, but is restored from the Scholiast 
on Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. iv. 1396), who quotes as his 
authority Pherecydes, the writer here seemingly followed by 
Apollodorus. See the Critical Note. The story of the 
contest of wits between Hercules and Atlas is represented in 
one of the extant metopes of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, 
which were seen and described by Pausanias (v. 10.9). See 
my note on Pausanias (vol. iii. pp. 524 eq.). 

ἕως οὗ σπεῖραν ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ποιήσεται. In this passage I 
read ἀνέχειν and σπεῖραν for ἔχειν and πήραν, which appear 
to be the readings of the MSS. In the parallel passage of 
Pausanias (v. 11. 5) we read of οὐρανὸν καὶ γῆν “ArAas ἀνέχων». 

“τὰ 

ἐδωρήσατο' Tap οὗ λαβοῦσα ᾿Αθηνᾶ πάλιν αὐτὰ 
ἀπεκόμισεν' ὅσιον γὰρ οὐκ ἦν αὐτὰ τεθῆναι που. 

Δωδέκατον ἄθλον ἐ ἐπετάγη Κέρβερον ἐξ΄ Ardov 
κομίξειν. εἶχε δὲ οὗτος τρεῖς μὲν κυνῶν κεφαλάς, 
τὴν δὲ οὐρὰν δράκοντος, κατὰ δὲ τοῦ νώτου 
παντοίων εἶχεν ὄφεων κεφαλάς. μέλλων οὖν ἐπὶ 
τοῦτον ἀπιέναι ἦλθε πρὸς Εὔμολπον εἰς ᾿Ελευσῖνα, 
βουλόμενος μυηθῆναι [ἦν δὲ οὐκ ἐξὸν ξένοις τότε 
μυεῖσθαι, ἐπειδήπερ θετὸς  Πυλίου παῖς γενό- 
μένος ἐμυεῖτοΊ. μὴ δυνάμενος δὲ ἰδεῖν τὰ μυστήρια 
ἐπείπερ οὐκ ἦν ἡ ἡγνισμένος τὸν Κενταύρων 2 φόνον, 
ἁγνισθεὶς ὑπὸ Εὐμόλπου τότε ἐμνήθη. καὶ 
παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ Ταίναρον τῆς Λακωνικῆς, οὗ 

1 Gerds R: θέστιος A. 
2 κενταύρων E, Scholiast on Homer, JI. viii. 368: κενταύ- 
ρου A, 

1 As to Hercules and Cerberus, see Homer, 77. viii. 3668q¢., 
Od. xi. 623 sqq.; Bacchylides, Epinic. v. 56 sqq.; Kuripides, 
Hercules furens, 23 8qq., 1277 8qq.; Diodorus Siculus, i iv. 25. 1, 
iv. 26.1; Pausanias, ii. 31. 6, ii. 35. 10, iii. 18. 13, iii. 25. 5 aq., 
v. 26. 7, ix. 34. δ: J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 388-405 (who 
seems to follow Apollodorus) ; Scholiast on Homer, 71. viii. 
368; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 410 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 31; 
Seneca, Agamemnon, 859 sqq., Hercules furens, 50 sqq.; ‘Serip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 20 
(First Vatican M ythographer, 57 ). Ancient writers differ as 
to the number of Cerberus’s heads. Hesiod assigned him fifty 
(Theog. 311 sg.); Pindar raised the number to a hundred 
(Scholiast on Homer, 11. viii. 368), a liberal estimate which 
was accepted by Tzetzes in one place (Schol. on Lycophron, 
699) and by Horace in another (Odes, ii. 13. 34). Others 
reduced the number to three. See Sophocles, T'rachinias, 
1098 ; Euripides, Hercules furens, 24 and 1277; Pausanias, 
iii. 25. 6; Horace, Odes, ii. 19. 29 sqq., iii. 11. 17 sqq.; Virgil, 
Georg. iv. 483, Aen. vi. 417 8qq.; Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 451 
89.3 Hyginus, Fab. 151; Seneca, Agamemnon, 62, Hercules 
furens, 783 34. Apollodorus apparently seeks to reconcile 

them, bestowed them on Hercules, from whom Athena 
got them and conveyed them back again; for it was 
not lawful that they should be laid down anywhere. 
A twelfth labour imposed on Hercules was to bring 
Cerberus from Hades.! Now this Cerberus had three 
heads of dogs, the tail of a dragon, and on his back 
the heads of all sorts of snakes. When Hercules 
was about to depart to fetch him, he went to Eumol- 
pus at Eleusis, wishing to be initiated. However it 
was not then lawful for foreigners to be initiated : 
since he proposed to be initiated as the adoptive son 
of Pylius. But not being able to see the mysteries 
because he had not been cleansed of the slaughter of 
the centaurs, he was cleansed by Eumolpus and then 
initiated.2, And having come to Taenarum in Laconia, 

these contradictions, and he is followed as usual by Tzetzes 
(Chiltades, ii. 390 sqq.), who, however, at the same time 
speaks of Cerberus as fifty-headed. The whole of the 

resent passage of Apollodorus, from the description of 
Cerberus down to Hercules’s slaughter of one of the kine 
of Hades, is quoted, with a few small variations, by a 
Scholiast on Homer, 11. viii. 368. See Dindorf’s edition of . 
the Scholia, vol. i. p. 287. The quotation is omitted by Bekker 
in his edition of the Scholia (p. 233). 

2 As to the initiation of Hercules at Eleusis, compare 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 25. 1; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 394. 
According to Diodorus, the rites were performed on this 
occasion by Musaeus, son of Orpheus. Elsewhere (iv. 14. 3) 
the same writer says that Demeter instituted tho lesser 
Eleusinian mysteries in honour of Hercules for the purpose 
of purifying him after his slaughter of the centaurs. The 
statement that Pylius acted as adoptive father to Hercules 
at his initiation is repeated by Plutarch (Theseus, 33), who 
mentions that before Castor and Pollux were initiated at 
Athens they were in like manner adopted by Aphidnus. 
Herodotus says (viii. 65) that any Greek who pleased might 
be initiated at Eleusis. The initiation of Hercules is repre- 
sented in ancient reliefs. See A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. 425 eqq. 

”~ ¢ ὃ 1 , ‘ , / 9 
τῆς “Atdov! καταβάσεως τὸ στομιὸν ἐστι, 
διὰ τούτου κατήει.2 ὁπηνίκα δὲ εἶδον αὐτὸν αἱ 
ψυχαί, χωρὶς Μελεάγρον καὶ Μεδούσης τῆς 

’ μη > \ \ \ 4 Ν , 
Topyovos ἔφυγον. ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Γοργόνα τὸ ξίφος 
ὡς ζῶσαν ἕλκει, καὶ παρὰ Ἑρμοῦ μανθάνει ὅτι 

\ wv , 3 / \ a e 
κενὸν εἴδωλόν ἐστι. πλησίον δὲ τῶν “Ardou 

a / / φ \ ΄, » 
πυλῶν γενόμενος Θησέα εὗρε καὶ Πειρίθουν τὸν 
Περσεφόνης μνηστευόμενον γάμον καὶ διὰ τοῦτο 
δεθέντα. θεασάμενοι δὲ Ἡρακλέα τὰς χεῖρας 
@peyov ὡς ἀναστησόμενοι διὰ τῆς ἐκείνου βίας. 
ὁ δὲ Θησέα μὲν λαβόμενος τῆς χειρὸς ἤγειρε, 
Πειρίθουν δὲ ἀναστῆσαι βουλόμενος τῆς γῆς 

1 τῆς “Αιἰδου καταβάσεως EA, Scholiast on Homer, 17. viii. 
368 : τῆς εἰς “Atdouv καταβάσεως Heyne (conjecture), Wester- 
mann, Hercher, Wagner. 

2 κατήει Scholiast on Homer, viii. 368, Heyne, Wester- 
mann, Miller, Bekker, Hercher : ἀπήει A: ἐπήει E, Wagner. 

1 Compare Euripides, Hercules furens, 23 sqq.; Pausanias, 
xxv. 53 Seneca, Hercules furens, 807 sqqg. Sophocles seems 
to have written a Satyric drama on the descent of Hercules 
into the infernal regions at Taenarum. See The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. Ο. Pearson, vol, i. pp. 167 sg. According 
to another account, Hercules descended, not at Taenarum 
but at the Achernsian Chersonese, near Heraclea Pontica on 
the Black Sea. The marks of the descent were there pointed 
out toa great depth. See Xenophon, Anabasis, vi. 2. 2. 

2 So Bacchylides (Hpinic. v. 71 sqq.) represents Hercules 
in Hades drawing his bow against the ghost of Meleager in 
shining armour, who reminds the hero that there is nothing 
to fear from the souls of the dead ; so, too, Virgil (Aen. vi. 
290 sqq.) describes Aeneas in Hades drawing his sword on the 
Gorgons and Harpies, till the Sibyl tells him that they are 
mere flitting empty shades. Apollodorus more correctly 
speaks of the ghost of only one Gorgon (Medusa), because of 
the three Gorgons she alone was mortal. See Apollodorus, 
ii. 4.2. Compare Homer, Od. xi. 634 eq. 

3 On Theseus and Pirithous in hell, see Apollodorus, 

where is the mouth of the descent to Hades, he 
descended through it.!_ But when the souls saw him, 
they fled, save Meleager and the Gorgon Medusa. 
And Hercules drew his sword against the Gorgon, as 
if she were alive, but he learned from Hermes that 
she was an empty phantom.? And being come near 
to the gates of Hades he found Theseus and Piri- 
thous,? him who wooed Persephone in wedlock 
and was therefore bound fast. And when they 
beheld Hercules, they stretched out their hands 
as if they should be raised from the dead by his 
might. And Theseus, indeed, he took by the hand 
and raised up, but when he would have brought up 

Epitome, i. 23 sq.; Homer, Od. xi. 631; Euripides, Hercules 
furens, 619; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 101 sqq., with the 
Scholiast on 101; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 26. 1, iv. 63. 4 8q.; 
Pausanias, i. 17. 4, ix. 31. 5, x. 29.9; Apostolius, Cent. iii. 
36 ; Suidas, 8.v. λίσποι; Scholiast on Aristophanes, Knights, 
1368 ; Virgil, Aen. vi. 392 sqq., 617 sq.; Horace, Odes, iii. 4. 
79 8q., iv. 7. 27 sq.; Hyginus, Fab. 79; Aulus Gellius, x. 16. 
13; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 617 ; Scriptores rerum mythi- 
cerum Latin, ed. G. H. Bode, vol.i. p. 18 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 48). The general opinion seems to have been 
that Hercules rescued Theseus, but that he could not save 
Pirithous. Others, however, alleged that he brought up both 
from the dead (Hyginus, l.c.); others again affirmed that he 
brought up neither (Diodorus Siculus, iv. 63. 5). A dull 
rationalistic version of the romantic story converted Hades 
into a king of the Molossians or Thesprotians, named 
Aidoneus, who had a wife Persephone, a daughter Cora, and 
a dog Cerberus, which he set to worry his daughter’s suitors, 
promising to give her in marriage to him who could master 
the ferocious animal. Discovering that Theseus and Pirithous 
were come not to woo but to steal his daughter, he arrested 
them. The dog made short work of Pirithous, but Theseus 
was kept in durance till the king consented to release him at 
the intercession of Hercules. See Plutarch, Theseus, 31. 4 
and 35. 1 eqg.; Aelian, Var. Hist. iv. 5; Pausanias, i. 17. 4, 
i. 18. 4, ii. 22. 6, iii. 18. 5; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 406 sqq. 

23S 

κινουμένης ἀφῆκεν. ἀπεκύλισε δὲ καὶ τὸν ᾿᾽Ασκα- 
λάφου πέτρον. βουλόμενος δὲ αἷμα ταῖς ψυχαῖς 
παρασχέσθαι, μίαν τῶν “Αἰδου βοῶν ἀπέσφαξεν. 
ὁ δὲ νέμων αὐτὰς Μενοίτης ὁ Κευθωνύμου + προ- 
καλεσάμενος * εἰς πάλην Ἡρακλέα, ληφθεὶς 
μέσος ὃ καὶ τὰς πλευρὰς κατεαγεὶς * ὑπὸ Tepoe- 
povns παρῃτήθη. αἰτοῦντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Πλούτωνα 
τὸν Κέρβερον, ἐπέταξεν ὃ Πλούτων ἄγειν χωρὶς 
ὧν εἶχεν ὅπλων κρατοῦντα. ὁ δὲ εὑρὼν αὐτὸν 
ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις τοῦ ᾿Αχέροντος, τῷ τε θώρακι 
συμπεφραγμένος καὶ τῇ λεοντῇ συσκεπασθείς, 
περιβαλὼν τῇ κεφαλῇ τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἀνῆκε" 
κρατῶν καὶ ἄγχων τὸ θηρίον, ἕ ἕως ἔπεισε, καίπερ 
δακνόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οὐρὰν δράκοντος. 
συλλαβὼν οὖν αὐτὸν ἧκε διὰ Τροιζῆνος ποιησά- 
μενος τὴν ἀνάβασιν. ᾿Ασκάλαφον μὲν οὖν 
Δημήτηρ ἐποίησεν ὦτον, Ἡρακλῆς δὲ Εὐρυσθεῖ 
δείξας τὸν Κέρβερον πάλιν ἐκόμισεν εἰς ” Acdou. 
VI. Mera δὲ τοὺς ἄθλους Ἡρακλῆς ἀφικόμενος 
εἰς Θήβας Μεγάραν μὲν ἔδωκεν Ἰολάῳ, αὐτὸς δὲ 
γῆμαι θέλων ἐπυνθάνετο Evputov Οἰχαλίας 
δυνάστην ἄθλον προτεθεικέναι | τὸν Ἰόλης͵ τῆς 
θυγατρὸς γάμον τῷ νικήσαντι τοξικῇ ὃ αὐτόν τε 
1 δ γώ τὸ Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 397, Aegius: κυθωνύμον 

2 προκαλεσάμενος Faber : προσκαλεσάμενος ΕΑ. 
> μέσος Faber: μέσον EA. 4 κατεαγεὶς E: κατεάξας A. 

5 οὐκ ἀνῆκε... δράκοντος Εἰ : οὐκ ἀνῆκε, καίπερ δακνόμενος 
ὑπὸ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οὐρὰν δράκοντοϑ, κρατῶν ἐκ τοῦ τραχήλου καὶ 
ἄγχων τὸ θηρίον ἔπεισε A 6 ὦτον Aegius: ὄνον ΕΑ. 

7 προτεθεικέναι E: προτεθῆναι RRB: προτεθεῖναι C. 
8 τοξικῇ E: τοξικὴν A. 

1 See Apollodorus, i. 5. 3. 
2 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 396 sqq., who calls the 
herdsman Menoetius. 

Pirithous, the earth quaked and he let go. And he 
rolled away also the stone of Ascalaphus.! And 
wishing to provide the souls with blood, he 
slaughtered one of the kine of Hades. But 
Menoetes, son of Ceuthonymus, who tended the kine, 
challenged Hercules to wrestle, and, being seized 
round the middle, had his ribs broken : 2 howbeit, he 
was let off at the request of Persephone. When 
Hercules asked Pluto for Cerberus, Pluto ordered 
him to take the animal provided he mastered him 
without the use of the weapons which he carried. 
Hercules found him at the gates of Acheron, and, 
cased in his cuirass and covered by the lion’s skin, he 
flung his arms round the head of the brute, and 
though the dragon in its tail bit him, he never 
relaxed his grip and pressure till it yielded. So he 
carried it off and ascended through Troezen.* But 
Demeter turned Ascalaphus into a short-eared owl,® 
and Hercules, after showing Cerberus to Eurystheus, 
carried him back to Hades.

After his labours Hercules went to Thebes
and gave Megara to Iolaus,® and, wishing himself to 
wed, he ascertained that Eurytus, prince of Oechalia, 
had proposed the hand of his daughter Iole as a 
prize to him who should vanquish himself and his 

8 Literally, ‘‘ till he persuaded (it).” 

ὁ Compare Pausanias, ii. 31.2. According to others, the 
ascent of Hercules with Cerberus took place at Hermione 
(Pausanias, ii. 35. 10) or on Mount Laphystius in Boeotia 
(Pausanias, ix. 34. 5). 

δ Compare Ovid, Metamorph. v. 538 sqq. As to the short- 
eared owl (dros), see D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, Glossary 
of Greek Birds, pp. 200 sq. 

6 With this and what follows down to the adventure with 
Syleus, compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31 (who seems to be 

following the same authority as Apollodorus); J. Tzetzes, 
Chilsades, ii. 412-435. 

Ls) 

‘ a ~ ᾿ ’ 
καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῷ ὑπάρχοντας. ἀφικόμενος 
A A [4 A 
οὖν εἰς Οἰχαλίαν καὶ τῇ τοξικῇ κρείττων αὐτῶν 
fe , ‘ “Ὁ 
γενόμενος οὐκ ἔτυχε τοῦ γάμου, Ἰφίτου μὲν τοῦ 
fa) f - 
πρεσβυτέρου τῶν παίδων λέγοντος διδόναι τῷ 
e a \ Ἂτ' Ἂ 23 4 de Ἁ a “Ὁ 
Ηρακλεῖ τὴν loAnv, Εύρυτου δὲ καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν 
“ 
ἀπαγορενόντων καὶ δεδοικέναι λεγόντων μὴ 
τεκνοποιησάμενος τὰ γεννηθησόμεναϊ πάλιν 
3 ’ ᾽ 3 \ \ A 2 
ἀποκτείνῃς. pet οὐ πολὺ δὲ κλαπεισῶν ἐξ 
“a \ 
Εὐβοίας ὑπὸ Αὐτολύκου βοῶν, Εὔρυτος μὲν 
» ἢ δι} ¢ / / A Μ 
ἐνόμιζεν ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους γεγονέναι τοῦτο, Ideros 
δὲ «ἀπιστῶν ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς ρακλέα, καὶ συν- 
τυχὼν ἥκοντι ἐκ Φερῶν" αὐτῷ, σεσωκότι τὴν 
ἀποθανοῦσαν Αλκηστιν ᾿Αδμήτῳ, παρακαλεῖ 
συζητῆσαι τὰς βόας. Ἡρακλῆς δὲ ὑπισχνεῖται" 
καὶ ξενίζει μὲν αὐτόν, μανεὶς δὲ αὖθις ἀπὸ τῶν 
Τιρυνθίων ἔρριψεν αὐτὸν τειχῶν. καθαρθῆναι δὲ 
θέλων τὸν φόνον ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς Νηλέα' Πυλίων 
ἦν οὗτος δυνάστης. ἀπωσαμένον δὲ Νηλέως 
2. A \ \ ‘\ wv / > » ’, 
αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Εὔρυτον φιλίαν, εἰς ᾿Αμύκλας 
παραγενόμενος ὑπὸ Δηιφόβου τοῦ ᾿Ἱππολύτου 
καθαίρεται. κατασχεθεὶς δὲ δεινῇ νόσῳ διὰ τὸν 
᾿Ιφίτου φόνον, εἰς Δελφοὺς παραγενόμενος ἀπαλ- 
1 γεννηθησόμενα Εἰ : γενησόμενα R: γεννησόμενα A. 
2 Φερῶν R: φορῶν A. 

1 Compare Scholiast on Homer, 7]. v. 392; Sophocles, 
Trachiniae, 260 sqq., with the Scholiast on 266 ; Scholiast on 
Euripides, Htppolytus, 545. 

? As he had killed the children he had by Megara. See 
Apollodorus, ii, 4. 12. 

The story is told somewhat differently by Homer (Od. 
xxi. 23-30). According to him, Iphitus had lost twelve 
mares (not oxen) and came in search of them to Hercules, 
who murdered him in his house and kept the mares. A 

sons in archery.1 So he came to Oechalia, and 
though he proved himself better than them at 
archery, yet he did not get the bride; for while 
Iphitus, the elder of Eurytus’s sons, said that Iole 
should be given to Hercules, Eurytus and the others 
refused, and said they feared that, if he got children, 
he would again kill his offspring.? Not long after, 
some cattle were stolen from Euboea by Autolycus, 
and Eurytus supposed that it was done by Her- 
cules; but Iphitus did not believe it and went to 
Hercules. And meeting him, as he came from 
Pherae after saving the dead Alcestis for Admetus, 
he invited him to seek the kine with him. Hercules 
promised to do so and entertained him; but goin 

mad again he threw him from the walls of Tiryns.® 
Wishing to be purified of the murder he repaired to 
Neleus, who was prince of the Pylians. And when 
Neleus rejected his request on the score of his friend- 
ship with Eurytus, he went to Amyclae and was 
purified by Deiphobus, son of Hippolytus.* But 
being afflicted with a dire disease on account of the 
murder of Iphitus he went to Delphi and inquired 

Scholiast on Homer (Od. xxi. 22) says that the mares had 
been stolen by Autolycus and sold by him to Hercules. 
Another Scholiast on the same passage of Homer, who 
refers to Pherecydes as his authority, says that Hercules 
treacherously lured Iphitus to the top of the wall, then hurled 
him down. As to the quest of the mares and the murder of 
Iphitus, see also Sophocles, Trachiniae, 270-273 ; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 31. 2 sg. (who says that Hercules himself stole 
the mares out of spite at Eurytus) ; J. Tzetzes, Cheliades, ii. 
417-423 ; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. v. 392. Apollodorus seems 
to be the only writer who substitutes cattle for mares in this 
story. 

? ae re Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31. 4 sg.; Scholiast on 
Homer, 11. v. 392. 

λαγὴν ἐπυνθάνετο τῆς νόσου. μὴ χρησμῳδούσης 
δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς Πυθίας τόν τε ναὸν συλᾶν ἤθελε, καὶ 
τὸν τρίποδα βαστάσας κατασκευάζειν 1 μαντεῖον 
ἴδιον. μαχομένου δὲ αὐτῷ ᾿Απόλλωνος, ὁ Ζεὺς 
ἴησι μέσον αὐτῶν κεραυνόν. καὶ τοῦτον διαλυ- 
θέντων τὸν τρόπον. λαμβάνει χρησμὸν Ἡρακλῆς, 
ὃς ἔλεγεν ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτῷ τῆς νόσου ἔσεσθαι 
πραθέντι καὶ τρία ἔτη λατρεύσαντι καὶ δόντι 
ποινὴν τοῦ φόνου τὴν τιμὴν Εὐρύτῳ. τοῦ δὲ 
χρησμοῦ δοθέντος “Epuns Ἡρακλέα πιπράσκει" 
καὶ αὐτὸν ὠνεῖται ᾿Ομφάλη ᾿Ἰαρδάνου,Σ βασι- 
λεύουσα Λυδῶν, ἣ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τελευτῶν ὁ 
γήμας Ἰμῶλος κατέλιπε. τὴν μὲν οὖν τιμὴν 
κομισθεῖσαν Εὔρυτος οὐ προσεδέξατο, Ἡρακλῆς 
δὲ Ομφάλῃ δουλεύων τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὴν "Ἄφεσον 
Κέρκωπας συλλαβὼν ἔδησε, Συλέα δὲ ἐν 

1 κατασκευάζειν Εἰ : κατασκευάζει A. 

2 ἰαρδάνου R (second hand), Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 430: 
iopSdvov EA. The MSS. of Pausanias similarly vary between 
the forms iapSdvov and ἰορδάνου as the name of a river in 

Elis, See Pausanias vi. 21. 6, with the critical notes of 
Schubart and Walz, of Hitzig and Bliimner. 

1 As to the attempt of Hercules to carry off the tripod, see 
Plutarch, De EI apud Delphos, 6; id. De sera numinis 
vindicta, 12 (who says that Hercules carried it off to Pheneus); 
Pausanias, iii. 21. 8, viii. 37. 1, x. 13. 7 8ᾳ.; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Olymp. ix. 29 (43); Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 
16. 42; Hyginus, Fab. 32; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 300. 
The subject was often represented in ancient art; for example, 
it was sculptured in the gable of the Treasury of the Siph- 
nians at Delphi ; the principal pieces of the sculpture were 
discovered by the French in their excavation of the sanctuary. 
See E. Bourguet, Des ruines de Delphes (Paris, 1914), pp. 76 
844.» and my commentary on Pausanias, vol. v. pp. 274 sq. 

2 As to Hercules and Omphale, see Sophocles, T'rachiniae, 
247 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31. 5-8; Lucian, Dialog. 

how he might be rid of the disease. As the Pythian 
priestess answered him not by oracles, he was fain to 
plunder the temple, and, carrying off the tripod, to 
institute an oracle of his own. But Apollo fought 
him,! and Zeus threw a thunderbolt between them. 
When they had thus been parted, Hercules received 
an oracle, which declared that the remedy for his 
disease was for him to be sold, and to serve for three 
years, and to pay compensation for the murder to 
Eurytus. After the delivery of the oracle, Hermes 
sold Hercules, and he was bought .by Omphale,? 
daughter of Iardanes, queen of Lydia, to whom 
at his death her husband Tmolus had bequeathed 
the government. Eurytus did not accept the compen- 
sation when it was presented to him, but Hercules 
served Omphale as a slave, and in the course of his 
servitude he seized and bound the Cercopes at 
Ephesus ;* and as for Syleus in Aulis, who compelled 

deorum. xiii.2; Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 45; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, ii. 425 sqq.; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xxi. 22; 
Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii. 64 ; Ovid, Heroides, 
ix. 55 sqq.; Hyyginus, Fab. 32; Seneca, Hercules Octaeus, 371 
sqq.; Statius, Theb. x. 646-649. According to Pherecydes, 
cited by the Scholiast on Homer (l.c.), Hermes sold Hercules 
to Omphale for three talents. The sum obtained by his sale 
was to be paid as compensation to the sons of the murdered 
Iphitus, according to Diodorus (i.c.). The period of his ser- 
vitude, according to Sophocles (Trachiniae, 252 84.}, was 
only one year ; but Herodorus, cited by the Scholiast on 
Sophocles (Trach. 253), says that it was three years, which 
agrees with the statement of Apollodorus. 

3 As to the Cercopes, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31. 7; 
Nonnus, in Mythographi Graeci, ed. A.Westermann, Appen- 
dix Narrationum, 39, p. 375; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 431, 
v. 73 8qq.; Zenobius, Cent. v. 10; Apostolius, Cent. xi. 19. 
These malefactors were two in number. Hercules is said to 
have carried them hanging with their heads downward from 

VOL. I. R 

AvAL6s! τοὺς παριόντας ξένους σκάπτειν ἀναγκά- 
ζοντα, σὺν ταῖς ῥίζαις τὰς ἀμπέλους καύσας 3 μετὰ 
τῆς θυγατρὸς Ἐβενοδόκης ὃ ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ προσ- 
σχὼν νήσῳ Δολίχῃ, τὸ ᾿Ικάρου σῶμα ἰδὼν τοῖς 
αἰγιαλοῖς προσφερόμενον ἔθαψε, καὶ τὴν νῆσον 
ἀντὶ Δολέχης Inapiay ἐκάλεσεν. ἀντὶ τούτου Δαί- 
δαλος ἐν Πίσῃ εἰκόνα παραπλησίαν κατεσκεύασεν 
Ἡρακλεῖ: ἣν νυκτὸς ἀγνοήσας ᾿Ηρακλῆς λίθῳ 
βαλὼν ὡς ἔμπνουν ἔπληξε. καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ χρόνον 
ἐλάτρευε παρ᾽ Ὀμφάλῃ, λέγεται τὸν ἐπὶ Κόλχους 
πλοῦν γενέσθαι καὶ τὴν τοῦ Καλυδωνίου κάπρου 

1 ἐν Αὐλίδι EA, Miiller, Bekker, Wagner: ἐν Λυδίᾳ Pierson, 
Westermann: τὸν Λύδιον Gale: ἐν αὐλῶνι or ἐν ἀμπελῶνι 
Heyne (conjecture): ἐν Φύλλιδι Hercher. But Heyne’s con- 
jecture ἐν ἀμπελῶνι may be right ; for a place Aulis in Lydia 
is otherwise unknown, and the mention of the vineyards 
seems essential to the sense. Compare Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 31. 7, Συλέα δὲ τοὺς παριόντας ξένους συναρπάζοντα καὶ τοὺς 
ἀμπελῶνας σκάπτειν ἀναγάζοντα ; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 
432 8η., Συλέα καὶ τὸν Λύδιον, βιάζοντας τοὺς ξένους || τοὺς 
ἀμπελῶνας αὐτῶν σκάπτειν δουλείας τρόπῳ. Tzetzes appears 
to have made two men out of Syleus the Lydian: his version 
favours Gale’s conjecture in the present passage of Apollo- 
dorus. The passage should perhaps be rewritten as follows: 
Συλέα δὲ τὸν Λύδιον τοὺς παριόντας ξένους «τοὺς &uweA@vas> 
σκάπτειν ἀναγκάζοντα, σὺν ταῖς ῥίζαις τὰς ἀμπέλους ἀνασπάσας 
κτλ. See the next note. 

2 καύσας E: σκάψας A: σπάσας Meineke. We should per- 
haps read ἀνασπάσας, comparing Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 435, 
καὶ προθελύμνους ἀνασπᾶ καὶ τούτου τὰς ἀμπέλους. The up- 
rooted vines are shown at the feet of Hercules and Syleus in 
a vase-painting. See W.H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. w. 
rom. Myth. iii. 1622. 

3 Ξενοδόκης EC: Ἐενοδίκης ΒΔ}, Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 434. 

a pole. They are so represented in Greek art. See W. H. 
‘Roscher, Lexikon der griech. und rém. Mythologie, ii. 1166 sqq. 
The name Cercopes seems to mean ‘‘ tailed men,” (from κέρκος, 
‘*tail”). One story concerning them was that they were 

passing strangers to dig, Hercules killed him with his 
daughter Xenodice, after burning the vines with the 
roots.4 And having put in to the island of Doliche, he 
saw the body of Icarus washed ashore and buried it, 
and he called the island Icaria instead of Doliche. In 
return Daedalus made a portrait statue of Hercules 
at Pisa, which Hercules mistook at night for living 
and threw a stone and hit it. And during the time 
of his servitude with Omphale it is said that the 
voyage to Colchis? and the hunt of the Calydonian 

deceitful men whom Zeus punished by turning them into 
apes, and that the islands of Ischia and Procida, off the 
Bay of Naples, were called Pithecusae (‘‘ Ape Islands ”) after 
them. See Harpocration, s.v. Képxwy ; Eustathius, on Homer, 
Od. xix. 247, p. 1864; Ovid, Metamorph, xiv. 88 sqg. Accord- 
ne Pherecydes, the Cercopes were turned into stone. See 
Scholiast on Lucian, Alexander, 4, p. 181, ed. H. Rabe. The 
story of Hercules and the Cercopes has been interpreted as a 
reminiscence of Phoenician traders bringing apes to Greek 
markets. See O. Keller, Thiere des classischen Alterthums 
(Innsbruck, 1887), p. 1. The interpretation may perhaps be 
supported by an Assyrian bas-relief which represents a Hercu- 
lean male figure carrying an ape on his head and leading 
another ape by a leash, the animals being apparently brought 
as tribute to a king. See Ὁ. Keller, op. cat., p. 11, fig. 2; 
hae et Chipiez, Histoire de PArt dans? Antrquité, ii. 547, 
g. 254. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31.7; J.Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
ii. 482 sq.; Conon, Narrat. 17. Euripides wrote a satyric 
play on the subject. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, 
ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 575 sqgqg.. The legend may be based on 
a custom practised by vine-dressers on passing strangers. See 
W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen, pp.12,538q.,who, 
for the rough jests of vine-dressers in antiquity, refers to 
Horace, Sat. i. 8. 28 sqq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 26. 66. (249). 

2 That is, the voyage of the Argo. See above, i. 9. 16 8qq. 
As to the hunt of the Calydonian boar, see above, i. 8. 2 sqq. 
As to the clearance of the Isthmus by Theseus, see below, 
iii. 16, and the Epitome, i. 1 sqq. 

R 2 

i.) \ i / / 3 ~ 
Frpar, καὶ Θησέα παραγενόμενον ἐκ Τροιζῆνος 
τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν καθᾶραι. 

Mera δὲ τὴν λατρείαν ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς νόσου 
ἐπὶ Ἵλιον ἔπλει πεντηκοντόροις ὀκτωκαίδεκα, 
συναθροίσας στρατὸν ἀνδρῶν ἀρίστων ἑκουσίως 
θελόντων στρατεύεσθαι. καταπλεύσας δὲ εἰς 

“A “A 3 a 
Ἵλιον τὴν μὲν τῶν νεῶν φυλακὴν ᾿Οικλεῖ κατέ- 
λίπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀριστέων ὥρμα 
ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν. παραγενόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς 

\ A 4 “ 3 4 \ > 4 
σὺν τῷ πλήθει Λαομέδων ᾿Οικλέα μὲν ἀπέκτεινε 

A e 
μαχόμενον, ἀπελασθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν μετὰ ‘Hpa- . 
κλέους ἐπολιορκεῖτο. τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας ἐνε-. 
ἴω A 3 fo 
στώσης ῥήξας τὸ τεῖχος Τελαμὼν πρῶτος εἰσῆλθεν 
le e aA 
εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Ἡρακλῆς. ὡς δὲ 
A ~ a 
ἐθεάσατο Τελαμῶνα πρῶτον εἰσεληλυθότα, σπα- 

7 \ 4 > 5 > δ ΄ 2 δέ θέ 
σάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὥρμα,Σ μηδένα θέλων 
ἑαυτοῦ «ρείττονα νομίζεσθαι. συνιδὼν δὲ τοῦτο 
Υ̓͂ 4 4 ’ lA Aa] 
Γελαμὼν λίθους πλησίον κειμένους συνήθροιξε, 

[οὶ ς 
τοῦ δὲ ἐρομένου τί πράττοι βωμὸν εἶπεν ‘Hpax- 
λέους κατασκευάζειν καλλινίκου. ὁ δὲ ἐπαινέσας, 
ὡς εἷλε τὴν πόλιν, κατατοξεύσας Λαομέδοντα καὶ 
τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ γωρὶς Ποδάρκου, Τελαμῶνι 
ἀριστεῖον Ἡσιόνην τὴν Λαομέδοντος θυγατέρα 

1 ἀπελασθεὶς A: ἀπελαθεὶς R*, Heyne, Westermann, Miil- 
ler, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. On the form of the aorist 

ἐλασθείς, see Veitch, Greek Verbs (Oxford, 1879), p. 240. 
2 ὥρμα ἃ : ει A, Wagner. 

1 As to the siege and capture of Troy by Hercules, see 
Homer, Jl. v. 640-643, 648-651; Pindar, Zsthm. vi. 26 (38) 
8qq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 32; J. Tzetzes, Chilrades, 11. 443 
sq.; td. Schol. on Lycophron, 34; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 213- 
217, xiii. 22 sg.; Hyginus, Fab. 89. The account given by 
Diodorus agrees so closely in matter, though not in words, 

f 

boar took place, and that Theseus on his way from 
Troezen cleared the Isthmus of malefactors. 

After his servitude, being rid of his disease he 
mustered an army of noble volunteers and sailed for 
Ilium with eighteen ships of fifty oars each.! And 
having come to port at Ilium, he left the guard of 
the ships to Oicles 2 and himself with the rest of the 
champions set out to attack the city. Howbeit Lao- 
medon marched against the ships with the multitude 
and slew Oicles in battle, but being repulsed by the 
troops of Hercules, he was besieged. The siege 
once laid, Telamon was the first to breach the wall 
_ and enter the city, and after him Hercules. But 
~ when he saw that Telamon had entered it first, he 
drew his sword and rushed at him, loath that anybody 
should be reputed a better man than himself. Per- 
ceiving that, Telamon collected stones that lay to hand, 
and when Hercules asked him what he did, he said he 
was building an altar to Hercules the Glorious Vic- 
tor.2 Hercules thanked him, and when he had taken 
the city and shot down Laomedon and his sons, except 
Podarces, he assigned Laomedon’s daughter Hesione 

with that of Apollodorus that both authors probably drew on 
the same source. Homer, with whom Tzetzes agrees, says 
that Hercules went to Troy with only six ships. Diodorus 
notices the Homeric statement, but mentions that according 
to some the fleet of Hercules numbered ‘‘ eighteen long ships.” 

2 As to Oicles at Troy, compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 32. 3 ; 
Pausanias, viii. 36. 6, who says that his tomb was shown 
near Megalopolis in Arcadia. Sophocles seems to have 
written a play called Ovzcles, though there is some doubt as 
to the spelling of the name. See The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A.C. Pearson, vol. ii. p. 119. 

3 This incident is recorded also by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 469) ; but according to him the title which Telamon 
applied to Hercules at the altar was Averter of Ills (Alexi- 
kakos), not Glorious Victor (Kallinikoa). 

APOLLODORUS . 

δίδωσι, καὶ ταύτῃ συγχωρεῖ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ὃν 
ἤθελεν ἄγεσθαι. τῆς δὲ αἱρουμένης. τὸν ἀδελφὸν 
Ποδάρκην, ἔφη δεῖν πρῶτον αὐτὸν δοῦλον 
γενέσθαι, καὶ τότε τί ποτε δοῦσαν ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ! 
λαβεῖν αὐτόν. ἡ δὲ πιπρασκομένου τὴν καλύπτ- 
ραν ἀφελομένη τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀντέδωκεν' ὅθεν 
Ποδάρκης Πρίαμος ἐκλήθη. 

VII. Πλέοντος δὲ ἀπὸ Τροίας Ἡρακλέους 
Ηρα χαλεποὺς ἔπεμψε ® χειμῶνας" ἐφ᾽ οἷς 
ἀγανακτήσας Ζεὺς € ἐκρέμασεν αὐτὴν ef Ὀλύμπου. 
προσέπλει. δὲ Ἡρακλῆς τῇ Ko: καὶ νομίσαντες 
αὐτὸν οἱ Κῷοι λῃστρικὸν ἄγειν στόλον, Ban- 
λοντες λίθοις προσπλεῖν ἐκώλυον. ὁ δὲ βιασά- 
μενος αὐτὴν νυκτὸς ὃ εἷλε, καὶ τὸν βασιλέα 
Εὐρύπυλον, ᾿Αστυπαλαίας παῖδα καὶ Ποσειδῶνος, 
ἔκτεινεν. ἐτρώθη δὲ κατὰ τὴν μάχην Ἡρακλῆς 
ὑπὸ Χαλκώδοντος, καὶ Διὸς ἐξαρπάσαντος αὐτὸν 
οὐδὲν ἔπαθε. πορθήσας δὲ Κῶ ἧκε δι ᾿Αθηνᾶς " 
εἰς Φλέγραν, καὶ μετὰ θεῶν κατεπολέμησε 
Γίγαντας. 

Ἰ δοῦσαν ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ E: δοῦσ᾽ ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν A. 

2 ἔπεμψε EA: ἐπέπεμψε conjectured by Heyne, who rightly 
observed that ἐπιπέμπειν is the usual word in this connexion. 
Compare i. 9. 24, Epitome, iii. 4, vi. 5. 

3 αὐτὴν νυκτὸς Wagner : Thy γύνσα Α. 

4 ᾿Αθηνᾶς Gale, Heyne (compuring i. 6. 1): ᾿Αθηνᾶν Wes- 
termann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner, apparently 
following the MSS. 

' Compare Sophocles, Ajax, 1299-1303 ; Scholiast on 
Homer, £1. viii. 284; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 216 87.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 89. 

3 This derivation of the name Priam from the verb priamat, 
‘*to buy,” is repeated, somewhat more clearly, by Tzetzes, 

as a prize to Telamon! and allowed her to take with 
her whomsoever of the captives she would. When 
she chose her brother Podarces, Hercules said that 
he must first be a slave and then be ransomed by her. 
So when he was being sold she took the veil from her 
head and gave it as a ransom; hence Podarces was 
called Priam.?

When Hercules was sailing from ‘Troy, Hera
sent grievous storms,® which so vexed Zeus that he 
hung her from Olympus.‘ Hercules sailed to Cos,5 
and the Coans, thinking he was leading a piratical 
squadron, endeavoured to prevent his approach by a 
shower of stones. But he forced his way in and 
took the city by night, and slew the king, Eurypylus, 
son of Poseidon by Astypalaea. And Hercules was 
wounded in the battle by Chalcedon; but Zeus 
snatched him away, so that he took no harm. And 
having laid waste Cos, he came through Athena's 
agency to Phlegra, and sided with the gods in their 
victorious war on the giants.® 

Schol. on Lycophron, 34, Ποδάρκην ἐπρίατο, ὅθεν καὶ ἐκλήθη 
Πρίαμος. Compare Hyginus, Fab. 89, Podarci, filio etus infanti, 
regnum dedit, qui postea Priamus est appellatus, ἀπὸ τοῦ 
πρίασθαι. For the bestowal by Hercules of the kingdom on the 
youthful Priam, compare Seneca, T'roades, 718 sqq. 

3 See Homer, 11. xiv. 249 sqq., xv. 24 8qq. 

4 See Apollodorus, i. 3. 5. 

5 With the following account of Hercules’s adventures in 
Cos, compare the Scholiasts on Homer, Jl. i. 590, xiv. 255 ; 
J. I'zetzes, Chiltades, ii. 445 ; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 363 84. 
The Scholiast on Homer (11. xiv. 255) tells us that the story 
was found in Pherecydes, whom Apollodorus probably follows 
in the present passage. 

ὁ See Apollodorus, i. 6. 1 sq. 

Mev ov πολὺ δὲ ἐπ᾽ Αὐγείαν ἐστρατεύετο, 
συναθροίσας ᾿Αρκαδικὸν στρατὸν καὶ παραλαβὼν 
ἐθελοντὰς τῶν! ἀπὸ τῆς “Ελλάδος ἀριστέων. 
Αὐγείας δὲ τὸν ad’ Ἡρακλέους πόλεμον ἀκούων 
κατέστησεν ᾿Ηλείων στρατηγοὺς Εὔρυτον καὶ 
Κτέατον συμφυεῖς, of δυνάμει τοὺς τότε ἀνθρώ- 
πους ὑπερέβαλλον, παῖδες δὲ ἦσαν Μολιόνης καὶ 
Ακτορος, ἐλέγοντο δὲ Ποσειδῶνος: "Ακτωρ δὲ 
ἀδελφὸς ἦν Αὐγείον. συνέβη δὲ Ἡρακλεῖ κατὰ 
τὴν στρατείαν νοσῆσαι: διὰ τοῦτο καὶ σπονδὰς 
πρὸς τοὺς Μολιονίδας ἐποιήσατο. οἱ δὲ ὕστερον 
ἐπιγνόντες αὐτὸν νοσοῦντα, ἐπιτίθενται τῷ στρα- 
τεύματι καὶ κτείνουσι πολλούς. τότε μὲν οὖν 
ἀνεχώρησεν Ἡρακλῆς: αὖθις δὲ τῆς τρίτης 
ἰσθμιάδος τέλουμένης, ᾿Ηλείων τοὺς Μολιονίδας 
πεμψάντων συνθύτας, ἐν Krewvais ἐνεδρεύσας 
τούτους Ἡρακλῆς ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ στρατευσάμενος 
ἐπὶ τὴν Ἦλιν εἷλε τὴν πόλιν. καὶ κτείνας μετὰ 
τῶν παίδων Αὐγείαν κατήγαγε Φυλέα, καὶ τούτῳ 
τὴν βασιλείαν ἔδωκεν. ἔθηκε δὲ καὶ τὸν ᾿᾽Ολυμ- 

1 τῶν ἀστῶν A, Westermann, Miller. ἀστῶν is rightly 

omitted by Bekker, Hercher, and Wagner, following Heyne. 
2 οὖν E: οὖν οὐκ A. 

1 For the expedition of Hercules against Augeas, see 

Diodorus Siculus, iv. 33. 1; Pausanias, v. i. 10 84.» v. 2.1, 
vi. 20. 16; Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. x. 31 (40). 

? As to Eurytus and Cteatus, who were called Actoriones 
after their father Actor, and Moliones or Molionides, after 
their mother Molione, see Homer, 11. ii. 621, xi. 709 δᾳ., 751 
sqq., xxiii. 638; Pausanias, v. 1. 10 84., v. 2. 1 8g. and 5. 
According to some, they had two bodies joined in one 
(Scholiast on Homer, JI. xxiii. 638, 639). According to others, 
they had each two heads, four hands, and four feet but only 
one body (Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xi. 709). Compare Eusta- 
thius, on Homer, 11. xi. 749, p. 882. The poet Ibycus spoke 

Not long afterwards he collected an Arcadian 
army, and being joined by volunteers from the first 
men in Greece he marched against Augeas.! But 
Augeas, hearing of the war that Hercules was levying, 
appointed Eurytus and Cteatus? generals of the 
Eleans. They were two men joined in one, who 
surpassed all of that generation in strength and were 
sons of Actor by Molione, though their father was 
said to be Poseidon; now Actor was a brother of 
Augeas. But it came to pass that on the expedition 
Hercules fell sick; hence he concluded a truce with 
the Molionides. But afterwards, being apprized of 
his illness, they attacked the army and slew many. 
On that occasion, therefore, Hercules beat a retreat ; 
but afterwards at the celebration of the third Isth- 
mian festival, when the Eleans sent the_Molionides to 
take part in the sacrifices, Hercules waylaid and 
killed them at Cleonae,? and marching on Elis took 
the city. And having killed Augeas and his sons, he 
restored Phyleus and bestowed on him the kingdom.‘ 
He also celebrated the Olympian games® and 

of them as twins, born of a silver egg and ‘‘ with equal heads 
in one body ” [ἰσοκεφάλους ἑνιγνίου). See Athenaeus, ii. 50, 
pp. 57 eq. Their story was told by Pherecydes (Scholiast on 

omer, Jl. xi. 709), whom Apollodorus may have followed in 
the present passage. 

* Compare Pindar, Olymp. x. se ou sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 33. 3; Pausanias, ii. 15. 1, v. 2. 1 

: Compare Pindar, Olymp. x. "34 (43) qq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 33. 4; Pausanias, v. 3.1; Scholiast on Homer, Il. xi. 700. 

5 Hercules is said to have marked out the sacred precinct 
at Olympia, instituted the quadriennial Olympic festival, and 
celebrated the Olympic games for the first time. See Pindar, 
Olymp. iii. 38q., vi. 67 844.» x. 43 (51) 844.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 14. 1 8ᾳ., v. 64. 6; Pausanias, v. 7.9, v. 8.1 and 3 8q.; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 41; Scholiast on Homer, JI. 
xi. 700; Hyginus, Fab. 273. 

πιακὸν ἀγῶνα, Πέλοπός τε βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο, καὶ 
θεῶν δώδεκα βωμοὺς ἕξ! ἐδείματο. 

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς "ἢλιδος ἅλωσιν ἐστράτευσεν 
ἐπὶ Πύλον, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν Περικλύμενον 
κτείνει τὸν ἀλκιμώτατον τῶν Νηλέως παίδων, ὃς 
μεταβάλλων τὰς μορφὰς ἐμάχετο. τὸν δὲ Νηλέα 
καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ χωρὶς Νέστορος ἀπέ- 
κτεινεν' οὗτος dé? νέος ὧν παρὰ Γερηνίοις ἐτρέ- 
φετο. κατὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην καὶ “Αἰδην ἔτρωσε 
Πυλίοις βοηθοῦντα. 

“Ἑλὼν δὲ τὴν Πύλον ἐστράτευεν ἐπὶ Λακεδαί- 
μονα, μετελθεῖν τοὺς Ἱπποκόωντος παῖδας θέλων" 
ὠργίζετο μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ διότι Νηλεῖ συνεμά- 
χησαν, μᾶλλον δὲ ὠργίσθη ὅτι τὸν Λικυμνίου 
παῖδα ἀπέκτειναν. θεωμένδυ γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὰ 
Ἱπποκόωντος βασίλεια, ἐκδραμὼν κύων τῶν 
Μολοττικῶν ὃ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐφέρετο’ ὁ δὲ βαλὼν 
λίθον ἐπέτυχε τοῦ κυνός, ἐκτροχάσαντες δὲ οἱ 

1 ἐξ Heyne (conjecture), Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἑξῆς 
A, Westermann. 2 οὗτος yap E. 
8 Μολοττικῶν Aegius: μολπικῶν A. 

1 Apollodorus is probably mistaken in speaking of an altar 
of Pelops at Olympia. The more accurate Pausanias describes 
(v. 13. 1 sq.) ἃ precinct of Pelops founded by Hercules at 
Olympia and containing a pit, in which the magistrates 
annually sacrificed a black ram to the hero: he does not 
mention an altar. As a hero, that is, a worshipful dead man, 
Pelops was not entitled to an altar, he had only a right to a 
sacrificial pit. For sacrifices to the dead in pits, see Homer, 
Od. xi. 23 sqq.; Philostratus, Heroica, xx. 27; Scholiast on 
Euripides, Phoenissae, 274; Pausanias, ix. 39. 6; Fr. Pfister, 
Der Reliquienkult im Altertum, pp. 474 sqq. 

2 As to the six double altars, each dedicated to a pair 
of deities, see Pindar, Olymp. v. 4 (8) 8qq., x. 24 (30) 8q.; 

founded an altar of Pelops,! and built six altars of 
the twelve gods. 

After the capture of Elis he marched against 
Pylus,? and having taken the city he slew Pericly- 
menus, the most valiant of the sons of Neleus, who 
used to change his shape in battle. And he slew 
Neleus and his sons, except Nestor; for he was a 
youth and was being brought up among the Geren- 
ians. In the fight he also wounded Hades, who was 
siding with the Pylians.® 

Having taken Pylus he marched against Lacedae- 
mon, wishing to punish the sons of Hippocoon,® for 
he was angry with them, both because they fought 
for Neleus, and still angrier because they had killed 
the son of Licymnius. For when he was looking at 
the palace of Hippocoon, a hound of the Molossian 
breed ran out and rushed at him, and he threw a 
stone and hit the dog, whereupon the Hippocoontids 

Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. v. 4 (8) and ὅ (10), who cites 
Herodorus on the foundation of the altars by Hercules. 

3 As to the war of Hercules on Pylus, see Homer, 1}. v. 
392 sqq., xi. 690 sqq.; Scholiast on Homer, 11. ii. 396 ; Pausa- 
nias, ii. 18.7, iii. 26.8, v. 3.1, vi. 22.5, vi. 25.2 8q.; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiltades, ii. 451 ; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 549 eqq. 

4 See Apollodorus, i. 9. 9, with the note. 

5 See Homer, JI. v. 395 sqq.; Pausanias, vi. 25. 2 sg. Inthe 
same battle Hercules is said to have wounded Hera with 
an arrow in the right breast. See Homer, Jl. v. 392 sqq.; 
Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 36, p. 31, ed. Potter, from 
whom we learn that Panyasis mentioned the wounding of the 
goddess by the hero. Again, in the same fight at Pylus, we 
read that Hercules gashed the thigh of Ares with his spear 
and laid that doughty deity in the dust. See Hesiod, Shteld 
of Hercules, 359 sqq. 

* As to the war of Hercules with Hippocoon and his 
sons, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 33. 5 sq.; Pausanias, ii. 18. 7, 
iii.10. 6, iii. 15. 3-6, iii. 19. 7, viii. 53. 9. 

᾿“Ἱπποκοωντίδαι καὶ τύπτοντες αὐτὸν τοῖς σκυτά. 
λοις ἀπέκτειναν. τὸν δὲ τούτου θάνατον ἐκδικῶν 
στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ' συνήθροιξε. καὶ 
παραγενόμενος εἰς ᾿Αρκαδίαν ἠξίου Κηφέα μετὰ 
τῶν παίδων ὦ ὧν εἶχεν εἴκοσι συμμαχεῖν. δεδιὼς δὲ 
Κηφεὺς μὴ καταλιπόντος αὐτοῦ Τεγέαν ᾿Αργεῖοι 
ἐπιστρατεύσωνται, τὴν στρατείαν ἠρνεῖτο. Ἥρα- 
κλῆς δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηνᾶς λαβὼν ἐν ὑδρίᾳ χαλκῇ 

βόστρυχον Γοργόνος Στερόπῃ τῇ Κηφέως θυγα- 
τρὶ δίδωσιν, εἰπών, ἐὰν ἐπίῃ στρατός, τρὶς ἀνα- 
σχούσης <éx>* τῶν τειχῶν τὸν βόστρυχον καὶ μὴ 
προϊδούσης " τροπὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔσεσθαι. τού- 
του γενομένου Κηφεὺς μετὰ τῶν παίδων ,ἐστρά- 
τευε. καὶ κατὰ τὴν μάχην αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ παῖδες 
αὐτοῦ τελευτῶσι, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις Ἶ ικλῆς ° O 
τοῦ ᾿Ηρακλέους ἀδελφός. Ἡρακλῆς é κτείνας 
τὸν Ἱπποκόωντα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ <kai>! 
χειρωσάμενος τὴν πόλιν, Τυνδάρεων καταγαγὼν 
τὴν βασιλείαν παρέδωκε τούτῳ. 

Παριὼν δὲ Τεγέαν Ἡρακλῆς τὴν Αὔγην ᾿Αλεοῦ 
θυγατέρα οὖσαν ἀγνοῶν ἔφθειρεν. ἡ δὲ τεκοῦσα 
1 Λακεδαιμονίους E: Λακεδαιμονίαν A: Λακεδαίμονα Hercher. 

2 χαλκῇ E: χαλκοῦς Α. 

= Στερόπῃ EA: ᾿Αερόπῃ Pausanias, viii. 44. 7, Hercher. 
4 ἐκ inserted by Aegius. 

δ᾽ προϊδούσης EA: προσιδούσης Heyne (conjecture). 

Ἰφικλῆς Εἰ : Ἴφικλος A. 
7 καὶ inserted by Hercher. 

1 Compare Pausanias, viii. 47. 5. 

2 As to the story of Hercules, Auge, and Telephus, see 
Apollodorus, 111. 9.1 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 33. 7- Fah Strabo, 
xili. 1. 69, p. 615; Pausanias, viii. 4. 9, vili. 47. 4, viii. 48. 7, 
viii. 54. 6, x. 28. 8; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 206 ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 99 84. ‘The tale was told by Hecataeus (Pausa- 

darted out and despatched him with blows of their 
cudgels. It was to avenge his death that Hercules 
mustered an army against the Lacedaemonians. And 
having come to Arcadia he begged Cepheus to join 
him with his sons, of whom he had twenty. But 
fearing lest, if he quitted Tegea, the Argives would 
march against it, Cepheus refused to join the expe- 
dition. But Hercules had received from Athena a 
lock of the Gorgon’s hair in a bronze jar and gave it 
to Sterope, daughter of Cepheus, saying thatif an army 
advanced against the city, she was to hold up the 
lock of hair thrice from the walls, and that, provided 
she did not look before her, the enemy would be 
turned to flight.! That being so, Cepheus and his sons 
took the field, and in the battle he and his sons 
perished, and besides them Iphicles, the brother of 
Hercules. Having killed Hippocoon and his sons . 
and subjugated the city, Hercules restored Tyndareus 
and entrusted the kingdom to him. 

Passing by Tegea, Hercules debauched Auge, not 
knowing her to be a daughter of Aleus.2— And she 

nias, viii. 4. 9, viii. 47. 4), and was the theme of tragedies by 
Sophocles and Euripides. See Tragicorum Graecorum Frag- 
menia, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 146 sqq., 436 sqq.; The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 46 sqq., ii. 70 sqq. 
Different versions of the story were current among ancient 
writers and illustrated by ancient artists. See my note on 
Pausanias, i. 4. 6 (vol. ii. pp. 75 sq.). One of these versions, 
which I omitted to notice in that place, ran as follows. On 
a visit to Delphi, king Aleus of Tegea was warned by the 
oracle that his daughter would bear a son who would kill his 
maternal uncles, the sons of Aleus. To guard against this 
catastrophe, Aleus hurried home and appointed his daughter 
priestess of Athena, declaring that, should she prove unchaste, 
he would put her todeath. As chance would have it, Hercules 
arrived at Tegea on his way to Elis, where he purposed to 
make war on Augeas. The king entertained him hospitably 

, ‘ ’ 4 9 “ 4 ΄-Ὗ 
κρύφα τὸ βρέφος κατέθετο ἐν τῷ τεμένει τῆς 
"AGO ΄- λ “1 δὲ a , θ / 

nvas. λοιμῷ O€ τῆς χώρας φθειρομένης, 
᾿Αλεὸς εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ τέμενος καὶ ἐρευνήσας τὰς 
τῆς θυγατρὸς ὠδῖνας εὗρε. τὸ μὲν οὖν βρέφος 
εἰς τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος ἐξέθετο. καὶ τοῦτο κατὰ 
θεῶν τινα πρόνοιαν ἐσώθη: θηλὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀρτι- 

1 Aomg. Wagner conjectures λιμῷ, comparing iii. 9. 1. 

in the sanctuary of Athena, and there thie hero, flushed with 
wine, violated the maiden priestess. Learning that she was 
with child, her father Aleus sent for the experienced ferry- 
man Nauplius, father of Palamedes, and entrusted his daughter 
to him to take and drown her. On their way to the sea the 
girl (Auge) gave birth to Telephus on Mount Parthenius, and 
instead of drowning her and the infant the ferryman sold 
them both to king Teuthras in Mysia, who, being childless, 
married Auge and adopted Telephus. See Alcidamas, Odyss. 
14-16, pp. 179 sq., ed. Blass (appended to his edition of Anti- 
phon). This version, which represents mother and child as 
sold together to Teuthras, differs from the version adupted 
by Apollodorus, according to whom Auge alone was sold to 
Teuthras in Mysia, while her infant son Telephus was left 
behind in Arcadia and reared by herdsmen (iii. 9.1). The sons 
of Aleus and maternal uncles of Telephus were Cepheus 
and Lycurgus (Apollodorus, iii. 9. 1). Ancient writers do 
not tell us how Telephus fulfilled the oracle by killing 
them, though the murder is mentioned by Hyginus (Fab. 
244) and a Greek proverb-writer (Paroemiographt Graeci, 
ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, vol. i. p. 212). Sophocles 
appears to have told the story in his lost play, The 
Mysians; for in it he described how Telephus came, silent 
and speechless, from Tegea to Mysia (Aristotle, Poetics, 
24, p. 1460a, 32, ed. Bekker), and this silence of Telephus 
seems to have been proverbial. For the comic poet Alexis, 
speaking of a greedy parasite who used to gobble up his 
dinner without exchanging a word with anybody, says 
that, “6 dines like sree Telephus, answering all 
questions put to him only with nods” (Athenaeus, x. 18, p. 
421 p). And another comic poet, Amphis, describing the 
high and mighty airs with which fishmongers treated their 

oe 14 

x 

brought forth her babe secretly and deposited it in 
the precinct of Athena. But the country being 
wasted by a pestilence, Aleus entered the precinct 
and on investigation discovered his daughter's 
motherhood. So he exposed the babe on Mount 
Parthenius, and by the providence of the gods it was 
preserved: for a doe that had just cast her fawn 

customers in the market, says that it was a thousand times 
easier to get speech of a general than of a fishmonger ; for if 
you addressed one of these gentry and, pointing to a fish, 
asked ‘‘ How much?” he would not at first deign to look at 
ou, much less speak to you, but would stoop down, silent as 
elephus, over his wares ; though in time, his desire of lucre 
overcoming his contempt of you, he would slap a bloated 
octopus and mutter meditatively, as if soliloquizing, ‘‘ Six- 
pence for him, and a bob for the hammer-fish.” This latter 
poet explains incidentally why Telephus was silent ; he says 
it was very natural that fishmongers should hold their tongue, 
‘for all homicides are in the same case,” thus at once inform- 
ing us of a curious point in Greek law or custom and gratify- 
ing his spite at the ‘‘ cursed fishmongers,”’ whom he compares 
_to the worst class of criminals. See Athenaeus, vi. 5, Ὁ. 224 pz. 
As Greek homicides were supposed to be haunted by the 
ghosts of their victims until a ceremony of purification was 
performed which rid them of their invisible, but dangerous, 
pursuers, we may conjecture that the rule of silence had to 
be observed by them until the accomplishment of the purifica- 
tory rite released them from the restrictions under which 
they laboured during their uncleanness, and permitted them 
once more to associate freely with their fellows. As to the 
restrictions imposed on homicides in ancient Greece, see 
Pesyche’s Task, 2nd ed. pp. 113 sqq.; Folk-Lore in the Old 
Testament, i. 80, 83 sq. The motive of the homicide’s silence 
may have been a fear lest by speaking he should attract the 
attention, and draw down on himself the vengeance, of his 
victim’s ghost. Similarly, among certain peoples, a widow is 
bound to observe silence for some time after her husband’s 
death, and the rule appears to be based on a like dread of 
exciting the angry or amorous passions of her departed 
spouse by the sound of the familiar voice. See Folk-lore in 

the Old Testament, iii. 71 sqq. 

τόκος ἔλαφος ὑπέσχεν αὐτῷ, ποιμένες δὲ ἀνελό- 
μενοι τὸ βρέφος Τήλεφον ἐκάλεσαν αὐτό. Αὔγην 
δὲ ἔδωκε Ναυπλίῳ τῷ Ποσειδῶνος ὑπερόριον ἀπεμ- 
πολῆσαι. ὁ δὲ Τεύθραντι τῷ TevOpavias ἔδωκεν 
αὐτὴν δυνάστῃ, κἀκεῖνος γυναῖκα ἐποιήσατο. 

Παραγενόμενος δὲ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Καλυδῶνα τὴν 
Οἰνέως θυγατέρα Δηιάνειραν ἐμνηστεύετο, καὶ 
διαπαλαίσας ὑπὲρ τῶν γάμων αὐτῆς πρὸς ᾿Αχε- 
λῷον εἰκασμένον ταύρῳ περιέκλασε τὸ ἕτερον 
τῶν κεράτων. καὶ τὴν μὲν Δηιάνειραν γαμεῖ, τὸ 
δὲ κέρας ᾿Αχελῷος λαμβάνει, δοὺς ἀντὶ τούτον 
τὸ τῆς ᾿Αμαλθείας. ᾿Αμάλθεια δὲ ἦν Αἱμονίου 3 
θυγάτηρ, ἣ κέρας εἶχε ταύρου. τοῦτο δέ, ὡς 
Φερεκύδης λέγει, δύναμιν εἶχεϑ τοιαύτην ὥστε 
βρωτὸν ἢ ποτόν, ὅπερ «ἂν; εὔξαιτό“ τις, παρέ- 
χειν ἄφθονον. 

1 ἐμνηστεύετο KA: ἐμνηστεύσατο, Argument of Sophocles, 
Trachiniae (ἐκ τῆς ᾿Απολλοδώρου βιβλιοθή κη5). 

2 Aiuoviou Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 50, Aegius: ἁρμενίου A. 

3 εἶχε Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Faber, Miiller, 
Hercher: ἔχει EA, Westermann, Bekker, Wagner. 

4 ὅπερ ἂν εὔξαιτο Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae: ὅπερ 
εὔξαιτο HA. 

1 Apollodorus seems to derive the name Telephus from 
θηλή, “8 dug,” and ἔλαφος, “ἃ doe.” 

2 When Hercules went down to hell to fetch up Cerberus, 
he met the ghost of Meleager, and conversing with him pro- 
posed to marry the dead hero’s sister, Deianira. The story 
of the match thus made, not in heaven but in hell, is told by 
Bacchylides (Hpinic. v. 165 sqq.), and seems to have been 
related by Pindar in a lost poem (Scholiast on Homer, 1]. 
xxi. 194). As to the marriage of Hercules with Deianira at 
Calydon, the home of her father Oeneus, see also Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 34. 1. 

3 On the struggle of Hercules with the river Achelous, see 
Sonhocles, Trachiniae, 9-21 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 35. 3 sq.; 

gave it suck, and shepherds took up the babe and 
called it Telephus.1_/ And her father gave Auge to 
Nauplius, son of Poseidon, to sell far away in a 
foreign land ; and Nauplius gave her to Teuthras, the 
prince of Teuthrania, who made her his wife. 

And having come to Calydon, Hercules wooed 
Deianira, daughter of Oeneus.? He wrestled for her 
hand with Achelous, who assumed the likeness of a 
bull; but Hercules broke off one of his horns.? So 
Hercules married Deianira, but Achelous recovered 
the horn by giving the horn of Amalthea in its stead. 
Now Amalthea was a daughter of Haemonius, and 
she had a bull’s horn, which, according to Pherecydes, 
had the power of supplying meat or drink in abun- 
dance, whatever one, might wish.! 

Dio Chrysostom, Or. lx.; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xxi. 194 ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 1-88; Hyginus, Fab. 31 ; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 20, 131 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 58; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 165). According to Ovid, the river-god turned 
himself first into a serpent and then into a bull. The story 
was told by Archilochus, who represented the river Achelous 
in the form of a bull, as we learn from the Scholiast on Homer 
(Z.c.). Diodorus rationalized the legend in his dull manner 
by supposing that it referred to a canal which the eminent 
philanthropist Hercules dug for the benefit of the people 
of Calydon. 

+ According to some, Amalthea was the goat on whose 
milk the infant Zeus was fed. From one of its horns flowed 
ambrosia, and from the other flowed nectar. See Calli- 
machus, Hymn to Zeus, 48 sq., with the Scholiast. Accord- 
ing to others, Amalthea was only the nymph who owned the 
goat which suckled the god. See Eratosthenes, Cataster. 13 ; 
Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 13; Ovid, Fastz, v. 115 sqq. Some 
said that, in gratitude for having been nurtured on the animal’s 
milk, Zens made a constellation of the goat and bestowed 
one of its horns on the nymphs who had reared him, at the 
same time ordaining that the horn should produce whatever 
they asked for. Sce Zenobius, Cent. ii. 48. As to the horn, 
see A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. 501 aq. 

VOL. I. 5 

Στρατεύει Se Ἡρακλῆς μετὰ Καλυδωνίων ἐπὶ 
Θεσπρωτούς, καὶ πόλιν ἑλὼν “Edupay, ἧς ἐβασί- 
Aeve Φύλας,: ᾿Αστυόχῃ τῇ τούτου θυγατρὶ 
συνελθὼν πατὴρ Τληπολέμου 3 γίνεται. διατελῶν 
δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, πέμψας πρὸς Θέσπιον ἑπτὰ μὲν 
κατέχειν ἔλεγε παῖδας, τρεῖς δὲ εἰς Θήβας ἀπο- 
στέλλειν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τεσσαράκοντα πέμπειν 
εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον ἐπ᾽ ἀποικίαν. γενομένων 
δὲ τούτων εὐωχούμενος παρ᾽ Οἰνεῖ ὃ κονδύλῳ 
πλήξας " ἀπέκτεινεν ᾿Αρχιτέλους παῖδα ἘΕὔνο- 
μον κατὰ χειρῶν διδόντα" συγγενὴς δὲ Οἰνέως 
οὗτος. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν πατὴρ τοῦ παιδός, ἀκουσίως 

1 Φύλας Argument of Sophocles, Truchiniae: φύδας A: 
Φυλεύς Diodorus Siculus, iv. 36. 1. 

3 Τληπολέμου Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae (compare 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 36. 1): τριπτολέμον A. 

3 παρὰ Οἰνεῖ Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae: παρ᾽ oivelny 
καὶ A. 4 παίσας Argument of Sophoclea, Trachiniae. 

5 Efvopov Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae. He is 
named "Evvouos by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 50 ; 
Chiliades, ii. 456) and Εὐρύνομος by Diodorus Siculus (iv. 
36. 1). 

— .-« 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 36. 1, who gives Phyleus 
as the name of the king of Ephyra, but does not mention the 
name of his daughter. According to Pindar (Olymp. vii. 23 
(40) sg., with the Scholiast), the mother of .Tlepolemus by 
Hercules was not Astyoche but Astydamia. 

2 'The sons referred to are those whom Hercules had by the 
fifty daughters of Thespius. See Apollodorus, ii. 4. 10. 
Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 29, who says that two (not 
three) of these sons of Hercules remained in Thebes, and that 
their descendants were honoured down to the historian’s 
time. He informs us also that, on account of the youth of 
his sons, Hercules committed the leadership of the colony to 
his nephew Iolaus. As to the Sardinian colony see also 
Pausanias, i. 29. 5, vii. 2. 2, ix. 23. 1, x. 17. 5, who says 

And Hercules marched with the Calydonians 
against the Thesprotians, and having taken the city 
of Ephyra, of which Phylas was king, he had inter- 
course with the king’s daughter Astyoche, and 
became the father of Tlepolemus.1 While he stayed 
among them, he sent word to Thespius to keep 
seven of his sons, to send three to Thebes and to 
despatch the remaining forty to the island of Sardinia 
to plant a colony.2 After these events, as he was 
feasting with Oeneus, he killed with a blow of his 
knuckles Eunomus, son of Architeles, when the lad 
was pouring water on his hands; now the lad was a 
kinsman of Oeneus.? Seeing that it was an accident, 

(x. 17.5) that there were still places called Iolaia in Sardinia, 
and that Iolaus was still worshipped by the inhabitants down 
to his own time. As the Pseudo-Aristotle (Mtrab. Auscult. 
100, p. 31, in Westermann’s Scriptores rerum mirabilium 
Graect) tells us that the works ascribed to Iolaus included 
round buildings finely built of masonry in the ancient Greek 
style, we can hardly doubt that the reference is to the 
remarkable prehistoric round towers which are still found in 
the island, and to which nothing exactly similar is known 
elsewhere. The natives call them nouraghes. They are built 
in the form of truncated cones, and their material consists of 
squared or rough blocks of stone, sometimes of enormous size. 
See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de lArt dans l Antiquité, iv. 
22 sqq. The Sardinian Tolaus was probably a native god or 
hero, whom the Greeks identified with their own Iolaus on 
account of the similarity of his name. It has been surmised 
that he was of Phoenician origin, pone ce with Esmun. 
See W. W. Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), 
pp. 282 847. 

8 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv 36.2; Pausanias, ii. 13.8; 
‘Athenaeus, ix. 80, pp. 410 F-411 a; Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. i. 1212; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
30-51; td. Chiliades, ii. 456 sq. From Athenaeus (/.c.) we 
learn that the story was told or alluded to by Hellanicus, 
Herodorus, and Nicander. The victim’s name is variously 
given as Eunomus, Ennomus, Kurynomus, Archias, Cherias, 

s 2 

γεγενημένου τοῦ συμβεβηκότος, συνεγνωμόνει, 
Ἡρακλῆς δὲ κατὰ τὸν νόμον τὴν φυγὴν ὑπομένειν 
ἤθελε, καὶ διέγνω } πρὸς Κήυκα εἰς Τραχῖνα 
ἀπιέναι. ἄγων δὲ Δηιάνειραν ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Ἐὔ- 
mvov ἧκεν, ἐν ᾧ καθεζόμενος Νέσσος ὁ Κένταυρος 
τοὺς παριόντας 2 διεπόρθμενε μισθοῦ, λέγων παρὰ 
θεῶν τὴν πορθμείαν εἰληφέναι διὰ δικαιοσύνην. 
αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλῆς τὸν ποταμὸν διέβη," 
Δηιάνειραν δὲ μισθὸν αἰτηθεὶς ἐπέτρεψε Νέσσῳ 
διακομίζειν. ὁ δὲ διαπορθμεύων αὐτὴν ἐπεχείρει 
βιάξεσθαι. τῆς δὲ ἀνακραγούσης αἰσθόμενος 
Ἡρακλῆς ἐξελθόντα Νέσσον ἐτόξευσεν εἰς τὴν 
καρδίαν. ὁ δὲ μέλλων τελευτᾶν προσκαλεσάμενος 
Δηιάνειραν εἶπεν, εἰ θέλοι φίλτρον πρὸς Ἡρακλέα 
ἔχειν, τόν τε γόνον ὃν ἀφῆκε κατὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ τὸ 
ῥυὲν ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος τῆς ἀκίδος αἷμα συμμῖξαι. 
ἡ δὲ ποιήσασα τοῦτο ἐφύλαττε Tap ἑαυτῇ. 
Διεξιὼν δὲ Ἡρακλῆς τὴν Δρυόπων χώραν, 
ἀπορῶν τροφῆς, ἀπαντήσαντος  Θειοδάμαντος 

1 διέγνω Commelinus: δὴ ἔγνω A, Argument of Sophocles, 
Trachiniae. 

" παριόντας Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Aegius: 
παραπλέοντας A, Zenobius, Cent. i. 33. 
3 διὰ τὸ δίκαιος εἶναι Argument of Sophocles, Trachinine. 

+ διέβη Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Heyne, Miiller : 
διήει EA, Zenobius, Cent. i. 33, Westermann, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner. 

ὃ ἐπέτρεψε Νέσσῳ KE, Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae : 
ἐπέτρεψεν ἔσω R®B. 

8 καὶ τροφῆς ἀπορῶν Argument of Sophocles, T'rachiniae. 

7 ὑπαντήσαντος Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae. 
and Cyathus. He was cupbearer to Oeneus, the father-in-law 
of Hercules. The scene of the tragedy seems to have been 
oe laid at Calydon, of which Genes was king (Apollo- 
orus, i. 8. 1), but Pausanias transfers the scene to Phhius. 

the lad’s father pardoned Hercules; but Hercules 
wished, in accordance with the law, to suffer the 
penalty of exile, and resolved to depart to Ceyx at 
Trachis. And taking Deianira with him, he came to 
the river Evenus, at which the centaur Nessus sat 
and ferried passengers across for hire,) alleging 
that he had received the ferry from the gods for 
his righteousness. So Hercules crossed the river by 
himself, but on being asked to pay the fare he en- 
trusted Deianira to Nessus to carry over. But he, in 
ferrying her across, attempted to violate her. She 
cried out, Hercules heard her, and shot Nessus to 
the heart when he emerged from the river. Being at 
the point of death, Nessus called Deianira to him 
and said that if she would have a love charm to 
operate on Hercules she should mix the seed he had 
dropped on the ground with the blood that flowed 
from the wound inflicted by the barb. She did so 
and kept it by her. 

Going through the country of the Dryopes and 
being in lack of food, Hercules met Thiodamas 

1 As to Hercules and Nessus, and the fatal affray at the 
ferry, see Sophocles, Trachiniae, 555 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 36. 3 sqq.; Strabo, x. 2. 5, p. 451; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 
lx.; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, ii. 2. 15 8ᾳ.; Nonnus, 
in Westermann’s Mythographt Craeci, Appendix Narra- 
tionum, xxviii. 8. p. 371; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
50-51 ; id. Chiliades, ii. 457 sgqg.; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 
101 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 34; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 
300; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. xi. 235; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 
20 sq., 131 (First Vatican Mythographer, 58 ; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, -165). The tale was told by Archilochus 
(Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1212). Apollo- 
dorus’s version of the story is copied, with a few verbal 
changes and omissions, by Zenobius (Cent. i. 33), but as usual 
without acknowledgment. 

βοηλατοῦντος τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ταύρων λύσας καὶ 
σφάξας εὐωχήσατο. ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν ὁ εἰς Τραχῖνα 
πρὸς Κήυκα, ὑποδεχθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Δρύοπας 
κατεπολέμησεν. 

Αὖθις δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμηθεὶς Αἰγιμίῳ βασιλεῖ 
Δωριέων συνεμάχησε' Λαπίθαι γὰρ περὶ γῆς 
ὅρων ἐπολέμουν αὐτῷ Κορώνου στρατηγοῦντος, ὁ 
δὲ πολιορκούμενος ἐπεκαλέσατο τὸν Ἡρακλέα 
βοηθὸν ἐπὶ μέρει τῆς γῆς. βοηθήσας δὲ Ἥρα- 
κλῆς ἀπέκτεινε Κόρωνον μετὰ καὶ ἄλλων, καὶ 
τὴν γὴν ἅπασαν παρέδωκεν ἐλευθέραν αὐτῷ. 
ἀπέκτεινε δὲ καὶ Λαογόραν " μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, 
βασιλέα Δρυόπων, ἐν ᾿Απόλλωνος τεμένει δαινύ- 
μένον, ὑβριστὴν ὄντα καὶ Λαπιθῶν σύμμαχον. 
παριόντα δὲ “Irwvov® εἰς μονομαχίαν προεκαλέ- 

1 λύσας καὶ σφάξας Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae : 
λύσας EA, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker: θύσας 
Wagner (comparing Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
i. 1212, θύσας εὐωχεῖτο). 

2 εὐωχήσατο E: εὐωχεῖτο Argument ay Sophocles, Trachi- 
niae, Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1212. 

3 ἧκεν Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae. 

ὁ Λαογόραν R, Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 466, Aeyius: λαγό- 
ραν A. 

5 “Irwvov Miller, Wagner (comparing Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 37. 4; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. “Irwy): ἴων A: ᾿Ἴτωνα 
Argument of Sophocles, T'rachiniae, Aegius, Commelinus, 
Gale, Heyne, Westermann, Bekker, Hercher. 

1 As to Hercules and Thiodamas, compare Callimachus, 
Hymn to Diana, 160 sq., with the Scholiast on 161 (who calls 
Thiodamas kin προ the Dryopians) ; Nonnus, in Westermann’s 
Mythographi Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, XXVili. 6, pp. 
370 sg.; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1212 ; 
J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 464 sq. From the Scholiast on 
Apollonius (l.c.), we learn that the tale was told by Phere- 
“vdes, whom Apollodorus may here be following. The story 

driving a pair of bullocks; so he unloosed and 
slaughtered one of the bullocks and feasted. And 
when he came to Ceyx at Trachis he was received 
by him and conquered the Dryopes.? 

And afterwards setting out from there, he fought 
as an ally of Aegimius, king of the Dorians.* For the 
Lapiths, commanded by Coronus, made war on him 
in a dispute about the boundaries of the country; and 
being besieged he called in the help of Hercules, 
offering him a share of the country. So Hercules 
came to his help and slew Coronus and others, and 
handed the whole country over to Aegimius free. 
He slew also Laogoras,! king of the Dryopes, with 
his children, as he was banqueting in a precinct ot 
Apollo; for the king was a wanton fellow and an ally 
of the Lapiths. And as he passed by Itonus he was 

seems to be a doublet of the one told about Hercules at 
Lindus in Rhodes. See Apollodorus, ii. 5. 11, with the note. 

2 On the reception of Hercules by Ceyx, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 36. 5; Pausanias, i. 32.6. As to the conquest of 
the Dryopians by Hercules, see Herodotus, viii. 43, compare 
73 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 37. 1 sg.; Strabo, viii. 6. 13, p. 373 ; 
Pausanias, iv. 34. 9 sg.; Nonnus, in Westermann’s Mytho- 
grapht Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, xxix. 6, p. 371; 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1212, 1218. From 
these accounts we gather that the Dryopians were a wild 
robber tribe, whose original home was in the fastnesses of 
Mount Parnassus. Driven from there by the advance of the 
Dorians, they dispersed and settled, some in Thessaly, some 
in Euboea, some in Peloponnese, and some ever in Cyprus. 
Down to the second century of our era the descendants of the 
Dryopians maintained their national or tribal traditions and 
ea of birth at Asine, on the coast of Messenia (Pausanias, 
.6.). 

3 Qn the war which Hercules, in alliance with Aegimius, 
king of the Dorians, waged with the Lapiths, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 37. 3 eq. 

1 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 466. 

σατο αὐτὸν Κύκνος “Apeos καὶ ἸΠελοπίας" ov- 
στὰς δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἀπέκτεινεν. ὡς δὲ εἰς Ὀρμέ- 
1 ἡ "Apu ὑτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς μεθ᾽ 
νιονὶ ἧκεν, ᾿Αμύντωρ αὐτὸν ὁ μ 
ὅπλων 2 οὐκ εἴα διέρχεσθαι' κωλυόμενος δὲ παρ- 
ιέναι καὶ τοῦτον ἀπέκτεινεν. 
᾿Αφικόμενος δὲ εἰς Τραχῖνα στρατιὰν ἐπ᾽ Or- 
χαλίαν συνήθροισεν, Εὔρυτον τιμωρήσασθαι 
θέλων. συμμαχούντων δὲ αὐτῷ ᾿Αρκάδων καὶ 
Μηλιέων τῶν ἐκ Τραχῖνος καὶ Λοκρῶν τῶν 
᾿Επικνημιδίων, κτείνας μετὰ τῶν παίδων Εὔρυτον 

1 "ορμένιον Wesseling : ὀρχομενὸν A. 

> μεθ᾽ ὅπλων R, Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae: appa- 
rently omitted in other MSS. 

δ συνήθροισεν E, Argument of Sophocles, Trachimae: συνή- 
θροιζεν A. 

ὁ Μηλιέων Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Aegius : 
μηνιέων A. 

1 On the combat of Hercules with Cycnus, see Hesiod, 
Shield of Hercules, 57 sqq.; Pindar, Olymp. ii. 82 (147), with 
the Scholium, x. 15 (19), with the Scholia; Euripides, Her- 
cules furens, 391 sqq.; Plutarch, Theseus, 11; Pausanias, i. 
27.6; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 467. It is said that Cycnus 
used to cut off the heads of passing strangers, intending 
with these gory trophies to build a temple to his father Ares. 
This we learn from the Scholiasts on Pindar (il.cc.). The 
scene of his exploits was Thessaly. According to Pausanias 
(7.c.), Hercules slew the ruffian on the banks of the Peneus 
river ; but Hesiod places the scene at Pagasse, and says that 
the grave of Cycnus was washed away by the river Anaurus, 
«x small stream which flows into the Pagasaean gulf. See 
Shield of Hercules, 70 sqq.,472 sqg. The story of Cycnus was 
told in a poem of Stesichorus. See Scholiast on Pindar, 
Olymp. x. 15 (19). For the combat of Hercules with another 
Cycnus, see Apollodorus, ii. 5. 11. 

2 It is said that the king refused to give his daughter 
Astydamia in marriage to Hercules. So Hercules killed him, 
took Astydamia by force, and had a.son Ctesippus by her. 
See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 37. 4. Ormenium was a small town 
at the foot of Mount Pelion. See Strabo, ix. 5. 18, p. 438. 

challenged to single combat by Cycnus a son of 
Ares and Pelopia; and closing with him Hercules 
slew him also.! But when he was come to Ormenium, 
king Amyntor took arms and forbade him to march 
through; but when he would have hindered his 
passage, Hercules slew him also.? 

On his arrival at Trachis he mustered an army to 
attack Oechalia, wishing to punish Eurytus.? Being 
joined by Arcadians, Melians from Trachis, and 
Epicnemidian Locrians, he slew Eurytus and his sons 

5 EKurytus was the king of Oechalia. See Apollodorus, ii. 
6. 1 sg. As to the capture of Oechalia by Hercules, see 
Sophocles, T’rachiniae, 351-365, 476-478 ; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 37.5; Zenobius, Cent. i. 33; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 469 
sg.; 1d. Schol. on Lycophron, 50-51; Scholiast on Homer, J2. 
v. 392 ; Scholiast on Euripides, Hippolytus, 545; Hyyginus. 
Fab. 35 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 291; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 129 sq., 131 aq. 
(Second Vatican Mythographer, 159, 165). The situation of 
Oechalia, the city of Eurytus, was much debated. Homer 
seems to place it in Thessaly (Jl. ii. 730). But according to 
others it was in Euboea, or Arcadia, or Messenia. See Strabo, 
ix. 5. 17, p. 438; Pausanias, iv. 2. 2 sg.; Scholiast on Apollo- 
nius Rhodius, Argon. i. 87; the Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 165. Apollodorus apparently placed it in Eu : 
Nee above, ii. 6. 1 sg. There was an ancient epic called The 
Capture of Oechalia, which was commonly attributed to 
Creophilus of Samos, though some thought it was by Homer. 
See Strabo, xiv. 1, 18, pp. 638 sq.; compare td., ix. 5. 17, 
p. 438; Pausanias, iv. 2. 3 (who calls the poem Heraclea) ; 
Callimachus, Epigram. vi. (vii.); Eptcorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 60 sgg.; F. G. Welcker, Der 
epische Cyclus (Bonn, 1835), pp. 229 sgg. As to the names 
of the sons of Eurytus, see the Scholiast on Sophocles, 
Trachiniae, 266. He quotes a passage from a lost poem of 
Hesiod in which the poet mentions Deion, Clytius, Toxeus, 
and Iphitus as the sons, and Iola (Iole) as the daughter of 
Eurytus. The Scholiast adds that according to Creophylus 
and Aristocrates the names of the sons were Toxeus, Clytius, 
and Deion. Diodorus Siculus (iv. 37. 5) calls the sons 
Toxeus, Molion, and Clytius, 

αἱρεῖ τὴν πόλιν. Kal θάψας τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ στρα- 
τευσαμένων! τοὺς ἀποθανόντας, “Ἱππασόν τε 
τὸν Κήυκος καὶ ᾿᾽ΔΑργεῖον καὶ Μέλανα τοὺς Λικυ- 
μνίον παῖδας, καὶ λαφυραγωγήσας τὴν πόλιν, 
ἦγεν Ἰόλην αἰχμάλωτον. καὶ προσορμισθεὶς * 
Κηναίῳ τῆς Εὐβοίας ἀκρωτηρίῳ ὃ Διὸς Κηναίου 
βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο. μέλλων δὲ ἱερουργεῖν εἰς Τρα- 
χῖνα <Aiyav> τὸν κήρυκα“ ἔπεμψε λαμπρὰν 

1 στρατευσαμένων Argument of Sophocles, Trachinae, 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Hercher, Wagner: o7parevo- 
μένων A, Bekker. 

2 προσορμισθεὶς E, Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniue : 
προσορμηθεὶς A. : 

ὃ ἀκρωτηρίφ Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Bekker, 
Hercher, approved by Heyne: ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον A: ἐπ’ ἀκρω- 
τηρίῳ Heyne (in the text), Westermann, Miiller: ἐπὶ ἀκρω- 
τηρίου Wagner: ἐπὶ ἀκροπολέως E. 

4 Λίχαν τὸν κήρυκα Sommer, Wagner: τὸν κήρυκα E: τὸν 
κήυκα A: κήρυκα Argument of Sophocles, Truchiniae: Λίχαν 
τὸν ὑπηρέτην Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38. 1: τὸν Aixay τὸν θερά- 
ποντα Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 473. 

1 Compare Sophocles, Trachiniae, 237 sq., 752 sqq., 993 
sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 37. 5; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 136 
sg.; Seneca, Hercules Octaews, 102 8ᾳ., 782 sqq. Cenaeum is 
the modern Cape Lithada, the extreme north-western point 
of Euboea. It is a low flat promontory, terminating a penin- 
sula which runs far out westward into the sea, as if to meet 
the opposite coast of Locris. But while the cape is low and 
flat, the greater part of the peninsula is occupied by steep, 
rugged, and barren mountains, overgrown generally with 
lentisk and other shrubs, and presenting in their bareness 
and aridity a strong contrast to the beautiful woods and 
rich vegetation which clothe much of northern Euboea, 
especially in the valleys and glens. But if the mountains 
themselves are gaunt and bare, the prospect from their 
summits is glorious, stretching over the sea which washes 
the sides of the peninsula, and across it to the long line of 
blue mountains which bound, as in a vast amphitheatre, the 
horizon on the north, the west, and the Pa ΤΝ These blue 

and took the city. After burying those of his own side 
who had fallen, to wit, Hippasus, son of Ceyx, and 
Argius and Melas, the sons of Licymnius, he pillaged 
the city and led Iole captive. And having put in at 
Cenaeum, a headland of Euboea, he built an altar of 
Cenaean Zeus.!_ Intending to offer sacrifice, he sent 
the herald Lichas to Trachis to fetch fine raiment.? 

mountains are in Maynesia, Phthiotis, and Locris. At their 
foot the whole valley of the Spercheus lies open to view. The 
sanctuary of Zeus, at which Hercules is said to have offered 
his famous sacrifice, was probably at ‘‘the steep city of 
Dium,” as Homer calls it (Jl. ii. 538), which may have 
occupied the site of the modern Lithada, a village situated 
high up on the western face of the mountains, embowered in 
tall olives, pomegranates, mulberries, and other trees, and 
supplied with abundance of flowing water. The inhabitants 
say that a great city once st here, and the heaps of 
stones, many of them presenting the aspect of artificial 
mounds, may perhaps support, if they did not suggest, the 
tradition. See W. Vischer, Erinnerungen und Eindriicke 
aus Griechenland (Bale, 1857), pp. 659-661; H. N. Ulrichs, 
Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland, ii. (Berlin, 1863), 
pp. 236 sqg.; C. Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland, ii. 
409 sq. At Dium (Lithada *%), in a spot named after a church 
of St. Constantine, the foundations of a temple and fair-sized 
precinct, with a circular base of three steps at the east end, 
have been observed in recent years. These ruins may be the 
remains of the sanctuary of Caenean Zeus. See A. B. Cook, 
Zeus, i. 123, note 9. 

2 With this and what follows compare Sophocles, Trachi- 
niae, 756 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38. 1 sq.; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, ii. 472 sqq.; 1d. Schol. on Lycophron, 50-51 ; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ix. 136 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 36 ; Seneca, Hercules 
Oetueus, 485 8gqg.; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 300; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latuni, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 21, 
132 (First Vatican Mythographer, 58; Second Vatican My- 
thoyrapher, 165). he following passage of Apollodorus, 
down to and including the ascension of Hercules to heaven, 
is copied verbally, with ὦ few unimportant omissions and 
changes, by Zenobius (Cent. i. 33), but as usual without 
acknowledgment. 

ἐσθῆτα οἴσοντα. παρὰ δὲ τούτου τὰ περὶ THY 
37 7 4 / 1 ’ \ 
Ιόλην Anidvetpa πυθομένη, καὶ δείσασα μὴ 
ἐκείνην μᾶλλον ἀγαπήσῃ,Σ νομίσασα ταῖς ἀλη- 
θείαις φίλτρον εἶναι τὸ ῥυὲν αἷμα Νέσσου, 
τούτῳ τὸν χιτῶνα ἔχρισεν. ἐνδὺς δὲ “Ἡρακλῆς 
ἔθυεν. ὡς δὲ θερμανθέντος τοῦ χιτῶνος ὁ τῆς 
ὕδρας ἰὸς τὸν χρῶτα ἔσηπε, τὸν μὲν Λίχαν τῶν 
ποδῶν ἀράμενος κατηκόντισεν ἀπὸ τῆς ΤΒοιω- 
τίας, τὸν δὲ χιτῶνα ἀπέσπα προσπεφυκότα τῷ 
σώματι: συναπεσπῶντο δὲ καὶ αἱ σάρκες αὐτοῦ. 
τοιαύτῃ συμφορᾷ κατασχεθεὶς εἰς Τραχῖνα ἐπὶ 
νεὼς κομίζεται. Δηιάνειρα δὲ αἰσθομένη τὸ γε- 
γονὸς ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησεν. Ἡρακλῆς δὲ ἐντειλά- 
μενος “TrX@, ὃς ἐκ Δηιανείρας ἦν αὐτῷ παῖς 
πρεσβύτερος, ᾿Ιόλην ἀνδρωθέντα γῆμαι, παρα- 

1 πυθομένη E, Argument of Sophocles, Trachintae: πυνθϑανο- 
μένη R. 

2 μὴ ἐκείνην μᾶλλον ἀγαπήσῃ E, Zenobius, Cent. i. 33: μὴ 
πάλιν ἐκείνην ἀγαπήσῃ Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniac. 

3 ταῖς ἀληθείαις Εἰ, Zenobius, Cent. i. 33: τῇ ἀληθείᾳ Argu- 
ment of Sophocles, Trachiniae. 

4 ἀπὸ τῆς Βοιωτίας EA. The words are clearly corrupt. 
Various emendations have been proposed : ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκρωρείας 
Heyne: ἀπὸ τῆς παρωρείας Westermann: ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπολέως 
Wagner (comparing iii. 5. 8). We should perhaps read ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου, comparing axpwryply above. I have trans- 
lated accordingly. Commelinus and Gale add the words 
εἰς τὴν Εὐβοΐκην θάλασσαν in brackets. This may possibly 
be the true reading. Compare Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 21 aq: 

“‘Corripit Alcidea, et terque quaterque rotatum 
Mittit in Euboicas tormento fortius undas.” 
Ovid is followed by the Vatican Mythographers (“ἦν Hubo- 
icas projecit undas,” ‘*‘ Kuboico mari immersit”). See Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
pp. 21, 132 (First Vatican Mythographer, 58; Second Vati- 
can Mythographer, 165). Hercher omits the words ἀπὸ τῆς 
Βοιωτίας and inserts the words eis τὴν θάλασσαν, alleging the 
thority of the Argument to the Trachiniae of Sophocles, 
‘re, however, the words do not occur. 

From him Deianira learned about lole, and fearing 
that Hercules might love that damsel more than her- 
self, she supposed that the spilt blood of Nessus was 
in truth a love-charm, and with it she smeared the 
tunic.! So Hercules put it on and proceeded to offer 
sacrifice. But no sooner was the tunic warmed than 
the poison of the hydra began to corrode his skin ; 
and on that he lifted Lichas by the feet, hurled 
him down from the headland,? and tore off the tunic, 
which clung to his body, so that his flesh was torn 
away with it. In such a sad plight he was carried on 
shipboard to Trachis: and Deianira, on learning what 
had happened, hanged herself.? But Hercules, after 
charging Hyllus his elder son by Deianira, to marry 
Iole when he came of age,‘ proceeded to Mount 

1 That is, the ‘‘fine raiment” which Lichas had fetched 
from Trachis for the use of Hercules at the sacrifice. 

2 The reading is uncertain. See the critical note. 

8 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38. 3. According to 
Sophocles (Trachiniae, 930 sq.), Deianira stabbed herself with 
a sword. But hanging was the favourite mode of suicide 
adopted by Greek legendary heroines, as by Jocasta, Erigone, 
Phaedra, and Oenone. See Apollodorus, i. 8. 3, i. 9. 27, 
iii. 5. 9, ili. 12. 6, iii. 13. 3, iii. 14. 7, Hpitome, i. 19. It does 
not seem to have been practised by men. 

« For this dying charge of Hercules, see Sophocles, Trache- 
niae, 1216 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 278 sqq. It is remark- 
able that Hercules should be represented as so earnestly 
desiring that his concubine should become the wife of his 
eldest son by Deianira. In many polygamous tribes of Africa 
it is customary for the eldest son to inherit all his father’s 
wives, except his own mother. See Folk-lore in the Old 
Testament, i. 541, note 3, ii. 280. Absalom’s treatment of 
his father’s concubines (2 Samuel, xvi. 2] sq.) suggests that 
a similar custom formerly obtained in Israel. I do not 
remember to have met with any other seeming trace of a 
similar practice in Greece. 

, ’ Μ ΨΜ ΝΜ \ ae 
γενόμενος εἰς Οἴτην ὄρος (ἔστε δὲ τοῦτο Tpa- 
χινίων), ἐκεῖ πυρὰν ποιήσας ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιβὰς 2 
ὑφάπτειν. μηδενὸς δὲ τοῦτο πράττειν ἐθέλοντος, 
Ποίας παριὼν κατὰ ζήτησιν ποιμνίων ὑφῆψε. 
τούτῳ καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐδωρήσατο Ἡρακλῆς. καιο- 
μένης δὲ τῆς πυρᾶς λέγεται νέφος ὑποστὰν μετὰ 

Ὁ A nn 4 
βροντῆς αὐτὸν εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀναπέμψαι. ἐκεῖθεν 3 
δὲ Ν 10 / ‘ ὃ \ "HH ‘ 

€ τυχὼν aVavacias καὶ διαλλαγεὶς Hpa τὴν 

1 ἐκέλευσεν E, Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Zeno- 
bius, Cent. i. 33: éxéAeve A. 

2 ἐπιβὰς Argument of Sophocles, Trachiniae, Zenobius, 
Cent. i. 33: ἐπιβάντος EA. 

3 ἐκεῖθεν EK, and apparently all MSS. : ἔνθα Argument o7 
Sophoclea, Trachiniae. For ἐκεῖθεν we should perhaps read 
ἐκεῖ. 

1 For the death of Hercules on the pyre, see Sophocles, 
Trachiniae, 1191 sqqg.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38. 3-8 ; Lucian, 
Hermotimus, 7; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 229 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 36; Seneca, Hercules Octaeus, 1483 sqgq.; Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. viii. 300; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 21, 132 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 58 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 165). According 
to the usual account, it was not Poeas but his son Philoctetes 
who set a light to the pyre. So Diodorus Siculus (iv. 38. 4), 
Lucian (De morte Peregrini, 21), Ovid (Metamorph. ix. 233 8q.), 
Hyginus (Fab. 36), Seneca (Hercules Ocetaeus, 1485 sqq., 
1727), and the Second Vatican Mythographer. According to 
a different and less famous version of the legend, Hercules 
was not burned to death on a pyre, but, tortured by the 
agony of the poisoned robe, which took fire in the sun, he 
flung himself into a neighbouring stream to ease his pain and 
was drowned. The waters of the stream have been hot ever 
since, aud are called Thermopylae. See Nonnus, in Wester- 
mann’s Mythographt Graect, Appendix Narrationum, xxviii. 
8; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 50-51. Nonnus expressly 
says that the poisoned tunic took fire and burned Hercules. 
That it was thought to be kindled by exposure to the heat 

Oeta, in the Trachinian territory, and there con- 
structed a pyre,! mounted it, and gave orders to 
kindle it. When no one would do so, Poeas, pass- 
ing by to look for his flocks, set a light to it. On 
him Hercules bestowed his bow. While the pyre 
was burning, it is said that a cloud passed under 
Hercules and with a peal of thunder wafted him up 
to heaven.? Thereafter he obtained immortality, and 
being reconciled to Hera he married her daughter 

of the sun appears from the narrative of Hyginus (fab. 36) ; 
compare Sophocles, Trachiniae, 684-704 ; Seneca, Hercules 
Oetaeus, 485 8η4.. 716 sqgqg. The waters of Thermopylae are 
steaming hot to this day. See Adonis, Atis, Osiris, 3rd ed. 
i. 210 eg. The Vatican Mythographers, perhaps through the 
blunder of a copyist, transfer the death of Hercules from 
Mount Oeta to Mount Etna. 

2 The ascension of Hercules to heaven in a clond is 
described also by Zenobius (Cent. i. 33), who copies Apollo- 
dorus. In a more sceptical vein Diodorus Siculus (iv. 38. 4) 
relates that, as soon as a light was set to the pyre, a 
thunderstorm burst, and that when the friends of the hero 
came to collect his bones they could find none, and therefore 
supposed he had been translated to the gods. As to the 
traditional mode of Hercules’s death, compare Alberuni’s 
India, English ed. by E. C. Sachau, ii. 168 : ““ Galenus says in 
his commentary to the apothegms of Hippocrates: ‘It is 
generally known that Asclepius was rated to the angels in 
a column of fire, the like of which is also related with regard 
to Dionysos, Heracles, and others, who laboured for the 
benefit οὗ mankind. People say that God did thus with them 
in order to destroy the mortal and earthly part of them by 
the fire, and afterwards to attract to himself the immortal 
part of them, and to raise their souls to heaven.’” So Lucian 
speaks of Hercules becoming a god in the burning pile on 
Mount Oeta, the human element in him, which he had in- 
herited from his mortal mother, being purged away in the 
flames, while the divine element ascended pure and spotless 
to the gods. See Lucian, Hermotimus, 7. The notion that 
fire separates the immortal from the mortal element in man 
has already met usin Apollodorus. See i. 5. 4. 

ἐκείνης θυγατέρα Ἥβην ἔγημεν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ 
παῖδες ᾿Αλεξιάρης καὶ ᾿Ανίκητος ἐγένοντο. 

Ἦσαν δὲ παῖδες αὐτῷ ἐκ μὲν τῶν Θεσπίου 
θυγατέρων, Πρόκριδος μὲν ᾿Αντιλέων καὶ Ἱππεύς 
(ἡ πρεσβυτάτη γὰρ διδύμους ἐγέννησε), Πανόπης 
δὲ Θρεψίππας, Avens Εὐμήδης,; ἐὸν ὦ Κρέων, 
᾿Επιλάϊδος ᾿Αστυάναξ, Κέρθης Ἰόβης, EvpuBias 
Πολύλαος, Ἰ]Πατροῦς ᾿Αρχέμαχος, Μηλίνης Λαο- 
μέδων, Κλυτίππης Εὐρύκαπυς, Εὐρύπυλος Ev- 
Barns, ᾿Αγλαΐης ᾿Αντιάδης, Ὀνήσιππος Χρυσ- 
ηἶδος, "Opens Λαομένης, Τέλης Λυσιδίκης, 
᾿Εντελίδης Μενιππίδος,3 ᾿Ανθίππης Ἱπποδρόμος, 
Τελευταγόρας Eipu ..., Καπύλος" Ἵππωτος,ὅ 
ὐβοίας Ὄλυμπος, Νίκης Νικόδρομος, ᾿Αργέλης 
Κλεόλαος, ᾿ξόλης ᾿Ερύθρας, ΞΞανθίδος Ὁμόλιπ- 
πος, Στρατονίκης᾽ Ἄτρομος, Κελευστάνωρ Ἴφιδος," 
Λαοθόης "Αντιφος,7 ᾿Αντιόπης 8 ᾿Αλόπιος, ᾿Αστυ- 
βίης Καλαμήτιδος,, Φυληίδος Τίγασις, Αἰσ- 
χρηίδος Λευκώνης, ᾿Ανθείας ... , Εὐρυπύλης 
᾿Αρχέδικος, Δυνάστης ᾿Ερατοῦς,. ᾿Ασωπίδος 1" 

1 Θεσπίον Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: Θεστίου EA. See above, note on ii. 4. 9. 
2 Εὐμήδης R: edulins A: Εὐμείδης Heyne. 
3 ἘἘντελίδης Mevirridos C. Keil: orevredlins μενιππίδης A. 
+ Ebpv..., Καπύλος. The manuscripts (A) read εὐρυ- 
κάπυλος. Commelinus conjectured Εὐρύκης' Πύλος, which is 
accepted by Heyne, Westermann, Miiller (conjecturing 
Πύλη). Wagner ‘conjectured Εὐρύτης. 
5 ἵππωτος A: Ἱππότης Heyne: Ἱππόθοος Faber: ἵππους 
Hercher. § Ἴφιδος Heyne: ἴφις A. 
7 “Ayripos Heyne: Αντιδος A. 
* ῬΑντιόπης Hevne: ᾿Αντιώπης A. 
9 Καλαμήτιδος Heyne: κλααμήτιδος RRAC: κλαμήτιδος B: 
κάλης μήτιδος Commelinus : καλλιδημίδης Hercher. 
19 Ἐρατοῦς Aegius: “Eparos A. 
11 "Agwrldos Heyne: ᾿Ασωπίδης A. 

Hebe,! by whom he had sons, Alexiares and 
Anicetus. 

And he had sons by the daughters of Thespius,? 
to wit: by Procris he had Antileon and Hippeus 
(for the eldest daughter bore twins); by Panope 
he had Threpsippas; by Lyse he had Eumedes; 
ἐν νον he had Creon; by Epilais he had Astyanax ; 
by Certhe he had lobes; by Eurybia he had Poly- 
laus; by Patro he had Archemachus; by Meline 
he had Laomedon ; by Clytippe he had Eurycapys ; 
by Eubote he had Eurypylus; by Aglaia he had 
Antiades ; by Chryseis he had Onesippus ; by Oria 
he had Laomenes ; by Lysidice he had Teles; by 
Menippis he had Entelides; by Anthippe he had 
Hippodromus; by Eury .... he had Teleuta- 
goras; by Hippo he had Capylus; by Euboea he 
had Olympus; by Nice he had Nicodromus; by 
Argele he had Cleolaus; by Exole he had Eurythras ; 
by Xanthis he had Homolippus; by Stratonice he 
had Atromus; by Iphis he had Celeustanor; by 
Laothoe he had Antiphus; by Antiope he had Alo- 
pius ; by Calametis he had Astybies ; by Phyleis he 
had Tigasis, by Aeschreis he had Leucones; by 
Anthea ....; by Eurypyle he had Archedicus; by 
Erato he had Dynastes ; by Asopis he had Mentor ; 

1 On the marriage of Hercules with Hebe, see Homer, Od. 
xi. 602 δᾳᾳ.; Hesiod, Theog. 950 sqq.; Pindar, Nem. i. 69 (104) 
sqq-, x. 17 (30) sq., Isthm. iv. 59 (100); Euripides, Heraclidae, 
915 sq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1349, 1350; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ix. 400 sg. According to Euripides (Heraclidae, 
854 sqq.), at the battle which the Athenians fought with the 
Argives in defence of the Heraclids, two stars were seen 
shining brightly on the car of Iolaus, and the diviner inter- 
preted them as Hercules and Hebe. 

2 A short list of the sons of Hercules is given by Hyginus, 
Fab. 162. As to the daughters of Thespius, see above, ii. 4. 10. 

VOL. 1. T 

Μέντωρ, ᾿Ηώνης ᾿Αμήστριος, Tipvons Avyxaios,) 

᾿Αλοκράτης Ὀλυμπούσης, ᾿Ελικωνίδος Φαλίας, 
“Hovyxeins Οἰστρόβλης,Σ Τερψικράτης Evpvorns,? 
᾿Ελαχείας“ Βουλεύς, ᾿Αντίμαχος Νικίππης, Πάτ- 
ροκλος Πυρίππης, Νῆφος Πραξιθέας, Λυσίππης 
᾿Εράσιππος, Λυκοῦργος ὃ Τοξικράτης, Βουκόλος 
Μάρσης, Λεύκιππος Εὐρυτέλης, Ἱπποκράτης 
Ἵππόζυγος. οὗτοι μὲν ἐκ τῶν Θεσπίου  θυγα- 
τέρων, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, Δηιανείρας «μὲν; 7 τῆς 
Οἰνέως Ὕλλος Κτήσιππος Τληνὸς ’Oveirns,® ἐκ 
Μεγάρας δὲ τῆς Κρέοντος Θηρίμαχος Δηικόων 
Κρεοντιάδης, ἐξ ᾿Ομφάλης δὲ ᾿Αγέλαος, ὅθεν καὶ 
τὸ Κροίσου γένος. Χαλκιόπης «δὲ; } τῆς Εὐρυ- 

1 Λνγκαῖος A, Westermann: Δυγκεὺς Heyne, Miller, 
Bekker, Hercher. 

2 Οἰστρόβλης L. Dindorf: οἰστρέβλης A. 

3 Εὐρύωψ Heyne, Miiller. 

4 "EAaxelas Heyne, Bekker: ἐλευχείας A, Westermann, 
Miiller: Aoxfas Hercher. 
᾿ δ᾽ Λυκοῦργος Hercher, Wagner. The MSS. (A) add λύκιος, 
which Heyne proposed to omit. Westermann reads Λυκοῦρ- 
γος", Λύκιος Τοξικράτης, supposing that the name of Lycurgus’s 
mother is lost, and that Lycius was the son of Toxicrate. 
Miiller edits the passage similarly. Bekker brackets 
Δύκιος. 

6 Θεσπίου Aegius, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner: @eoriou A. 7 wey inserted by Heyne. 

8 TAnvds Ὀνείτης Gale: yAnmsovelrns A: Γληνεὺς Ὁδίτης 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 37. 1. 

® Κροίσου Aegius: xpnolov A. 41" δὲ inserted by Hercher. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 37. 1. 
2 Compare ii. 4. 11; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 269, who 
agrees with Apollodorus as to the names of the children 

by Eone he had Amestrius ; by Tiphyse he had Lyn- 
caeus ; by Olympusa he had Halocrates; by Helico- 
nis he had Phalias; by Hesychia he had Oestrobles; 
by Terpsicrate he had Euryopes; by Elachia he had 
Buleus; by Nicippe he had Antimachus; by Pyrippe 
he had Patroclus; by Praxithea he had Nephus; by 
Lysippe he had Erasippus; by Toxicrate he had Ly- 
curgus ; by Marse he had Bucolus; by Eurytele he 
had Leucippus ; by Hippocrate he had Hippozygus. 
These he had by the daughters of Thespius. And 
he had sons by other women: by Deianira, daughter 
of Oeneus, he had Hyllus, Ctesippus, Glenus and 
Onites ;! by Megara, daughter of Creon, he had 
Therimachus, Deicoén, and Creontiades;? by Om- 
phale he had Agelaus,? from whom the family of 
Croesus was descended ;* by Chalciope, daughter 

whom Hercules had by Megara. But other writers gave 
different lists. Dinias the Argive, for example, gave the 
three names mentioned by Apollodorus, but added to them 
Deion. See the Scholiast on Pindar, Isthm. v. 61 (104). 
3 Diodorus Siculus (iv. 31.8) and Ovid (Heroides, ix. 53 8q.) 
ive Lamus as the name of the son whom Omphale bore to 
ercules. 

4 According to Herodotus (i. 7) the dynasty which preceded 
that of Croesus on the throne of Sardes traced their descent 
from Alcaeus, the son of Hercules by a slave girl. It is a 
curious coincidence that Croesus, like his predecessor or an- 
cestor Hercules, is said to have attempted to burn himself ona 
pyre when the Persians captured Sardes. See Bacchylides, iii. 
24-62. The tradition is supported by the representation of 
the scene on a red-figured vase, which may have been painted 
about forty years after the capture of Sardes and the death 
or captivity of Croesus. See Baumeister, Denkmdler des 
klassischen Altertums, ii. 796, fig. 860. Compare Adonis, 
Attis, Osiris, 3rd ed. i. 174 ϑ8)ηᾳ.ἁ The Hercules whom Greek 
tradition associated with Omphale was probably an Oriental 
deity identical with the Sandan of Tarsus. See Adonts, Aths, 
Osiris, i. 124 sqq. 

T 2 

πύλου |! Θετταλός, ᾿πικάστης τῆς Δὐγέου ὁ Θεσ- 
τάλος, Παρθενόπης τῆς Στυμφάλου Εὐήρης, Αὔγης 
τῆς ᾿Αλεοῦ Τήλεφος, ᾿Αστυόχης τῆς Φύλαντος 
Τληπόλεμος, ᾿Αστυδαμείας τῆς ᾿Αμύντορος Κτή- 
σιππος, Αὐτονόης τῆς Πειρέως Παλαίμων. 

VIII. Μεταστάντος δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἰς θεοὺς οἱ 
παῖδες αὐτοῦ φυγόντες Εὐρυσθέα πρὸς Κήυκα 
παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐκδιδόναι λέγοντος 
Εὐρυσθέως καὶ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος ἐδεδοίκεσαν, 
Τραχῖνα καταλιπόντες διὰ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος ἔφυγον. 
διωκόμενοι δὲ ἦλθον εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ καθεσθέντες 
ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέου βωμὸν ἠξίουν βοηθεῖσθαι. ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
δὲ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντες αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν Evpucbéa 
πόλεμον ὑπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας αὐτοῦ 
᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾿Ιφιμέδοντα EtvpvBiov Μέντορα Πε- 
ριμήδην ἀπέκτειναν" αὐτὸν δὲ Εὐρυσθέα φεύγοντα 
ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος καὶ πέτρας ἤδη παριππεύοντα Σκει- 

1 Εὐρυπύλου Aegius: Εὐρυπύλης A. 

* Abyéov Heyne: alyéou A. 

1 See above, ii. 7. 4, and below, iii. 9. 1. 

2 See above, ii. 7. 6. 

3 Ceyx, king of Trachis, who had given shelter and hospi- 
tality to Hercules. See above, ii. 7.7. Compare Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 57, who agrees with Apollodorus as to the threats 
of Eurystheus and the consequent flight of the children of 
Hercules from Trachis to Athens. According to Hecataeus, 
quoted by Longinus (De sublunitate, 27), king Ceyx ordered 
them out of the country, pleading his powerlessness to protect 
them. Compare Pausanias, i. 32. 6. 

4 Compare Scholiast on Aristophanes, Knights, 1151, who 
mentions that the Heraclids took refuge at the altar of Mercy. 
As tothe altar of Mercy see below, iii. 7.1 note. Apollodorus 
has omitted a famous episode in the war which the Athenians 
waged with the Argives in defence of the children of Hercules. 
An oracle having declared that victory would rest with the 

of Eurypylus, he had Thettalus; by Epicaste, daugh - 
ter of Augeas, he had Thestalus; by Parthenope, 
daughter of Stymphalus, he had Everes; by Auge, 
daughter of Aleus, he had Telephus ;! by Astyoche, 
daughter of Phylas, he had Tlepolemus ;? by Asty- 
damia, daughter of Amyntor, he had Ctesippus; by 
Autonoe, daughter of Pireus, he had Palaemon.

When Hercules had been translated to the
gods, his sons fled from Eurystheus and came _ to 
Ceyx.? But when Eurystheus demanded their sur- 
render and threatened war, they were afraid, and, 
quitting Trachis, fled through Greece. Being pur- 
sued, they came to Athens, and sitting down on the 
altar of Mercy, claimed protection.‘ Refusing to 
surrender them, the Athenians bore the brunt of 
war with Eurystheus, and slew his sons, Alexander, 
Iphimedon, Eurybius, Mentor and Perimedes. Eury- 
stheus himself fled in a chariot, but was pursued and 
slain by Hyllus just as he was driving past the 

Athenians if a high-born maiden were sacrificed to Perse- 
phone, a voluntary victim was found inthe person of Macaria, 
daughter of Hercules, who gave herself freely to die for 
Athens. See Euripides, Heraclidae, 406 sqq., 488 sqq.; Pau- 
sanias, i. 32. 6; Zenobius, Cent. ii. 61; Timaeus, Lexicon, 
8.0. Βάλλ᾽ eis μακαρίαν ; Scholiast on Plato, Hippias Major, 
p- 293 a; Scholiast on Aristophanes, l.c. The protection 
afforded by Athens to the suppliant Heraclids was a subject 
of patriotic pride to the Athenians. See Lysias, ii. 11-16; 
Isocrates, Panegyric, 15 and 16. The story was told by 
Pherecydes, who represented Demophon, son of Theseus, as 
the protector of the Heraclids at Athens. See Antoninus 
Liberalis, Transform. 33. In this he may have been followed 
by Euripides, who in his play on the subject introduces 
Demophon as king of Athens and champion of the Heraclids 
(Heraclidae, 111 sqq.). But, according to Pausanias (i. 32. 6), 
it was not Demophon but his father Theseus who received 
the refugees and declined to surrender them to Eurystheus. 

pwvidas) κτείνει διώξας “λλος, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν 
ἀποτεμὼν ᾿Αλκμήνῃ δίδωσιν: ἡ δὲ κερκίσι τοὺς 
ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξώρυξεν αὐτοῦ. 

1 Σκειρωνίδας ἘΣ : χειρονίδας A. 

1 Traditions varied concerning the death and burial of 
Eurystheus. Diodorus Siculus (iv. 57. 6), in agreement with 
Apollodorus, says that all the sons of Eurystheus were slain 
in the battle, and that the king himself, fleeing in his chariot, 
was killed by Hyllus, son of Hercules. According to Pausa- 
nias (i. 44. 9), the tomb of Eurystheus was near the Scironian 
Rocks, where he had been killed by Iolaus (not Hyllus) as he 
was fleeing home after the battle. According to Euripides, 
he was captured by Iolaus at the Scironian Rocks and carried 
a prisoner to Alcmena, who ordered him to execution, 
although the Athenians interceded for his life ; and his body 
was buried before the sanctuary of Athena at Pallene, an 
Attic township situated between Athens and Marathon. See 
Euripides, Heraclidae, 843 sqq., 928 sqq., 1030 sgg. According 
to Strabo (viii. 6. 19, p. 377), Eurystheus marched against 
the Heraclids and Iolaus at Marathon ; he fell in the battle, 
and his body was buried at Gargettus, but his head was cut 
off and buried separately in Tricorythus, under the high road, 
at the spring Macaria, and the place was hence called ‘‘ the 
Head of Eurystheus.” Thus Strabo lays the scene of the 
battle and of the death of Eurystheus at Marathon. From 
Pausanias (i. 32. 6) we know that the spring Macaria, named 
after the heroine who sacrificed herself to gain the victory 
for the Heraclids, was at Marathon. The name seems to 
have been applied to the powerful subterranean springs 
which form a great marsh at the northern end of the plain of 
Marathon. The ancient high road, under which the head 
of Eurystheus was buried, and of which traces existed down 
to modern times, here ran between the marsh on the one 
hand and the steep slope of the mountain on the other. At. 
the northern end of the narrow defile thus formed by the 
marsh and the mountain stands the modern village of Kato. 
Souli, which is proved by inscriptions to have occupied the 
site of the ancient Tricorythus. See W. M. Leake, The Demi 
of Athens, 2nd ed. (London, 1841), pp. 95 84.» and my com- 
mentary on Pausanias, vol. ii. pp. 432, 439 sg. But Pallene, 

Scironian cliffs ; and Hyllus cut off his head and gave 
it to Alemena; and she gouged out his eyes with 
weaving-pins.! 

at or near which, according to Euripides, the body of 
Eurystheus was buried, lay sume eighteen miles or so away 
at the northern foot of Mount Hymettus, in the gap which 
divides the high and steep mountains of Pentelicus and 
Hymettus from each other. That gap, forming the only 
gateway into the plain of Athens from the north-east, was 
strategically very important, and hence was naturally the 
scene of various battles, legendary or historical. Gargettus, 
where, according to Strabo, confirmed by Hesychius and 
Stephanus Byzantius (8.0. Tapynrrds), the headless trunk of 
Eurystheus was interred, seems to have lain on the opposite 
side of the gap, near the foot of Pentelicus, where a small 
modern village, Garito, apparently preserves the ancient name. 
See ὟΝ. M. Leake, op. cit. pp. 26 sqq., 44-47 ; Karten von 
Attika, Erlauternder Text, Heft II. von A. Milchhoefer 
(Berlin, 1883), pp. 35 (who differs as to the site of Gargettus) ; 
Guides-J oanne, Grece, par B. Haussoullier, i. (Paris, 1896), pp. 
204 sg. Thus the statements of Euripides and Strabo about 
the place where the body of Eurystheus was buried may be 
reconciled if we suppose that it was interred at Gargettus 
facing over against Pallene, which lay on the opposite or 
southern side of the gap between Pentelicus and Hemettis 
For the battles said to have been fought at various times in 
this important pass, see Herodotus, i. 62 sg.; Aristotle, Con- 
stitution of Athens, 15, with Sir J. E. Sandys’s note; Plu- 
tarch, Theseus, 13; Scholiast on Euripides, Hippolytus, 35. 

The statement of Apollodorus that Hyllus killed Eury- 
stheus and brought his head to Alemena, who gouged out his 
eyes with weaving-pins, is repeated by Zenobius (Cené. ii. 61), 
who probably here, as so often, simply copied our author 
without acknowledgment. According to Pindar (Pyth. ix. 
79 (137) sgg., with the Scholia), the slayer of Eurystheus was 
not Hyllus but Iolaus; and this seems to have been the 
coinmon tradition. 

Can we explain the curious tradition that the severed head 
and body of the foeman Eurystheus were buried separately 
many miles apart, and both of them in passes strategically 
important’ According to Euripides (Heraclidae, 1026 sqq.), 

2 ᾿Απολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον 
4 ες a \ , \ ἢ 
ἦλθον οἱ Ηρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. 
ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου 

Eurystheus, before being killed by the order οὗ Alcmena, 
announced to the Athenians that, in gratitude for their 
merciful, though fruitless, intercession with Alcmena, he 
would still, after his death, lying beneath the sod, be a friend 
and saviour to Athens, but a stern foe to the descendants of 
the Heraclids—that is, to the Argives and Spartans, both of 
whom traced the blood of their kings to Hercules. Further, 
he bade the Athenians not to pour libations or shed blood on 
his grave, for even without such offerings he would in death 
benefit them and injure their enemies, whom he would drive 
home, defeated, from the borders of Attica. From this it 
would seem that the ghost of Eurystheus was supposed to 

uard Attica agamst invasion ; hence we can understand why 

is body should be divided in two and the severed parts 
buried in different passes by which enemies might march 
into the country, because in this way the ghost might 
reasonably be expected to do double duty as a sentinel or 
spiritual outpost in two important places at the same time. 
Similarly the dead Oedipus in his grave at Athens was 
believed to protect the country and ensure its welfare. See 
Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 576 sqq., 1518-1534, 1760-1765 ; 
Aristides, Or. xlvi. vol. ii. p. 230, ed. G. Dindorf. So Orestes. 
in gratitude for his acquittal at Athens, is represented by 
Aeschylus as promising that even when he is in his grave he 
will prevent any Argive leader from marching against Attica. 
See Aeschylus, Humenides, 732 (762) sqq. And Euripides 
makes Hector declare that the foreigners who had foug tin 
defence of Troy were ‘‘no small security to the city ” even 
when ‘they had fallen and were lying in their heaped-up 
graves.” See Euripides, Rhesus, 413-415. These examples 
show that in the opinion of the Greeks the ghosts even of 
foreigners could serve as guardian spirits of a country to 
which they were attached by ties of gratitude or affection ; 
for in each of the cases I have cited the dead man who was 
thought to protect either Attica or Troy was a stranger from 
a strange land. Some of the Scythians in antiquity used to 
cut off the heads of their enemies and stick them on poles 

After Eurystheus had perished, the Heraclids 
came to attack Peloponnese and they captured all 
the cities.! When a year had elapsed from their 

over the chimneys of their houses, where the skulls were 
supposed to act as watchmen or guardians, perhaps by 
repelling any foul fiends that might attempt to enter the 
dwelling by coming down the chimney. See Herodotus, 
iv. 103. So tribes in Borneo, who make a practice of cutting 
off the heads of their enemies and garnishing their houses 
with these trophies, imagine that they can propitiate the 
spirits of their dead foes and convert them into friends and 
protectors by addressing the skulls in endearing language and 
offering them food. See Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, 
i. 294 sqq. The references in Greek legend to men who habitu- 
ally relieved strangers of their heads, which they added to 
their collection of skulls, may point to the former existence 
among the Greeks of a practice of collecting human skulls for 
the purpose of securing the ghostly protection of their late 
owners. See notes on ii. 5. 11 (Antaeus), ii. 7. 7 (Cycnus). 
Compare Epitome, ii. 5 (Qenomaus) ; note on i. 7. 8 (Evenus). 

1 For the first attempted invasion of the Peloponnese by 
the Heraclids or sons of Hercules, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
58. 1-4. The invasion is commonly spoken of as a return, 
because, though their father Hercules had been born at 
Thebes in Boeotia, he regarded Mycenae and Tiryns, the 
kingdom of his forefathers, as his true home. The word 
(κάθοδος) here employed by Apollodorus is regularly applied 
by Greek writers to the return of exiles from banishment, 
and in particular to the return of the Heraclids. See, for 
example, Strabo, viii. 3. 30, p. 354, viii. 4. 1, p. 359, viii. 5. 5, 
p. 365, viii. 6. 10, p. 372, viii. 7.1, p. 383, viii. 8. 5, p. 389, 
ix. 1. 7, p. 392, x. 2.6, p. 451, xiii. 1.3, p. 582, xiv. 2. 6, p. 653 ; 
Pausanias, iv. 8. 3, v. 6. 3. The corresponding verbs, xarép- 
xeofa:, "" ἴο return from exile,” and κατάγειν, ‘to bring back 
from exile,” are both used by Apollodorus in these senses. 
See ii. 7. 2 and 3, ii. 8. 2 and 5, iii. 10. 5. The final return 
of the Heraclids, in conjunction with the Dorians, to the 
Peloponnese is dated by Thucydides (i. 12. 3) in the eightieth 
year after the capture of Troy; according to Pausanias 
(iv. 3. 3), it occurred two generations after that event, which 
tallies fairly with the estimate of Thucydides. Velleius 

φθορὰ! πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην 
γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλον' 
πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν a ἀπο- 
λιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀ ἀνεχώρησαν " εἰς Μαρα- 
θῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας 
οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ 
θεράποντα " πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν 
avtous* ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετ᾽ οὐκ 
ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς “Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ 
τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κωτὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς ὃ 

ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐξήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις 
κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς 
ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 5 
περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. 
νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν 
τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ 
στρατῷ κατῇει ... τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἴ ἐπὶ Πελο- 
πόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ ᾿Ορέστου βασιλεύοντος 

1 διαγενομένου φθορὰ Wagner : γενομένον φθορὰ E: γενομένης 
φθορᾶς A. 

2 ἀνεχώρησαν ERRA, O in margin : ἦλθον BC. 
θεράποντα Faber: θεραπεύοντα A. 
αὐτοὺς Heyne: αὐτὸν A. 
Tas... ἐντολὰς R: ἐντολὴν A. 
ἔφησε A: ἔχρησε Mendelssohn. 

7 κατήει. .. τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. The lacuna was indicated by 
Heyne. Faber proposed to read κατῆγε τοὺς Ἡρακλέους. 
See the exegetical note. 

aS oO bm ὦ 

Paterculus (i. 2. 1) agrees with Thucydides as to the date, 
and adds for our further satisfaction that the return took 
place one hundred and twenty years after Hercules had been 
promoted to the rank of deity. 

1 Diodorus Siculus says nothing of this return of the 
Heraclids to Attica after the plague, but he records (iv, ὅδ. 3 

return, a plague visited the whole of Peloponnese ; 
and an oracle declared that this happened on account 
of the Heraclids, because they had returned before 
the proper time. Hence they quitted Peloponnese 
and retired to Marathon and dwelt there.’ Now 
before they came out of Peloponnese, Tlepolemus 
had killed Licymnius inadvertently; for while 
he. was beating a servant with his stick Licymnius 
ran in between ; so he fled with not a few, and came 
to Rhodes, and dwelt there.2, But Hyllus married 
Iole according to his father’s commands, and sought 
to effect the return of the Heraclids. So he went 
to Delphi and inquired how they should return ; 
and the god said that they should await the third crop 
before returning. But Hyllus supposed that the 
third crop signified three years; and having waited 
that time he returned with his army®. . . οἵ 
Hercules to Peloponnese, when Tisamenus, son of 

sq.) that, after their defeat and the death of Hyllus at the 
Isthmus, they retired to Tricorythus and stayed there for 
fifty years. We have seen (above, p. 278, note on ii. 
8. 1) that Tricorythus was situated at the northern end of 
the plain of Marathon. 

2 For the homicide and exile of ‘Tlepolemus, see Homer, 
Il. ii. 653-670, with the Scholiast on 662 ; Pindar, Olymp. vii. 
27 (50) sqqg.; Strabo, xiv. 2.6, p. 653 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 58. 
7 eq. According to Pindar, the homicide was apparently not 
accidental, but committed in a fit of anger with a staff of 
olive-wood. 

8 He was met by a Peloponnesian army at the Isthmus οὗ. 
Corinth and there defeated and slain in single combat by 
Echemus, king of Tegea. Then, in virtue of a treaty which 
they had concluded with their adversaries, the Heraclids 
retreated to Attica and did not attempt the invasion of 
Peloponnese again for fifty years. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
58. 1-5; Pausanias, viii. 5.1. These events may have been 
recorded by Apollodorus in the lacuna which follows. 

Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικ- 
a 3 ’ 

ὥσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ ᾿Αριστόμαχος θνήσκει. 
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ [Κλεοδαίου]! παῖδες, 
ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι 
καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ἠτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ 
iA 9 3 ol Lg δὲ θ \ 3 Xr wn“ 
πεισθέντας 5 ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν 
ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι' τοὺς γὰρ χρη- 
A 3 4 , N > A 9 \ 
σμοὺς ov συμβάλλειν. λέγειν yap ov γῆς ἀλλὰ 
γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυ- 
γάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν 
. θάλασσαν.) ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν 

1 Κλεοδαίον Gale, bracketed by Westermann and Miller, 
but not by Bekker, Hercher, and Wagner: κλεολάον A. 
We should perhaps read ᾿Αριστομάχου. 

2 πεισθέντας conjectured by Commelinus, preferred by 
Gale; πεισθέντα Heyne, Westermann, Miller, Bekker, 
Hercher, apparently following the MSS. Wagner’s note 
πεισθέντας A seems to he a mistake for πεισθέντα A. 

3 στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὺν ἔχοντι 
τὴν θάλασσαν Heyne, Bekker, Hercher: στεννγρὺν τὸν τὴν 
εὐρυγάστορα δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἔχοντα τὴν θάλασσαν Wag- 
ner, which I cannot construe. 

1 Pausanias at first dated the return of the Heraclids in 
the reign of this king (ii. 18. 7, iii. 1. 5; compare iv. 3. 3), 
but he afterwards retracted this opinion (viii. 5. 1). 

2 This Aristomachus was a son of Cleodaeus (Pausanias, ii. 
7. 6), who was a son of Hyllus (Pausanias, iii. 15. 10), who 
was a son of Hercules (Pausanias, i. 35. 8). Aristomachus 
was the father of Aristodemus, Temenus, and Cresphontes 
(Pausanias, ii. 18. 7, viii. 5. 6), of whom Temenus and 
Cresphontes led the Heraclids and Dorians in their final 
invasion and conquest of Peloponnese (Pausanias, ii. 18. 7, 
v. 3. 5 aqg., v. 4. 1, viii. δ. 6, x. 38. 10). Compare Herodotus, 
vi. 52, who indicates the descent of Aristodemus from Her- 
cules concisely by speaking of ‘‘ Aristodemus, the son of 

Orestes, was reigning over the Peloponnesians.! And 
in another battle the Peloponnesians were victorious, 
and Aristomachus? was slain. But when the sons 
of Cleodaeus*® were grown to man’s estate, they 
inquired of the oracle concerning their return. And 
the god having given the same answer as before, 
Temenus blamed him, saying that when they had 
obeyed the oracle they had been unfortunate. But 
the god retorted that they were themselves to blame 
for their misfortunes, for they did not understand the 
oracles, seeing that by “the third crop” he meant, 
not a crop of the earth, but a crop of a generation, 
and that by the narrows he meant the broad-bellied 
sea on the right of the Isthmus.‘ On hearing that, 

Aristomachus, the son of Cleodaeus, the son of Hyllus.” Thus, 
_ according to the traditional genealogy, the conquerors of the 
Peloponnese were great-great-grandsons of Hercules. With* 
regard to Aristomachus, the father of the conquerors, Pausa- 
nias says (ii. 7. 6) that he missed his chance of returning to 
Peloponnese through mistaking the meaning of the oracle. 
The reference seems to be to the oracle about ‘‘ the narrows,”’ 
which is reported by Apollodorus (see below, note 4). 

3 As Heyne pointed out, the name Cleodaeus here is 
almost certainly wrong, whether we suppose the mistake to 
have been made by Apollodorus himself or by a copyist. For 
Cleodaeus was the father of Aristomachus, whose death in 
battle Apollodorus has just recorded ; and, as the sequel 
clearly proves, the reference is here not to the brothers but 
to the sons of Aristomachus, namely, Temenus and Cres- 
phontes, the conquerors of the Peloponnese. Compare the 
preceding note. 

4 The oracle was recorded and derided by the cynical 
philosopher Oenomaus, who, having been deceived by what 
purported to be a revelation of the deity, made it his business 
to expose the whole oracular machinery to the ridicule and 
contempt of the public. This he did in a work entitled On 
Oracles, or the Exposure of Quacks, of which Eusebius has 
preserved some extracts. From one of these (Eusebius, 

στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα 
νῦν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ 
δ᾽ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος ᾿Αριστόδημος κεραυ- 
νωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ ᾿Αργείας 
τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. 
8 συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν Νανπάκτῳ συμ- 
φορᾷ περιπεσεῖν. ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς μάντις xpn- 
σμοὺς λέγων καὶ ἐνθεάζων, ὃν ἐνόμισαν μάγον 
εἶναι ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ στρατοῦ πρὸς Πελοποννησίων 
ἀπεσταλμένον. τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀ ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης ὁ 
Φύλαντος τοῦ ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ ᾿Ηρακλέους τυχὼν 
ἀπέκτεινεν. οὕτως δὲ γενομένου τούτου τὸ μὲν 
ναυτικὸν διαφθαρεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἀπώλετο, τὸ δὲ 
πεζὸν ἠτύχησε λιμῷ, καὶ διελύθη τὸ στράτευμα. 
χρωμένου δὲ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς Τημένου, καὶ 
, τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ μάντεως γενέσθαι ταῦτα 
᾿ λέγοντος, καὶ κελεύοντος φυγαδεῦσαι δέκα ἔτη τὸν 
ἀνελόντα καὶ χρήσασθαι ἡ ἡγεμόνι τῷ τριοφθάλμῳ, 
τὸν μὲν ἱππότην ἐφυγάδευσαν, τὸν δὲ τριόφθαλ- 

1 ἐπήξατο Aegius: ἐπάσσετο A. 

Praeparatio EKvangelit, v. 20) we learn that when Aristoma- 
chus applied to the oracle, he was answered, ‘‘ The gods 
declare victory to thee by the way of the narrows ” (Νίκην σοι 
φαίνουσι θεοὶ δι᾽ ὁδοῖο στενύγρων). This the inquirer understood 
to mean ‘‘ by the Isthmus of Corinth,” and on that under- 
standing the Heraclids attempted to enter Peloponnese by 
the Isthmus, but were defeated. Being taxed with deception, 
the god explained that when he said ‘‘ the narrows” he really 
meant ‘‘the broads,” that is, the sea at the mouth of the 
Gulf of Corinth. Compare K.O. Miiller, Dee Dorter?, i. 58 aq., 
who would restore the ‘‘retort courteous ” of the oracle in 
two iambic lines as follows :— 

γενεᾶς γάρ, ov γῆς καρπὸν ἐξεῖπον τρίτον 

καὶ τὴν στενυγρὰν αὖ τὸν εὐρυγάστορα 

- ἔχοντα κατὰ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν δεξιάν. 

Temenus made ready the army and built ships in 
Locris where the place is now named Naupactus 
from that.1 While the army was there, Aristo- 
demus was killed by a thunderbolt,? leaving twin 
sons, Furysthenes and Procles, by Argia, daughter of 
Autesion.? And it chanced that a calamity also 
befell the army at Naupactus. For there appeared to 
them a soothsayer reciting oracles ina fine frenzy, 
whom they took for a magician sent by the Pelopon- 
nesians to be the ruin of the army. So Hippotes, 
son of Phylas, son of Antiochus, son of Hercules, 
threw a javelin at him, and hit and killed him. 
In consequence of that, the naval force perished 
with the destruction of the fleet, and the land force 
suffered from famine, and the army disbanded. 
When Temenus inquired of the oracle concerning 
this calamity, the god said that these things were 
done by the soothsayer’ and he ordered him to 
banish the slayer for ten years and to take for his 
guide the Three-eyed One. So they banished Hip- 
potes, and sought for the Three-Eyed One.® And 

1 Naupactus means ‘‘ship-built.” Compare Strabo, ix. 4. 7; 
Pausanias, iv. 96. 1, x. 38. 10. 

2 Aristodemus was a son of Aristomachus and brother of 
Temenus and Cresphontes, the conquerors of the Peloponnese 
(Pausanias, ii. 18. 7). Some said he was shot by Apollo at 
Delphi for not consulting the oracle, but others said he was 
murdered by the children of Pylades and Electra (Pausanias, 
iii. 1.6). Apollodorus clearly adopts the former of these two 
accounts ; the rationalistic Pausanias preferred the latter. 

* Compare Herodotus, vi. 52. 

4 The soothsayer was Carnus, an Acarnanian ; the Dorians 
continued to propitiate the soul of the murdered seer after 
his death. See Pausanias, iii. 13. 4; Conon, Narrationes, 
26 ; Scholiast on Theocritus, v. 83. 

* That is, by the angry spirit of the murdered man. 

δ With this and what follows compare Pausanias, v. 3. 5 84.: 
Suidas, 3.v. Τριόφθαλμος ; and as to Oxylus, compare Strabo, 
viii. 3. 33, p. 357. Pausanias calls Oxylus the son of Haemon. 

pov ἐζήτουν. καὶ περιτυγχάνουσιν Οξύλῳ τῷ 
᾿Ανδραίμονος, ἐφ᾽ ἵππου καθημένῳ" μονοφθάλμου 
(τὸν γὰρ ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκέκοπτο ὃ τόξῳ). 
ἐπὶ φόνῳ γὰρ οὗτος φυγὼν εἰς Ἦλιν, ἐκεῖθεν εἰς 
Αἰτωλίαν ἐνιαυτοῦ διελθόντος ἐπανήρχετο. συμ- 
βαλόντες οὖν τὸν χρησμόν, τοῦτον ἡγεμόνα 
ποιοῦνται. καὶ συμβαλόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ 
τῷ πεζῷ καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ προτεροῦσι στρατῷ, καὶ 
Τισαμενὸν κτείνουσι τὸν ᾿Ορέστου. θνήσκουσι δὲ 
συμμαχοῦντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Αὐἰγιμίου παῖδες, Ilap- 
φυλος καὶ Δύμας. 

Ἐπειδὴ «δὲ» ἐκράτησαν Πελοποννήσου, τρεῖς 
ἱδρύσαντο βωμοὺς πατρῴου Διός, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων 
ἔθυσαν, καὶ ἐκληροῦντο τὰς πόλεις. πρώτη μὲν 
οὖν λῆξις “Apyos, δευτέρα «δὲ Λακεδαίμων, 
τρίτη δὲ Μεσσήνη. κομισάντων δὲ ὑδρίαν ὕδατος, 
ἔδοξε ψῆφον βαλεῖν ἕκαστον. Τήμενος οὖν καὶ 
οἱ ᾿Αριστοδήμου παῖδες ἸἹΙροκλῆς καὶ Εϊὐρυσθένης 
ἔβαλον λίθους, Κρεσφόντης δὲ βουλόμενος Meo- 
σήνην λαχεῖν γῆς ἐνέβαλε βῶλον. ταύτης δὲ 
διαλυθείσης ἔδει τοὺς δύο κλήρους ἀναφανῆναι. 
ἑλκυσθείσης δὲ πρώτης * μὲν τῆς Τημένου, δευτέρας 
δὲ τῆς τῶν ᾿Αριστοδήμον παίδων, Μεσσήνην 

1 καθημένῳ Aegius: καθημένου A. 

4 μονοφθάλμου, Frazer (compare Pausanias, v. 3.5; Suidas, 
8.υ. ΤριόφθαλμοΞ) ; μονοφθάλμῳ Wagner and previous editors, 
following apparently the MSS. 

3 éxxéxonto Gale, Heyne, for ἐκέκοπτο: ἐξεκέκοπτο Hercher. 
But on the omission of the augment, see Jelf, Greek Gram- 
mar 4, i. 169, Oba. 4. 4 πρώτης Aegius: πρώτου A. 

they chanced to light on Oxylus, son of Andraemon, a 
man sitting on a one-eyed horse (its other eye having 
been knocked out with an arrow); for he had fled to 
Elis on account of a murder, and was now returning 
from there to Aetolia after the lapse of a year.! 
So guessing the purport of the oracle, they made 
him their guide. And having engaged the enemy 
they got the better of him both by land and sea, 
and slew Tisamenus, son of Orestes.? Their allies, 
Pamphylus and Dymas, the sons of Aegimius, also 
fell in the fight. 

When they had made themselves masters of Pelo- 
ponnese, they set up three altars of Paternal Zeus, 
and sacrificed upon them, and cast lots for the 
cities. So the first drawing was for Argos, the second 
for Lacedaemon, and the third for Messene. And 
they brought a pitcher of water, and resolved that 
each should cast in a lot. Now Temenus and the 
two sons of Aristodemus, Procles and Eurysthenes, 
threw stones; But Cresphontes, wishing to have 
Messene allotted to him, threw in a clod of earth. 
As the clod was dissolved in the water, it could not be 
but that the other two lots should turn up. The lot 
of Temenus having been drawn first, and that of 
the sons of Aristodemus second, Cresphontes got 

1 The homicide is said to have been accidental ; according 
to one account, the victim was the homicide’s brother. See 
Pausanias, v. 3.7. As to the banishment of a murderer for 
a year, see note on ii. 5. 11. 

2 Pausanias gives a different account of the death of 
Tisamenus. He says that, being expelled from Lacedaemon 
and Argos by the returning Heraclids, king Tisamenus led 
an army to Achaia and there fell in ἃ battle with the Ionians, 
who then inhabited that district of Greece. See Pausanias, 
ii. 18. 8, vii. 1. 7 ag. 

VOL, fF. U 

5 ἔλαβε. Κρεσφόντης. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς ols ἔθυ- 
σαν εὗρον σημεῖα κείμενα οἱ μὲν λαχόντες "Apyos 
φρῦνον, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαίμονα " δράκοντα, οἱ δὲ Μεσ- 
σήνην ἀλώπεκα. περὶ δὲ τῶν σημείων ἔλεγον οἱ 
μάντεις, τοῖς μὲν τὸν φρῦνον καταλαβοῦσιν 3 ἐπὶ 
τῆς πόλεως μένειν ἄμεινον (μὴ γὰρ ἔχειν ἀλκὴν 
πορευόμενον τὸ θηρίον), τοὺς δὲ δράκοντα κατα- 
λαβόντας δεινοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔλεγον ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς 
δὲ τὴν ἀλώπεκα δολίους. 

Τήμενος μὲν οὖν παραπεμπόμενος τοὺς παῖδας 
᾿Αγέλαον καὶ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Καλλίαν, τῇ θυγατρὶ 
προσανεῖχεν “Ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ τῷ ταύτης ἀνδρὶ An- 
φόντῃ. ὅθεν οἱ παῖδες πείθουσί τινας ὁ ἐπὶ μισθῷ 
τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν φονεῦσαι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ 
φόνου τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ στρατὸς ἔχειν ἐδικαίωσεν 
“ρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην.5 Κρεσφόντης δὲ οὐ πολὺν 
Μεσσήνης βασιλεύσας χρόνον μετὰ δύο παίδων 
φονευθεὶς ἀπέθανε. Πολυφόντης δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν, 
αὐτῶν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ὑπάρχων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ 

1 ἔλαχε Hercher. 

3 λακεδαίμονα Εἰ : λακεδαίμονα λαχόντες A. 

8 καταλαβοῦσιν KE. According to Heyne, the MSS. have 
καταβαλοῦσι. 

4 τινας Faber, Westermann, Hercher, Wagner: τιτᾶνας A, 
Bekker. Heyne conjectured Trravlous from Τιτάνη or Τίτανα, 
a town near Sicyon. See Pausanias, ii. 11. 3-ii. 12. 1; 
Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Tirava, who recognizes the ad- 
jective Τιτάνιος. 

5 «γρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην Heyne: ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ δηιφόντῃ A. 

6 αὐτὸς Faber: καὶ αὐτὸς Hercher. 

1 As to the drawing of the lots, and the stratagem by 
which Cresphontes secured Messenia for himself, see Poly- 
aenus, Strateg.i. 6; Pausanias, iv. 3. 4 sg. Sophocles alludes 
to the stratagem (Ajax, 1283 sqq., with the Scholiast on 1285). 

Messene.! And on the altars on which they sacri- 
ficed they found signs lying: for they who got Argos 
by the lot found a toad; those who got Lacedaemon 
found a serpent; and those who got Messene found 
a fox.2, As to these signs the seers said that those 
who found the toad had better stay in the city (seeing 
that the animal has no strength when it ba that 
those who found the serpent would be terrible in 
attack, and that those who found ‘the fox would be 
wily. 

Now Temenus, passing over his sons Agelaus, 
Eurypylus, and Callias, favoured his daughter Hyrne- 
tho and her husband Deiphontes; hence his sons 
hired some fellows to murder their father.2 On the 
perpetration of the murder the army decided that 
the kingdom belonged to Hyrnetho‘ and Deiphontes. 
Cresphontes had not long reigned over Messene when 
he was murdered with two of his sons;5 and Poly- 
phontes, one of the true Heraclids, came to the 

2 In the famous paintings by Polygnotus at Delphi, the 
painter depicted Menelaus, king of ἡ τ ει; with the device 
of a serpent on his shield. See Pausanias, x. 26.3. The 
great Messenian hero Aristomenes is said to have escaped by 
the help of a fox from the pit into which he had been thrown 
by the Lacedaemonians. See Pausanias, iv. 18. 68g. Ido 
not remember to have met with any evidence, other than that 
of Apollodorus, as to the association of the toad with Argos. 

3 Compare Pausanias, ii. 19. 1, ii. 28. 2 sqqg., who agrees as 
to the names of Hyrnetho and her husband Deiphontes, but 
differs as to the sons of Temenus, whom he calls Cisus, Cerynes 
Phalces, and Agraeus. 

4 The grave of Hyrnetho was shown at Argos, but she is 
said to have been accidentally killed by her brother Phalces 
near Epidaurus, and long afterwards she was worshipped in a 
sacred grove of olives and other trees on the place of her death. 
See Pausanias, ii. 23. 3, ii. 28. 3-7 

5 Compare Pausanias, iv 3. 7. 

υ 2 

φονευθέντος γυναῖκα Μερόπην ἄκουσαν ἔλαβεν. 
ἀνῃρέθη δὲ καὶ οὗτος. τρίτον γὰρ ἔχουσα παῖδα 
Μερόπη καλούμενον Αἴπυτον. ἔδωκε τῷ ἑαυτῆς 
πατρὶ τρέφειν. οὗτος ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ κρύφα κατελ- 
θὼν ἔκτεινε Πολυφόντην καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν βασι- 
λείαν ἀπέλαβεν. 
1 Αἴπυτον Heyne: αἴγυπτον A. 
1 Compare Hyginus, Fab, 137. 

2 Compare Pausanias, iv. 3. 7 sq. (who does not name 
Polyphontes); Hyginus, Fab. 184, According to Hyginus, 

throne and took to wife, against her will, Merope, 
the wife of the murdered man.! But he too was 
slain. For Merope had a third son, called Aepytus, 
whom she gave to her own father to bring up. When 
he was come to manhood he secretly returned, 
killed Polyphontes, and recovered the kingdom of 
his fathers.? 

the name of the son of Cresphontes who survived to avenge 
his father’s murder was Telephon. This story of Merope, 
Aepytus, and Polyphontes is the theme of Matthew Arnold’s 
tragedy Merope, an imitation of the antique. 

BOOK ΠΙ 

]" 

I. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τὸ ᾿Ινάχειον διερχόμενοι γένος τοὺς 
ἀπὸ Βήλου μέχρι τῶν Ηρακλειδῶν δεδηλώκαμεν, 
ἐχομένως λέγωμεν καὶ τὰ περὶ ᾿Αγήνορος. ὡς 
yap ἡμῖν λέλεκται, δύο Λιβύη ἐγέννησε παῖδας 
ἐκ Iloceda@vos, Βῆλον καὶ ᾿Αγήνορα. Βῆλος μὲν 
οὖν βασιλεύων Αἰγυπτίων τοὺς προειρημένους 
ἐγέννησεν, ᾿Αγήνωρ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν 
Φοινίκην! γαμεῖ Τηλέφασσαν καὶ τεκνοῖ θυγα- 
τέρα μὲν Ἐὐρώπην, παῖδας δὲ Κάδμον καὶ Φοίνικα 
καὶ Κίλικα. τινὲς δὲ Εὐρώπην οὐκ ᾿Αγήνορος 

1 Φοινίκην Emperius, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: εὐρώπην 
A, Westermann, Miller, who brackets the clause παραγενό- 
μενος εἰς Εὐρώπην. 

1 See above, ii. 1. 4. 

3 The ancients were not agreed as to the genealogies of 
these mythical ancestors of the Phoenicians, Cilicians, and 
Thebans. See the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
ii, 178, 111. 1186. Among the authorities whose divergent 
views are reported in these passages by the Scholiast are 
Hesiod, Pherecydes, Asclepiades, and Antimachus. Moschus 
(ii, 40 and 42) agrees with Apollodorus that the mother of 
Europa was Telephassa, but differs from him as to her father 
(see below). According to Hyginus (fab. 6 and 178), the 
mother who bore Cadmus and Europa to Agenor was not 
Telephassa but Argiope. According to Euripides, Agenor 
had three sons, Cilix, Phoenix, and Thasus. See Scholiast 
on Euripides, Phoentssae, 6. Pausanias agrees with regard 
to Thasus, saying that the natives of Thasos were Phoenicians 
by descent and traced their origin to this Thasus, son of 

BOOK III

Havine now run over the family of Inachus and
described them from Belus down to the Heraclids, 
we have next to speak of the house of Agenor. For 
as I have said,! Libya had by Poseidon two sons, 
Belus and Agenor. Now Belus reigned over the 
Egyptians and begat the aforesaid sons ; but Agenor 
went to Phoenicia, married Telephassa, and begat a 
daughter Europa and three sons, Cadmus, Phoenix, 
and Cilix.2 But some say that Europa was a daughter 

Agenor (Pausanias, v. 25. 12), In saying this, Pausanias 
followed Herodotus, who tells us that the Phoenician colonists 
of Thasos discovered wonderful gold mines there, which the 
historian had visited (Herodotus, vi. 46 sg.), and that they 
had founded a sanctuary of Hercules in the island (ii. 44). 
Herodotus also (vii. 91) represents Cilix as a son of the 
Phoenician Agenor, and he tells us (iv. 147) that Cadmus, son 
of Agenor, left a Phoenician colony in the island of Thera. 
Diodorus Siculus reports (v. 59. 2 sq.) that Cadmus, son of 
Agenor, planted a Phoenician colony in Rhodes, and that the 
descendants of the colonists continued to hold the hereditary 
priesthood of Poseidon, whose worship had been instituted 
by Cadmus. He mentions also that in the sanctuary of 
Athena at Lindus, in Rhodes, there was a tripod of ancient 
style bearing a Phoenician inscription. The statement has 
been confirmed in recent years by the engined of the official 
record of the temple of Lindian Athena in Rhodes. For in 
this record, engraved on a marble slab, there occurs the 
following entry: ‘‘Cadmus (dedicated) a bronze tripod 
engraved with Phoenician letters, as Polyzalus relates in the 
fourth book of the histories.” See Chr. Blinkenberg, La 

ἀλλὰ Φοίνικος λέγουσι. ταύτης Ζεὺς ἐρασθείς," 
ἐῤόδου ἀποπλέων," ταῦρος χειροήθης γενόμενος, 
ἐπιβιβασθεῖσαν διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκόμισεν εἰς 
Κρήτην. ἡ δέ, ἐκεῖ συνευνασθέντος αὐτῇ Διός, 
ἐγέννησε Μίνωα Σαρπηδόνα Ῥαδάμανθυν" καθ᾽ 
“Ὅμηρον δὲ Σαρπηδὼν ἐκ Διὸς καὶ Λαοδαμείας 
τῆς Βελλεροφόντου. ἀφανοῦς δὲ Εὐρώπης γενο- 
. μένης ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῆς ᾿Αγήνωρ ἐπὶ ζήτησιν ἐξέ- 
πεμψε τοὺς παῖδας, εἰπὼν μὴ πρότερον ἀναστρέ- 
dew πρὶν ἂν ἐξεύρωσιν Εὐρώπην. συνεξῆλθε δὲ 
ἐπὶ τὴν ζήτησιν αὐτῆς Τηλέφασσα ἡ μήτηρ καὶ 

1 ἐρασθείς. In the MSS. there follow the words πίπτει διὰ 
τῆς θαλάσσης, Which, as Heyne says, seem to have arisen 
through confusion with the following ἐπιβιβασθεῖσαν διὰ τῇς 
θαλάσση-. 

2 ῥόδου ἀποπλέων apparently ied a omitted by Heyne, 

Bekker, Hercher : Ῥόδου ἀποπλέων Westermann: ῥόδου ἀπο- 
πνέων Sevinus: κρόκου ἀποπνέων Clavier (comparing Scholiast 
on Homer, 11. xii. 292, ἤλλαξεν ἑαυτὸν eis ταῦρον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ 
στόματος κρόκον ἔπνει) : ἐκ ῥόδων Or ἐκ ῥοδῶνος ἀφελὼν Wagner 
(comparing Moschus, ii. 70). 
Chronique du Temple Inndien (Copenhagen, 1912), p. 324. 
However, from such legends all that we can safely infer is 
that the Greeks traced a blood relationship between the 
Phoenicians and Cilicians, and recognised a Phoenician 
element in some of the Greek islands and parts of the main- 
land. If Europa was, as seems possible, a personification of 
the moon in the shape of a cow (see The Dying God, p. 88), 
we might perhaps interpret the quest of the sons of Agenor 
for their lost sister as a mythical description of Phoenician 
mariners steering westward towards the moon which they 
saw with her silver horns setting in the sea. 

1 Europa was a daughter of Phoenix, according to Homer 
(Il. xiv. 321 sq.), Bacchylides (xvi. 29 sqq. p. 376, ed. Jebb), 
and Moschus (ii. 7). So, too, the Scholiast on Homer (1. xii. 
292) calls Europa a daughter of Phoenix. The Scholiast on 
Plato (Ttmaeus, Ὁ. 24) speaks of Europa as a daughter of 

not of Agenor but of Phoenix. Zeus loved her, 
and turning himself into a tame bull, he mounted 
her on his back and conveyed her through the sea 
to Crete.2. There Zeus bedded with her, and she 
bore Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadamanthys;° but 
according to Homer, Sarpedon was a son of Zeus by 
Laodamia, daughter of Bellerophon.* On the dis- 
appearance of Europa her father Agenor sent out 
his sons in search of her, telling them not to return 
until they had found Europa. With them her 
mother, Telephassa, and Thasus, son of Poseidon, or 

Agenor, or of Phoenix, or of Tityus. Some said that Cadmus 
also was a son, not of Agenor, but of Phoenix (Scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 1186). 

2 Compare Moschus, ii. 77 sgq.; Scholiast on Homer, 1}. xii. 
292 ; Diodorus Siculus, v. 78. 1; Lucian, Dial. Marin. xv.; 
id. De dea Syria, 4; Ovid, Metamorph. ii. 836 sqq.; id. Fast, 
ν. 603 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 178 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latinit, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 47, 100 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 148 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 76). The 
connexion which the myth of Zeus and Europa indicates 
between Phoenicia and Crete receives a certain confirmation 
from the worship at Gaza of a god called Marnas, who was 
popularly identified with the Cretan Zeus. His name was 
thought to be derived from a Cretan word marna, meaning 
‘‘maiden”; so that, as Mr. G. F. Hill has pointed out, 
marnas might signify ‘‘ young man.” The city is also said 
to have been called Minoa, after Minos. See Stephanus 
Byzantius, s.v. Γάζα. The worship of Marnas, ‘‘ the Cretan 
Zeus,” persisted at Gaza till 402 a.p., when it was finally 
suppressed and his sanctuary, the Marneion, destroyed. See 
Mark the Deacon’s Life of Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza, 64-71, 
pp. 73-82, G. F. Hill’s translation (Oxford, 1913). From this 
work (ch. 19, p. 24) we learn that Marnas was regarded as 
the lord of rain, and that prayer and sacrifice were offered to 
him in time of drought. ΑΒ tothe god and his relation to 
Crete, see G. F. Hill’s introduction to his translation, pp. 
XXX1L.-XXXviii. 

8 Compare Scholiast on Homer, Ji. xii. 292; Hyginus, 
Fab. 178. 4 Homer, 77. ii. 198 sq. 

Θώσος ὁ Ποσειδῶνος, ws δὲ Φερεκύδης φησὶ 
Κίλικος.:Σ ὡς δὲ πᾶσαν ποιούμενοι ζήτησιν εὑ- 
ρεῖν ἦσαν Ἑϊῤρώπην ἀδύνατοι, τὴν εἰς οἶκον 
3 A 3 / Μ 3 A f 
ἀνακομιδὴν ἀπογνόντες ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ κατῴ- 
κησαν,2 Φοῖνιξ μὲν ἐν Φοινίκῃ, Κίλιξ δὲ Φοινίκης 
πλησίον, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κειμένην 
χώραν ποταμῷ σύνεγγυς Πυράμῳ Κιιλικίαν 
> 4 5 K 10 δὲ Ἁ T lA 9 Θ 
ἐκάλεσε" ἀόμος 0€ καὶ Ἰηλεφασσα ἐν Θρᾳκῃ 
κατῴκησαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Θάσος ἐν Θράκῃ ® 
κτίσας πόλιν Θάσον κατῴκησεν. 

Εὐρώπην δὲ γήμας ᾿Αστέριοςἴ ὁ Κρητῶν 
δυνάστης τοὺς ἐκ ταύτης παῖδας ἔτρεφεν. οἱ δὲ 
ὡς ἐτελειώθησαν, πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίασαν" 
4, Ἁ ΝΜ Ἁ a 9 σι I: 
ἴσχουσι yap ἔρωτα παιδὸς ὃς ἐκαλεῖτο Μίλητος, 
᾽ / \ 9% \ 93 [4 fo , A 
Απόλλωνος δὲ ἦν καὶ "Apetas τῆς Κλεόχου. τοῦ 
δὲ παιδὸς πρὸς Σαρπηδόνα μᾶλλον οἰκείως ἔχον: 
τος πολεμήσας Μίνως ἐπροτέρησεν. οἱ δὲ φεύ- 

1 κίλικος Heyne: κιλίκιος A. 

2 κατῴκησαν RO; κατῴκισαν A. 

3 ἐν Φοινίκῃ Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: φοινίκην A. 

+ $s καὶ Hercher. 

5 καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κειμένην χώραν ποταμῷ ouveyyus 
Πυράμῳ Κιλικίαν ἐκάλεσε Heoyne, Westermann, Μά]]ον, Bek- 
ker. This seems to be the reading of all the MSS. Wagner 
alters the passage as follows: καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν κειμένην χώραν 
ποταμῷ σύνεγγυς Πυράμῳ Κιλικίαν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἐκάλεσε, ““ And 
he called all the country near the river Pyramus after him- 
self Cilicia.” But with this rearrangement the words κει- 
μένην χώραν become ungrammatical as they stand, and to 
restore the grammar they must be transposed and placed 
after Πυράμῳ, so as to read: καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ποταμῷ σύνεγγυς 
Πυράμῳ κειμένην χώραν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ Κιλικίαν ἐκάλεσε. Hercher 
simply omits ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, which is equally fatal to the gram- 
mar. It is better to keep the MS. reading, which gives an 
unobjectionable sense. 

δ ἐν «νήσῳ πρὸ» TH Θράκῃ Heyne. This yives the sense 

according to Pherecydes, of Cilix,! went forth in 
search of her. But when, after diligent search, they 
could not find Europa, they gave up the thought of 
returning home, and took up their abode in divers 
places ; Phoenix settled in Phoenicia; Cilix settled 
near Phoenicia, and all the country subject to him- 
self near the river Pyramus he called Cilicia; and 
Cadmus and Telephassa took up their abode in 
Thrace and in like manner Thasus founded a city 
Thasus in an island off Thrace and dwelt there.” 
Now Asterius, prince of the Cretans, married 
Europa and brought up her children. But when 
they were grown up, they quarrelled with each 
other; for they loved a boy called Miletus, son of 
Apollo by Aria, daughter of Cleochus.4 As the 
boy was more friendly to Sarpedon, Minos went to 
war and had the better of it, and the others fled. 

1 According to some writers, Thasus was a son of Agenor. 
See above, note on p. 296. 

2 Apollodorus probably meant to say that Thasus colonized 
the island of Thasos, The text may be corrupt. See Critical 
Note. For the traces of the Phoenicians in Thasos, see 
above, note on p. 296. 

* Compare Scholiast on Homer, 71. xii. 292; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 60. 3 (who calls the king Asterius). On the place 
of Asterion or Asterius in Cretan mythology, see A. B. Cook, 
Zeus, i. 543 sqq. 

4 With the following legend of the foundation of Miletus 
compare Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 30 ; Pausanias, vii. 
2.5; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 186. 

required. I have translated accordingly. Hercher as usual 
cuts the difficulty by omitting ἐν @pdxn. 

7 *Aorépios Wagner (referring to Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
60. 3): ᾿Αστερίων A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher. 

γουσι, καὶ Μίλητος μὲν Καρίᾳ προσσχὼν! ἐκεῖ 
πόλιν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἔκτισε Μίλητον, Σαρπηδὼν δὲ 
συμμαχήσας Κίλικι πρὸς Λυκίους ἔχοντι πό- 
λεμον, ἐπὶ μέρει 5 τῆς χώρας, Λυκίας ἐβασίλευσε. 
καὶ αὐτῷ δίδωσι Ζεὺς ἐπὶ τρεῖς γενεὰς ζῆν. ἔνιοι 
δὲ αὐτοὺς 8 ἐρασθῆναι λέγουσιν ᾿Ατυμνίου τοῦ 
Διὸς καὶ Κασσιεπείας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτον στασιάσαι. 
Ῥαδάμανθυς δὲ τοῖς νησιώταις νομοθετῶν, αὖθις 
φυγὼν εἰς Βοιωτίαν ᾿Αλκμήνην γαμεῖ, καὶ μεταλ- 
λάξας ἐν “Αἰιδου μετὰ Μίνωος δικάζει. Μίνως δὲ 
Κρήτην κατοικῶν ἔγραψε νόμους, καὶ γήμας 
Πασιφάην τὴν Ἡλίου καὶ Περσηΐδος, ὡς «δὲ;»" 
᾿Ασκληπιάδης φησί, Κρήτην τὴν ᾿Αστερίον 
θυγατέρα, παῖδας μὲν ἐτέκνωσε Κατρέα Δευκα- 
λίωνα Γλαῦκον ᾿Ανδρόγεων, θυγατέρας δὲ ᾿Ακάλ- 
Anv Ἐξενοδίκην ᾿Αριάδνην Φαίδραν, ἐκ Παρείας 
δὲ νύμφης Εὐρυμέδοντα Νηφαλίωνα Χρύσην 
Φιλόλαον, ἐκ δὲ Δεξιθέας Εϊξάνθιον. 

᾿Αστερίουδ δὲ ἄπαιδος ἀποθανόντος Μίνως 
βασιλεύειν θέλων Κρήτης ἐκωλύετο. φήσας δὲ 
παρὰ θεῶν τὴν βασιλείαν εἰληφέναι, τοῦ πιστευ- 

1 προσσχὼν Heyne: προσχὼν A. 

3 μέρει Heyne: μέρη A. 

3 αὐτοὺς Wagner: αὐτὸν A. 4 δὲ inserted by Miiller. 

5 *Agrepiov A, Wagner: ᾿Αστερίωνος Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

SE a καρασρεσασστσττπτι πρκτντ αι σπσπημο ατηστως τι τυκαισκσσταυς..---ττ οὐ Ὁ -“---πα- πο πὸ τπποπτν-- το 

1 Compare Herodotus, i. 178 ; Diodorus Siculus, v. 79. 3; 
Strabo, xii. 8. 5, p. 573; Pausanias, vii. 3.7. Sarpedon was 
pote as a heroin Lycia. See W. Dittenberger, Ortentis 
Graecit Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 552 (vol. ii. p. 231). 

2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, v. 79. 1 sq. 

3 See above, ii. 4. 11 note. 

* Daughter of the Sun; compare Apollonius Rhodius, 

‘O02 

Miletus landed in Caria and there founded a city 
which he called Miletus after himself; and Sarpedon 
allied himself with Cilix, who was at war with the 
Lycians, and having stipulated for a share of the 
country, he became king of Lycia.1 And Zeus 
granted him to live for three generations. But some 
say that they loved Atymnius, the son of Zeus and 
Cassiepea, and that it was about him that they 
quarrelled. Rhadamanthys legislated for the islanders? 
but afterwards he fled to Boeotia and married Alc- 
mena 3; and since his departure from the world he 
acts as judge in Hades along with Minos. Minos, 
residing in Crete, passed laws, and married Pasiphae, 
daughter of the Sun‘ and Perseis; but Asclepiades 
says that his wife was Crete, daughter of Asterius. 
He begat sons, to wit, Catreus,5 Deucalion, Glaucus, 
and Androgeus: and daughters, to wit, Acalle, 
Xenodice, Ariadne, Phaedra ; and by a nymph Paria 
he had Eurymedon, Nephalion, Chryses, and Philo- 
laus ; and by Dexithea he had Euxanthius. 

Asterius dying childless, Minos wished to reign 
over Crete, but his claim was opposed. So he alleged 
that he had received the kingdom from the gods, 

Argon. iii. 999; Pausanias, iii. 26. 1, v. 25. 9; Antoninus 
Liberalis, Transform. 41; Mythographi Graeci, ed. Wester- 
mann, Appendix Narrationum, p. 379 ; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 
736. Pausanias interpreted Pasiphae as the moon (iii. 26. 1), 
and this interpretation has been adopted by some modern 
scholars. The Cretan traditions concerning the marriage of 
Minos and Pasiphae seem to point to a ritual marriage per- 
formed every eight years at Grossus by the king and queen 
as representatives respectively of the Sun and Moon. See 
The Dying God, pp. 70 sqq.; A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. 521 ϑηᾳ. 
(who holds that Europa was originally a Cretan Earth- 
goddess responsible for the vegetation of the year). 
5 Compare Pausanias, viii. 53. 4. 

θῆναι χάριν ἔφη, 6 τι ἂν εὔξηται, γενέσθαι. καὶ 
Ποσειδῶνι θύων ηὔξατο ταῦρον ἀναφανῆναι ἐκ 
τῶν βυθῶν, καταθύσειν ὑποσχόμενος τὸν φα- 
νέντα. τοῦ δὲ Ποσειδῶνος ταῦρον ἀνέντος αὐτῷ 
διαπρῥεπῆ τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε, τὸν δὲ ταῦρον 
eis τὰ βουκόλια πέμψας ἔθυσεν ἕτερον. [θαλασσο- 
κρατήσας δὲ πρῶτος πασῶν τῶν νήσων σχεδὸν 
ἐπῆρξεν.]} ὀργισθεὶς δὲ αὐτῷ Ποσειδῶν ὅτε μὴ 
κατέθυσε τὸν ταῦρον, τοῦτον μὲν ἐξηγρίωσε, 
Πασιφάην δὲ ἐλθεῖν εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοῦ παρε- 
σκεύασεν. ἡ δὲ ἐρασθεῖσα τοῦ ταύρου συνεργὸν 
λαμβάνει Δαίδαλον, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιτέκτων, πεφευγὼς 
3 9 A 3 ’ 4φ ’ fo! > \ 
ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν ἐπὶ φόνῳ. οὗτος ξυλίνην βοῦν ἐπὶ 
τροχῶν κατασκευάσας, καὶ ταύτην λαβὼν καὶ " 
κοιίλάνας ἔνδοθεν,Σ ἐκδείρας τε βοῦν τὴν δορὰν 
περιέρραψε, καὶ θεὶς ἐν ᾧπερ εἴθιστο ὃ ταῦρος 
λειμῶνι βόσκεσθαι, τὴν Πασιφάην ἐνεβίβασεν. 
\ ε a e 3 A a e 
ἐλθὼν δὲ ὁ ταῦρος ὡς ἀληθινῇ Bot συνῆλθεν. ἡ 
δὲ ᾿Αστέριον ἐγέννησε τὸν κληθέντα Μινώταυρον. 
οὗτος εἶχε ταύρου πρόσωπον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ἀνδρός" 
Μίνως δὲ ἐν τῷ λαβυρίνθῳ κατά τινας χρησμοὺς 
’ 3 Ἃ 3 I = \ e 4 
κατακλείσας αὐτὸν ἐφύλαττεν. ἦν δὲ ὁ λαβύ- 
ρινθος, ὃν Δαίδαλος κατεσκεύασεν, οἴκημα καμ- 
1 θαλασσοκρατήσας. . . ἐπῆρξεν omitted by Hercher. The 
words seem out of place here. But they occur in S as well 
as EK, ἐπῆρξεν ES: ὑπῆρξεν A. 

2 λαβὼν καὶ Heyne, Westermann, Miiller: βαλὼν ESA, 
Wagner: βαλὼν καὶ Bekker. 8 ἔνδοθεν ES: ἔσωθεν A. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 77.2; J. Tzetzes, Chiltades, 
i. 479 sqqg. (who seems to follow Apollodorus); Lactantius 
Placidus, on Statius, Theb. v. 431, according to whom the 
bull was sent, in answer to Minos’s prayer, not by Poseidon 
but by Jupiter (Zeus). 

and in proof of it he said that whatever he prayed 
for would be done. And in sacrificing to Poseidon 
he prayed that a bull might appear from the depths, 
promising to sacrifice it when it appeared. Poseidon 
did send him up a fine bull, and Minos obtained 
the kingdom, but he sent the bull to the herds and 
sacrificed another.1 Being the first to obtain the 
dominion of the sea, he extended his rule over 
almost all the islands.2 But angry at him for not 
sacrificing the bull, Poseidon made the animal savage, 
and contrived that Pasiphae should conceive a 
passion for it. In her love for the bull she found an 
accomplice in Daedalus, an architect, who had been 
banished from Athens for murder. He constructed 
a wooden cow on wheels, took it, hollowed it out in 
the inside, sewed it up in the hide of a cow which 
he had skinned, and set it in the meadow in which 
the bull used to graze. Then he introduced Pasiphae 
into it; and the bull came and coupled with it, as if 
it were a real cow. And she gave birth to Asterius, 
who was called the Minotaur. He had the face of a 
bull, but the rest of him was human; and Minos, in 
compliance with certain oracles, shut him up and 
guarded him in the Labyrinth. Now the Labyrinth 
which Daedalus constructed was a chamber “ that 

* Compare Herodotus, i. 171; Thucydides, i. 4 and 8. 

3 Here Apollodorus seems to be following Euripides, who 
in a fragment of his drama, The Cretans, introduces Pasiphae 
excusing herself on the ground that her passion for the bull 
was a form of madness inflicted on her by Poseidon as a 
punishment for the impiety of her husband Minos, who had 
broken his vow by not sacrificing the bull to the sea-god. See 
W. Schubart und U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Griech- 
ische Dichterfragmente, ii. (Berlin, 1907), pp. 74 sq. 

4 See below, iii. 15. 8. 

VOL. I. x 

παῖς πολυπλόκοις πλανῶν THY ἔξοδον. τὰ μὲν 
οὖν περὶ Μινωταύρονυ καὶ ᾿Ανδρόγεω καὶ Φαίδρας 
καὶ ᾿Αριάδνης ἐν τοῖς περὶ Θησέως ὕστερον 
ἐροῦμεν. 

II. Κατρέως δὲ τοῦ Μίνωος ᾿Αερόπη καὶ 
Κλυμένη καὶ ᾿Απημοσύνη καὶ ᾿Αλθαιμένης υἱὸς 
γίνονται. χρωμένῳ δὲ Κατρεῖ περὶ καταστροφῆς 
τοῦ βίου ὁ θεὸς ἔφη ὑπὸ ἑνὸς τῶν. τέκνων ' τεθνή- 
ξεσθαι. Karpevs μὲν οὖν ἀπεκρύβετο τοὺς χρη- 
σμούς, ᾿Αλθαιμένης δὲ ἀκούσας, καὶ δείσας μὴ 
φονεὺς γένηται τοῦ πατρός, ἄρας ἐκ Κρήτης μετὰ 
τῆς ἀδελφῆς ᾿Απημοσύνης προσίσχει τινὶ τόπῳ 
τῆς 'Ῥόδου, καὶ κατασχὼν Κρητινίαν " ὠνόμασεν. 
ἀναβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αταβύριον καλούμενον ὄρος 
ἐθεάσατο τὰς πέριξ νήσους, κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ Ἰζρή- 
την, καὶ τῶν πατρῴων ὑπομνησθεὶς θεῶν, ἱδρύετο 
βωμὸν ᾿Αταβυρίον Διός. μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς 

1 τέκνων R: παίδων A. 

2 κρητινίαν R, Hercher, Wagner: κρατινίαν A: Κρητηνίαν 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker (compare Stephanus 
Byzantius, 8.v. Kpnrnvia). 

1 In the Greek original these words are seemingly a quota- 
tion from a poem, probably a tragedy—perhaps Sophocles’s 
tragedy Daedalus, of which a few fragments survive. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 167 sq.; 
The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 
110 ϑ4ᾳ. As to the Minotaur and the labyrinth, compare 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 77. 1-5; Plutarch, Theseun 15 8qq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 40; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Achill. 
192. As to the loves of Pasiphae and the bull, see also 
Scholiast on Euripides, Hippolytus, 887; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
i. 479 8qq.; Virgil, Hcl. vi. 45 sqg.; Ovid, Ars Amator. i. 
289 sqq. 

2 See below, iii. 15. 7-9; Epitome, i. 7-11. 

with its tangled windings perplexed the outward 
way. 1 The story of the Minotaur, and Androgeus, 
and Phaedra, and Ariadne, I will tell hereafter in 
my account of Theseus.? ; 

ITI. But Catreus, son of Minos, had three daughters, 
Aerope, Clymene, and Apemosyne, and a son, Al- 
thaemenes.? When Catreus inquired of the oracle 
how his life should end, the god said that he would 
die by the hand of one of his children. Now Catreus 
hid the oracles, but Althaemenes heard of them, and 
fearing to be his father’s murderer, he set out from 
Crete with his sister Apemosyne, and put in at a 
place in Rhodes, and having taken possession of it 
he called it Cretinia. And having ascended the 
mountain called Atabyrium, he beheld the islands 
round about ; and descrying Crete also and calling to 
mind the gods of his fathers he founded an altar 
of Atabyrian Zeus.+ But not long afterwards he 

3 The tragic story of the involuntary parricide of Althae- 
menes is similarly told by Diodorus Siculus, v. 59. 1-4, who 
says that this murderer of his father and of his sister was 
afterwards worshipped as a hero in Rhodes. 

* Asto Atabyrian Zeus and his sanctuary on Mount Atabyr- 
ium, Atabyrum, or Atabyris, the highest mountain in Rhodes, 
see Pindar, Olymp. vii. 87 (159) sq.; Polybius, vii. 27. 7, ed. 
L. Dindorf; Appian, Bell. Mithridat. 26; Strabo, xiv. 2. 12, 
p. 655 ; Diodorus Siculus, v. 59.2; Lactantius, Divin. Institut. 
1, 22. Diodorus Siculus tells us that the sanctuary, crowning 
a lofty peak, was highly venerated down to his own time, 
and that the island of Crete was visible from it in the distance. 
Some rude remains of the temple, built of grey limestone, 
still exist on a summit a little lower than the highest. See 
H. F. Tozer, The Islands of the Aegean (Oxford, 1890), pp. 
220 84ᾳ.; Cecil Torr, Rhodes in Ancient Times, (Cambridge, 
1885), pp. 1, 75. Atabyrian Zeus would seem to have been 
worshipped in the form of a bull; for it is said that there 
were bronze images of cattle on the mountain, which bellowed 

x 2 

ἀδελφῆς αὐτόχειρ ἐγένετο. “Epps yap αὐτῆς 
ἐρασθείς, ὡς φεύγουσαν αὐτὴν καταλαβεῖν οὐκ 
ἠδύνατο (περιῆν 7 αὐτοῦ τῷ τάχει τῶν ποδῶν), 
κατὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ βύρσας ὑπέστρωσε νεοδάρτους," 
ἐφ᾽ als? ὀλισθοῦσα,Σ ἡνίκα ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης * 
ἐπανήει, φθείρεται. καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ μηνύει τὸ 
γεγονός" ὁ δὲ σκῆψιν νομίσας εἶναι τὸν θεόν, λὰξ 
ἐνθορὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. ᾿Αερόπην δὲ καὶ Κλυμένην 
Κατρεὺς Ναυπλίῳ δίδωσιν εἰς ἀλλοδαπὰς ἠπεί- 
ρους ἀπεμπολῆσαι. τούτων ᾿Αερόπην μὲν ἔγημε 
Πλεισθένης καὶ παῖδας ᾿Αγαμέμνονα καὶ Μενέ- 
λαον ἐτέκνωσε, Κλυμένην δὲ γαμεῖ Ναύπλιος, 
καὶ τέκνων πατὴρ γίνεται Οἴακος καὶ Παλαμή- 
δους. Κατρεὺς δὲ ὕστερον γήρᾳ κατεχόμενος 
ἐπόθει τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Αλθαιμένει τῷ παιδὶ 
παραδοῦναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἦλθεν εἰς “Ρόδον. 
ἀποβὰς δὲ τῆς νεὼς σὺν τοῖς ἥρωσι κατά τινα 
τῆς νήσου τόπον ἔρημον ἠλαύνετο ὑπὸ τῶν βου- 
κόλων, λῃστὰς ἐμβεβληκέναι δοκούντων καὶ μὴ 
δυναμένων ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀλήθειαν 
διὰ τὴν κραυγὴν τῶν κυνῶν, ἀλλὰ βαλλόντων 

1 νεοδάρτους ER: νεοδάρτας A. 

2 als τον μὲ, Hercher: & EA, Westermann, Miller, 
Bekker, Wagner. 

3 ὀλισθοῦσα E: ὀλισθήσασα A. 

4 κρήνης Hercher, Wagner: «phrns EA. 

5 éréxvwoe ERR®: ἔτεκε A. 

ὅ Κρησὶ Bekker. 

when some evil was about to befall the state, and small 
bronze figures of bulls are still sometimes found on the moun- 
tain. See J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, iv. 390 sqq.; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Olymp. vii. 87 (159) ; Cecil Torr, op. cit. p. 76, with 
plate 4. Further, we know from Greek inscriptions found in 

became the murderer of his sister. For Hermes 
loved her, and as she fled from him and. he could 
not catch her, because she excelled him in speed of 
foot, he spread fresh hides on the path, on which, 
returning from the spring, she slipped and so was 
deflowered. She revealed to her brother what had 
happened, but he, deeming the god a mere pretext, 
kicked her to death. And Catreus gave Aerope and 
Clymene to Nauplius to sell into foreign lands; and 
of these two Aerope became the wife of Plisthenes, 
who begat Agamemnon and Menelaus; and Clymene 
became the wife of Nauplius, who became the father 
of Oeax and Palamedes. But afterwards in the grip 
of old age Catreus yearned to transmit the kingdom 
to his son Althaemenes, and went for that purpose to 
Rhodes. And having landed from the ship with the 
heroes at a desert place of the island, he was chased 
by the cowherds, who imagined that they were 
pirates on a raid. He told them the truth, but they 
could not hear him for the barking of the dogs, 
and while they pelted him Althaemenes arrived 

the island that there was a religious association which took 
its name of The Atabyriasis from the deity ; and one of these 
inscriptions (No. 31) records a dedication of oxen or bulls 
(τοὺς Bows) to the god. See Inscriptiones Graecae Insularum 
Rhodi, Chalces, Carpathi, cum Saro Casi, ed. F. Hiller de 
(saertringen (Berlin, 1895), Nos. 31, 161, 891. The oxen so 
dedicated were probably bronze images of the animals, such 
as are found in the island, though Dittenberger thought that 
they were live oxen destined for sacrifice. See his paper, 
De sacris Rhodiorum Commentatio altera (Halle, 1887), pp. 
viii. sg. The worship of Atabyrian Zeus may well have been 
of Phoenician origin, for we have seen that there was a 
Phoenician colony in Rhodes (see above, iii. 1. 1 note), and the 
name Atabyrian is believed to be Semitic, equivalent to the 
Hebrew Tabor. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. ‘‘ Tabor,” 
vol, iii. col. 4881 sqg. Compare A. B. Cook, Zeus, 1. 642 sqq. 

κἀκείνων, παραγενόμενος ᾿Αλθαιμένης ἀκοντίσας 
ἀπέκτεινεν ἀγνοῶν Κατρέα. μαθὼν δὲ ὕστερον 
τὸ γεγονός, εὐξάμενος ὑπὸ χάσματος ἐκρύβη. 

III. Δευκαλίωνι δὲ ἐγένοντο ᾿Ιδομενεύς τε καὶ 
Κρήτη καὶ νόθος Μόλος. Τλαῦκος δὲ ἔτι νήπιος 
ὑπάρχων, μῦν διώκων εἰς μέλιτος πίθον πεσὼν 
ἀπέθανεν. ἀφανοῦς δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ Μίνως πολ- 
λὴν ζήτησιν ποιούμενος περὶ τῆς εὑρέσεως ἐμαν- 
τεύετο. ἸΚούρητες δὲ εἶπον αὐτῷ τριχρώματον 
ἐν ταῖς ἀγέλαις ἔχειν βοῦν, τὸν δὲ τὴν ταύτης 
χρόαν ' ἄριστα εἰκάσαι δυνηθέντα καὶ ζῶντα τὸν 
παῖδα ἀποδώσειν. συγκληθέντων δὲ τῶν μάν- 
τεων Πολύιδος ὁ Κοιρανοῦ τὴν χρόαν τῆς βοὸς 
εἴκασε βάτου καρπῷ, καὶ ζητεῖν τὸν παῖδα ἀναγ- 
κασθεὶς διά τινος μαντείας ἀνεῦρε. λέγοντος δὲ 
Mivwos ὅτι δεῖ καὶ ζῶντα ἀπολαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἀπε- 
κλείσθη σὺν τῷ νεκρῷ. ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ 
τυγχάνων εἶδε δράκοντα ἐπὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἰόντα" 
τοῦτον βαλὼν λίθῳ ἀπέκτεινε, δείσας μὴ κἂν 

1 χρόαν EOR?, Hercher, Wagner: θέαν R (with χρόαν 
written as a correction above the line): θέαν BC, Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

2 κἂν Bekker: ἂν EA, Wagner. 

' Compare Diodorus Siculus, v. 79. 4. 

2 Glaucus was a son of Minos and Pasiphae. See above, 
iii, 1.2. For the story of his death and resurrection, see 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 811; Apostolius, Cent. v. 
48; Palaephatus, De incredib. 27; Hyginus, Fab. 136; zd. 
Astronom. ii. 14. Sophocles and Euripides composed trage- 
dies on the subject. See T’ragicorum Graecorum fragmenta, 
ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 216 sqq., 558 sqq.; The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 56 sqq. 
᾿ 3. The cow or calf (for so Hyginus describes it) was said to 

and killed him with the cast of a javelin, not 
knowing him to be Catreus. Afterwards when he 
learned the truth, he prayed and disappeared in a 
chasm.

To Deucalion were born Idomeneus and Crete
and a bastard son Molus.!' But Glaucus, while he 
was yet a child, in chasing a mouse fell into a jar of 
honey and was drowned.? On his disappearance 
Minos made a great search and consulted diviners as 
to how he should find him. The Curetes told him that 
in his herds he had a cow of three different colours, 
and that the man who could best describe that cow’s 
colour would also restore his son to him alive.? So 
when the diviners were assembled, Polyidus, son of 
Coeranus, compared the colour of the cow to the 
fruit of the bramble, and being compelled to seek 
for the child he found him by means of a sort of 
divination.* But Minos declaring that he must 
recover him alive, he was shut up with the dead 
body. And while he was in great perplexity, he 
saw a serpent going towards the corpse. He threw 
a stone and killed it, fearing to be killed himself if 

change colour twice a day, or once every four hours, being 
first white, then red, and then black. The diviner Polyidus 
solved the riddle by comparing the colour of the animal toa 
ripening mulberry, which is first white, then red, and finally 
black. See Hyginus, Fab. 136; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 811; Sophocles, quoted by Athenaeus, ii. 36, p. 51 p, 
and Bekker’s Aacedota Graeca, i. Ὁ. 361, lines 20 sqq.; The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. p. 60, 
frag. 395. 

4 He is said to have discovered the drowned boy by 
observing an owl which had perched on a wine-cellar and was 
driving away bees. See Hyginus, Fab. 136. Compare 
Aelian, Nat. Anim. v. 2, from which it would seem that 
Hyginus here followed the tragedy of Polyidus by Euripides. 

Ww 

APOLLODORUTS 

4 a s Ψ Ἁ ~ a 1 ww 
αὐτὸς τελευτήσῃ, εἴ TL TO σῶμα πάθοι.; Epye- 
Ἁ Q 
tau δὲ ἕτερος δράκων, καὶ θεασάμενος νεκρὸν Tov 
’ 
πρότερον "ἡ ἄπεισιν, εἶτα ὑποστρέφει πόαν κομί- 
ζων, καὶ ταύτην ἐπιτίθησιν ἐπὶ πᾶν τὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου 
σῶμα: ἐπιτεθείσης δὲ τῆς πόας ἀνέστη. θεασά- 
ΑἉ 4 Ἁ 7 \ b Ἁ 4 
μενος δὲ Πολύιδος καὶ θαυμάσας, τὴν αὐτὴν πόαν 
προσενεγκὼν τῷ τοῦ Γλαύκου σώματι ἀνέστησεν. 
bd A A 4 Ἁ “A 399 oe 9 
ἀπολαβὼν δὲ Μίνως τὸν παῖδα οὐδ᾽ οὕτως εἰς 

"Apyos ἀπιέναι τὸν Πολύιδον εἴα, πρὶν ἢ τὴν 

μαντείαν διδάξαι τὸν Τλαῦκον: ἀναγκασθεὶς δὲ 
Πολύιδος διδάσκει. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέπλει, κελεύει 
τὸν Γλαῦκον εἰς τὸ στόμα ἐμπτύσαι" 3 καὶ τοῦτο 
4 ~ fol [4 4 > aé \ 
ποιήσας Γλαῦκος τῆς μαντείας ὁ ἐπελάθετο. τὰ 
μὲν οὖν περὶ τῶν τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀπογόνων μέχρι 
τοῦδέ μοι λελέχθω. 
IV. Κάδμος δὲ ἀποθανοῦσαν θάψας Τηλέφασ- 
es, a ΄ a ΟΣ : ‘ 
σαν, ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν Eevicbeis, ἦλθεν εἰς Δελφοὺς 
περὶ τῆς pe gee πυνθανόμενος. ὁ δὲ θεὸς 
εἶπε περὶ μὲν Εὐρώπης μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν, 
χρῆσθαι δὲ καθοδηγῴῷ Bot, καὶ πόλιν κτίζειν 

1 εἴ τι τὸ σῶμα πάθοι Bekker: εἰ τούτῳ συμπάθῃ K, Wagner : 
εἰ τοῦτο συμπάθῃ A: εἶ τούτῳ συμπάθοι Heyne, Miiller: εἰ 
τοῦτο συμπάθοι Westermann. 

5 πρότερον ER (first hand): πρῶτον R (second hand, cor- 
rectecl), 

3 ἐμπτύσαι Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 811, Heyne (in 
note), Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἐπιπτύσαι KA, Heyne (in 
text), Westermann, Miiller. 

+ τῆς μαντείας E: τὴν μαντείαν A. 

. 1 Accepting Bekker’s emendation of the text. See Critical 
Note. 

2 According to another account, Glaucus was raised from 
the dead by Aesculapius. See below, iii. 10. 3 ; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 (96); Hyginus, Fab. 49 ; id. Astronom. 

any harm befel the body.! But another serpent 
came, and, seeing the former one dead, departed, 
and then returned, bringing a herb, and placed 
it on the whole body of the other; and no sooner 
was the herb so placed upon it than the dead ser- 
pent came to life. Surprised at this sight, Polyidus 
applied the same herb to the body of Glaucus and 
raised him from the dead.? Minos had now got 
back his son, but even so he did not suffer Polyidus 
to depart to Argos until he had taught Glaucus the 
art of divination. Polyidus taught him on compul- 
sion, and when he was sailing away he bade Glaucus 
spit into his mouth. Glaucus did so and forgot the 
art of divination. Thus much must suffice for my 
account of the descendants of Europa.

When Telephassa died, Cadmus buried her,
and after being hospitably received by the Thracians 
he came to Delphi to inquire about Europa. The 
god told him not to trouble about Europa, but to 
be guided by a cow, and to found a city wherever 

ii. 14. In a Tongan tradition a dead boy is brought to life 
by being covered with the leaves of a certain tree. See 
Pére Reiter, ‘‘ Traditions Tonguiennes,” Anthropos, xii.—xiii. 
(1917-1918), pp. 1086 sg. ; and Appendix, ‘‘The Resurrec- 
tion of Glaucus.” 

* It is said that when Cassandra refused to grant her 
favours to Apollo in return for the gift of prophecy which he 
had hheatowed on her, he spat into her mouth and so prevented 
her from convincing anybody of the truth of her prophecies. 
See Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 247. On ancient superstitions 
about spittle, see Pliny, Nat. Hust. xxviii. 35 sqg.; C. de 
Mensignac, Recherches Ethnographiques sur la Salive et le 
Crachat (Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 41 sqq. 

ΝΜ θ A of 1 , “A “A A 
ἔνθα av αὕτη; πέσῃ καμοῦσα. τοιοῦτον λαβὼν 
Ἁ A ’ 2 7 9 
χρησμὸν διὰ Φωκέων ἐπορεύετο, εἶτα Bot συν- 
τυχὼν ἐν τοῖς Πελάγοντος βουκολίοις ταύτῃ 
κατόπισθεν εἴπετο. ἡ δὲ διεξιοῦσα Βοιωτίαν 
ἐκλίθη, πόλις ἔνθα νῦν εἰσι Θῆβαι. βουλόμενος 
δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾷ καταθῦσαι τὴν βοῦν, πέμπει τινὰς τῶν 
pe 2 a , 3 2 \ ag δεῖΐ , 
μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ληψομένους 8 ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αρείας κρή- 
νης ὕδωρ' φρουρῶν δὲ τὴν κρήνην δράκων, ὃν ἐξ 
"Apeos εἶπόν τινες γεγονέναι, τοὺς πλείονας τῶν 
4 / > [4 \ 4 
πεμφθέντων διέφθειρεν. ἀγανακτήσας δὲ Κάδμος 
κτείνει τὸν δράκοντα, καὶ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ὑποθεμένης 
τοὺς ὀδόντας αὐτοῦ σπείρει. τούτων δὲ σπαρέν- 
των ἀνέτειλαν ἐκ γῆς ἄνδρες ἔνοπλοι, ods ἐκά- 
λεσαν Yraptovs. οὗτοι δὲ ἀπέκτειναν ἀλλήλους, 
οἱ μὲν εἰς ἔριν ἀκούσιον ὁ ἐλθόντες, οἱ δὲ ἀγνο- 
a 4 4 Ψ 4 20 \ 3 
οὔντες. Φερεκύδης δέ φησιν ὅτι Κάδμος, ἰδὼν ἐκ 
γῆς ἀναφυομένους ἄνδρας ἐνόπλους, ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς 
1 αὕτη Scholiast on Homer, 171. ii. 494, Hercher :. αὐτὴ AS. 
2 πόλις ἔνθα viv εἰσι Θῆβαι A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, 
Bekker, Wagner : ἔνθα κτίζει πόλιν Καδμείαν ὅπου viv εἶσιν ai 
Θῆβαι E: πόλις omitted by the Scholiast on Homer, 77. ii. 
494 (ἔνθα viv εἰσὶν αἱ Θῆβαι), and by Hercher. 
8 rwas .. . ληψομένους Εἰ, Scholiast on Homer, JI. ii. 494: 

τινὰ ληψόμενον SA. 
4 ἀκούσιον AS: ἑκούσιον KE. 

} With this story of the foundation of Thebes by Cadmus 
compare Pausanias, ix. 12. 1 sqg., ix. 19. 4; Scholiast on 
Homer, 11. ii. 494; Scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae, 638 
(who quotes the oracle at full length); Scholiast on Aeschylus, 
Seven against Thebes, 186; Hyginus, Fab. 178; Ovid, 
Metamorph. iii. 6 sqq. The Scholiast on Homer (l.c.) agrees 
almost verbally with Apollodorus, and cites as his authorities 
the Boeotica of Hellanicus and the third book of Apollodorus. 
Hence we may suppose that in this narrative Apollodorus 
followed Hellanicus. According to Pausanias, the cow which 

she should fall down for weariness! After receiving 
such an oracle he journeyed through Phocis; then 
falling in with a cow among the herds of Pelagon, 
he followed it behind. And after traversing Boeotia, 
it sank down where is now the city of Thebes. 
Wishing to sacrifice the cow to Athena, he sent 
some of his companions to draw water from the 
spring of Ares. But a dragon, which some said 
was the offspring of Ares, guarded the spring and 
destroyed most of those that were sent. In his in- 
dignation Cadmus killed the dragon, and by the 
advice of Athena sowed its teeth. When they were 
sown there rose from the ground armed men whom 
they called Sparti.? These slew each other, some 
in a chance brawl, and some in ignorance. But 
Pherecydes says that when Cadmus saw armed 
men growing up out of the ground, he flung stones 

Cadmus followed bore on each flank a white mark resembling 
the full moon ; Hyginus says simply that it had the mark of 
the moon on its flank. Varro says (Rerum rusticarum, iii. 1) 
that Thebes in Boeotia was the oldest city in the world, having 
been built by King Ogyges before the great flood. The tradi- 
tion of its high antiquity has been recently confirmed by the 
discovery of many Mycenaean remains on the site. See A. D. 
Kerampoullos, in ᾿Αρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον (Athens, 1917), pp. 
l sqq. 

2 That is, ‘‘sown.” Compare Euripides, Phoenissae, 939 
sq. For the story of the sowing of the dragon’s teeth, see 
Pausanias, ix. 10. 1 ; Scholiast on Homer, 17. ii. 494; Hyginus, 
Fab. 178; Ovid, Metamorph. iii. 26-130. Similarly, Jason 
in Colchis sowed some of the dragon’s teeth which he had 
received from Athena, and from the teeth there sprang up 
armed men, who fought each other. See Apollodorus, i. 9. 23. 
As to the dragon-guarded spring at Thebes, see Euripides, 
Phoenissae, 930 sqq.; Pausanias, 1x. 10. 5, with my note. It 
is a common superstition that springs are guarded by dragons 
or serpents. Compare The Magic Art and the Evolution of 
Kings, ii. 155 sqq. 

w 

oe 

APOLLODORTS 

ἔβαλε! λίθους, ot δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων νομίζοντες 
βάλλεσθαι εἰς μάχην κατέστησαν. περιεσώ- 
θησαν δὲ πέντε, ᾿Εχίων Οὐδαῖος Χθονίος “Ὑ περή- 

f 4 ἐδ δὲ 3 θ᾽ φ Μ τι 
νωρ ἸΙέλωρος." Καδμος δὲ ἀνθ ὧν ἐκτεινεν 
ἀίδιον3 ἐνιαυτὸν ἐθήτευσεν “Apes: ἦν δὲ ὁ ἐνιαυτὸς 
τότε ὀκτὼ ἔτη. 

Mera δὲ τὴν θητείαν ᾿Αθηνᾶ αὐτῷ τὴν βασι- 
λείαν" κατεσκεύασε, Ζεὺς δὲ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ γυναῖκα 
¢ 4 3 , \vw , Ἁ 
Δρμονίαν, ᾿Αφροδίτης καὶ Ἄρεος θυγατέρα. καὶ 
πάντες θεοὶ καταλιπόντες τὸν οὐρανόν, ἐν τῇ 
Καδμείᾳ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. 
Μ Α 9 A / [4 A XN e f 
ἔδωκε δὲ αὐτῇ Κάδμος πέπλον καὶ τὸν ἡφαιστό- 
τευκτον ὅρμον, ὃν ὑπὸ «Ἡφαίστου λέγουσί τινες 
δοθῆναι Κάδμῳ, Φερεκύδης δὲ ὑπὸ Εὐρώπης" ὃν 
παρὰ Διὸς αὐτὴν λαβεῖν. γίνονται δὲ Κάδμῳ 
θυγατέρες μὲν Αὐτονόη ᾿Ινὼ Σεμέλη ᾿Αγανή, παῖς 
δὲ Πολύδωρος. ᾿Ινὼ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αθάμας ἔγημεν, 

> l4 A 2 “A ? A 4 ? ? 
Αὐτονόην δὲ ‘“Aptotaios, ‘Ayauny δὲ ᾿᾽Ἐχίων. 
Σεμέλης δὲ Ζεὺς ἐρασθεὶς “Hpas κρύφα συνευνά- 

| ἔβαλε A: ἔβαλλε δ΄. 

2 πέλωρος R: Πέλωρ A. 

> ἀίδιον EA : “Apeos υἱόν Hercher. 
4 τὴν βασιλείαν EF: βασιλείαν ὃ. 

1 The names of the five survivors of the Sparti are similarly 
reported by Pausanias (ix. 5. 3), the Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius (Argon. iii. 1179), and Hyginus (Fab. 179). From 
the Scholiast on Apollonius (/.c.), we learn that their names 
were given in like manuer by Pherecydes, as indeed we might 
have inferred from Apollodorus’s reference to that author in 
the present passage. Ovid (Metamorph. iii. 126) mentions 
that five survived, but he names only one (Echion). 

2 The ‘‘ eternal year” probably refers to the old eight 
years’ cycle, as to which and the period of a homicide’s 
banishment, see the note on ii. 5. 11. 

3 As to the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia, see Pindar, 

at them, and they, supposing that they were being 
pelted by each other, came to blows. However, five 
of them survived, Echion, Udaeus, Chthonius, Hype- 
renor, and Pelorus.! But Cadmus, to atone for the 
slaughter, served Ares for an eternal year; and the 
year was then equivalent to eight years of our 
reckoning.? 

After his servitude Athena procured for him the 
kingdom, and Zeus gave him to wife Harmonia, 
daughter of Aphrodite and Ares. And all the gods 
quitted the sky, and feasting in the Cadmea cele- 
brated the marriage with hymns.* Cadmus gave her a 
robe and the necklace wrought by Hephaestus, which 
some say was given to Cadmus by Hephaestus, but 
Pherecydes says that it was given by Europa, who 
had received it from Zeus.t And to Cadmus were 
born daughters, Autonoe, Ino, Semele, Agave, and 
«a son Polydorus.° Ino was married to Athamas, 
Autonoe to Aristaeus, and Agave to Echion. But 
Zeus loved Semele and bedded with her unknown to 

Pyth. iii. 88 (157) sqq.; Euripides, Phoenissae, 822 sq. ; 
Theognis, 15-18; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 2. 1, v. 48. 5, v. 49.1; 
Pausanias, iii. 18. 12, ix. 12.3; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 101 (Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 78, who calls the wife Hermiona). 

4 According to another account, this golden necklace was 
bestowed by Aphrodite on Cadmus or on Harmonia. See 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 5 ; Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 94 
(167) ; Scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae,71. But, accordin 
to yet another account, the necklace and robe were bot 
bestowed by Athena. See Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1. The 
Second Vatican Mythographer (78, see preceding note) says 
that the necklace was Pande by Vulcan (Hephaestus) at the 
instigation of Minerva (Athena), and that it was bestowed by 
him on Harmonia at her marriage. 

5 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 975-978 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
2.1. As to the daughters Semele and Ino, compare Pindar, 
Olymp. ii. 22 (38) sqq. 

e \ 3 Cal e \ @ 4 
ζεται. ἡ δὲ ἐξαπατηθεῖσα ὑπὸ “Ἥρας, κατανεύ- 
σαντος αὐτῇ Διὸς πᾶν τὸ αἰτηθὲν ποιήσειν, 

> ζω. [οὶ > AN -“ 
αἰτεῖται τοιοῦτον αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν οἷος ἦλθε μνη- 
’ “HH Z A δὲ A ὃ ’ > 
στευόμενος “Ἥραν. Ζεὺς δὲ μὴ δυνάμενος ἀνα- 
νεῦσαι παραγίνεται εἰς τὸν θάλαμον αὐτῆς ἐφ᾽ 
ἴω “ ξ΄ ΄“ 
ἅρματος ἀστραπαῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ βρονταῖς, καὶ κεραυ- 
δ Ψ 4 \ Ν a 9 Ud 
νὸν inow. Σεμέλης δὲ διὰ τὸν φόβον ἐκλιπούσης, 
e a ‘\ ’ 3 \ 3 “ \ 
ἑξαμηνιαῖον τὸ βρέφος ἐξαμβλωθὲν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς 
ἁρπάσας ἐνέρραψε τῷ μηρῷ. ἀποθανούσης δὲ 
Σεμέ j ὶ Kad θ ἔρες διή 
εμέλης, αἱ λοιπαὶ Κάδμου θυγατέρες διήνεγκαν 
, a nA 
λόγον, συνηυνῆσθαι θνητῷ τινι Σεμέλην καὶ 

4 f Ἁ ῃ 4 1 \ ἴω 9 

καταψεύσασθαι Atos, καὶ «ὅτι; διὰ τοῦτο ἐκε- 
’ 

ραυνωθη. κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τὸν καθήκοντα 
Διόνυσον γεννᾷ Ζεὺς λύσας τὰ ῥάμματα, καὶ 
δίδωσιν Ἑρμῇ. ὁ δὲ κομίξει πρὸς ᾿Ινὼ καὶ 
᾿Αθάμαντα καὶ πείθει τρέφειν ὡς κόρην. ἀγα- 

, \ cd [4 > an > ἢ Ἁ 
νακτήσασα δὲ Ἥρα μανίαν αὐτοῖς ἐνέβαλε, καὶ 
᾿Αθάμας μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον παῖδα Λέαρχον ὡς 
ἔλαφον θηρεύσας ἀπέκτεινεν, ᾿Ινὼ δὲ τὸν Μελι- 

1 ὅτι inserted by Hercher. 

1 For the loves of Zeus and Semele and the birth of Dio- 
nysus, see Hesiod, Theog. 940-942 ; Euripides, Bacchae, 1 sqq., 
242 sqq., 286 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 2. 2 8ᾳ., v. 52.2; 
Philostratus, Imag. i. 13; Pausanias, iii. 24. ὃ, ix. δ. 2; 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xiv. 325 (who copies Apollodorus 
without mentioning him); Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. ii. 
25 (44); Lucian, Dial. deorum, ix.; Nonnus and Nicetas, in 
Westermann’s Mythographi Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, 
Ixxi. p. 385 ; Ovid, Metamorph. iii. 259 8ᾳᾳ.; Hyginus, Fab. 
167 and 179; Fulgentius, Mytholog. ii. 15; Lactantius 
Placidus, on Statius, Theb. i. 12; Scriptores rerum mythica- 
rum Latini, ed.G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 38 sg., 102 (First Vati- 
can Mythographer, 120; Second Vaticah Mythographer, 79). 

* So the infant Dionysus is described by the Scholiast on 

Hera.! Now Zeus had agreed: to do for her whatever 
she asked, and deceived by Hera she asked that he 
would come to her as he came when he was wooing 
Hera. Unable to refuse, Zeus came to her bridal 
chamber in a chariot, with lightnings and thunder- 
ings, and launched a thunderbolt. But Semele 
expired of fright, and Zeus, snatching the sixth- 
month abortive child? from the fire, sewed it in his 
thigh. On the death of Semele the other daughters 
of Cadmus spread a report that Semele had bedded 
with a mortal man, and had falsely accused Zeus, 
and that therefore she had been blasted by 
thunder. But at the proper time Zeus undid the 
stitches and gave birth to Dionysus, and entrusted 
him to Hermes. And he conveyed him to Ino 
and Athamas, and persuaded them to rear him as 
a girl? But Hera indignantly drove them mad, and 
Athamas hunted his elder son Learchus as a deer and 
killed him,* and Ino threw Melicertes into a boiling 

Homer, Jl. xiv. 325, who however may be copying Apollo- 
dorus, though he refers to the Bacchae of Euripides. But 
Lucian (Dial. deorum. ix. 2) and Nonnus (in Westermann’s 
Mythographi Graeci, p. 385) speak of the infant as a seventh- 
month child at birth. 

5 So Achiiles is said to have been dressed in his youth as a 
girl at the court of Lycomedes, king of Scyros. See below, 
lli. 13. 8 note. These traditions may embody reminiscences 
of an old custom of dressing boys as girls in order to avert 
the evil eye. See my article, ‘‘ The Youth of Achilles,” The 
Classical Review, vii. (1893), pp. 292 sg., and my note on 
Pausanias, i. 22. 6. 

* Compare Pausanias, i. 44. 7, ix. 34. 7; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 229; Schol. on Homer, Od. v. 334; Hyginus, 
Fab. 2 and 4; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 489 8ηᾳ.; id. Metamorph. iv. 
512 8ᾳᾳ.; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. i. 12; Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. v. 241; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 102 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 
79). 

, ; + 
κέρτην εἰς πεπυρωμένον λέβητα ῥίψασα, εἶτα 
βαστάσασα μετὰ νεκροῦ τοῦ παιδὸς ἥλατο-κατὰ 

θοῦ." t Δευκοθ ἐν αὐτὴ καλεῖ Π 
βυθοῦ. καὶ Λευκοθέα μὲν αὐτὴ καλεῖται, 11α- 
Aaipwv δὲ ὁ παῖς, οὕτως ὀνομασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν 
πλεόντων: τοῖς χειμαζομένοις γὰρ βοηθοῦσιν. 
3 έθ δὲ 2. Δ Μ / ς 9 5 A “ Ἶ θ ’ 
ἐτέθη O€ ἐπὶ ΝΜἱελικέρτῃ <o>* ἄγὼν τῶν ἰσθμιων, 
Σισύφου θέντος. Διόνυσον δὲ Ζεὺς εἰς ἔριφον 
ἀλλάξας τὸν “ρας θυμὸν ἔκλεψε, καὶ λαβὼν 

ς ro) 
αὐτὸν “Eppfjs πρὸς νύμφας ἐκόμισεν ἐν Νύσῃ 
fol Ἁ 
κατοικούσας τῆς ᾿Ασίας, ἃς ὕστερον Ζεὺς κατα- 
στερίσας ὠνόμασεν Ὑάδας. 

1 βυθοῦ ES: βυθῶν A. 2 ὁ inserted by Hercher. 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 229; Scholiast 
on Pindar, Isthm., Argum. Ὁ. 514, ed. Boeckh. 

2 On Ino and Melicertes see also Pausanias, i. 42. 6, i. 44. 
7 8ᾳ., ii. 1. 8, iv. 34. 4; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 38; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 107, 229-231 ; Scholiast on Homer, 11]. 
viii. 86, and on Qd. v. 334; Scholiast on Euripides, Medea, 
1284; Hyginus, Fab. 2and 4; Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 519-542 ; 
id. Fasti, vi. 491 sgqg.; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. v. 241; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. 1. 12; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 102 
(Second Vatican Mythographer, 79). 

8 On the foundation of the Isthmian games in honour of 
Melicertes, see Pausanias, i. 44. 8, ii. 1. 3; Scholiasts on 
Pindar, Isthm., Argum. pp. 514, 515, ed. Boeckh ; Scholiasts 
on Euripides, Medea, 1284; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 
ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 38: Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 107, 229-231 ; Hyginus, Fab. 2. 

4 Dionysus bore the title of Kid. See Hesychius, s.v. 
Ἔριφος ὃ Διόνυσος; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. ᾿Ακρώρεια. When 
the gods fled into Egypt to escape the fury of Typhon, 
Dionysus is said to have been turned into a goat. See Anto- 
ninus Liberalis, Transform. 28; Ovid, Metamorph. v. 39; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
p 29 (First Vatican a eee 86). As a god of fertility, 

ionysus appears to have been conceived as embodied, now 

cauldron,! then carrying it with the dead child she 
sprang into the deep. And she herself is called 

eucothoe, and the boy is called Palaemon, such 
being the names they get from sailors; for they 
succour storm-tossed mariners.?, And the Isthmian 
games were instituted by Sisyphus in honour of 
Melicertes.2 But Zeus eluded the wrath of Hera 
by turning Dionysus into a kid,‘ and Hermes took 
him and brought him to the nymphs -who dwelt at 
Nysa in Asia, whom Zeus afterwards changed into 
stars and named them the Hyades.° 

in the form of a goat, now in the form of a bull; and his 
worshippers accordingly entered into communion with him 
by ending and devouring live goats and bulls. See Spirits 
of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 12 sqq., ii. 1 sqgg. The goat 
was the victim regularly sacrificed in the rites of Dionysus, 
because the animal injured the vine by gnawing it ; but the 
reason thus alleged for the sacrifice may have been a later 
interpretation. See Virgil, Georg. ii. 380-384, who refers 
the origin both of tragedy and of comedy to these sacrifices 
of goats in honour of the wine-god. Gonpare Varro, Rerum 
Rusticarum, i. 2. 19; Ovid, Fasti, i. 353 sgq.; Cornutus, 
Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 30; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen. iii. 118. 

5 Apollodorus seems here to be following Pherecydes, who 
related how the infant Dionysus was nursed by the Hyades. 
See the Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xviii. 486; Hyginus, Astro- 
nom. ii. 21; Scholiast on Germanicus, Aratea (in Martianus 
Capella, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt, p. 396); Fragmenta Histori- 
corum Graecorum, ed. C. Miiller, i. 84. Frag. 46. Nothing 
could be more appropriate than that the god of the vine 
should be nursed by the nymphs of the rain. According to 
Diodorus Siculus (iii. 59. 2, iii. 64.5, iii. 65 7, iii. 66. 3), 
Nysa, the place where the nymphs reared Dionysus, was in 
Arabia, which is certainly not a rainy country; but he 
admits (iii. 66. 4, iii. 67. 5) that others placed Nysa in Africa, 
or, as he calls it, Libya, away in the west beside the great 
ocean. Herodotus speaks of Nysa as ‘‘in Ethiopia, above 
Egypt” (ii. 146), and he mentions ‘‘the Ethiopians who 

VOL. I. : Y 

Avrovons δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρισταίου mais ᾿Ακταΐέων 
ἐγένετο, ὃς τραφεὶς παρὰ Xeipwve κυνηγὸς ἐδι- 
δάχθη, καὶ ἔπειτα ὕστερον' ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι 
κατεβρώθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων κυνῶν. καὶ τοῦτον 
ἐτελεύτησε τὸν τρόπον, ws μὲν ᾿Ακουσίλαος λέγει, 
μηνίσαντος τοῦ Διὸς ὅτι ἐμνηστεύσατο Σεμέλην, 
ὡς δὲ οἱ πλείονες, ὅτε τὴν Αρτεμιν λουομένην 
εἶδε. καί φασι τὴν θεὸν παραχρῆμα αὐτοῦ τὴν 
μορφὴν εἰς ἔλαφον ἀλλάξαι, καὶ τοῖς ἑπομένοις 
ἀὐτῷ πεντήκοντα κυσὶν ἐμβαλεῖν λύσσαν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν᾽ 
κατὰ ἄγνοιαν ἐβρώθη. ἀπολομένου δὲ ᾿Ακταίω- 
vos® οἱ κύνες ἐπιζητοῦντες τὸν δεσπότην κατω- 
ρύοντο, καὶ ζήτησιν ποιούμενον παρεγένοντο 
ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ Χείρωνος ἄντρον, ὃς εἴδωλον κατε- 
σκεύασεν ᾿Ακταίωνος, ὃ καὶ τὴν λύπην αὐτῶν 
ἔπαυσε. 

[τὰ ὀνόματα τῶ» Ακταίωνος κυνῶν ἐκ TOV... 
οὕτω 
δὴ νῦν καλὸν σῶμα περισταδόν, ἠύτε θῆρος, 
τοῦδε δάσαντο κύνες κρατεροί. πέλας t*Apxeva® 
πρώτη. 

1 ἔπειτα ὕστερον ES. ἔπειτα is apparently omitted in the 
other MSS. ‘ οὐὰ ᾿ 

3 ἀπολομένου R: ἀπολλυμένον A. 

ὃ »αΑκταίωνος ESA : ᾿Ακταίονος Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, 
Bekker. 

ὁ The passage enclosed in square brackets, which contains 
a list of Actaeon’s dogs, has probably been interpolated from 
some other source. It is wanting in the Vatican Epitome 
(E) and the Sabhaitic fragments (S.). 

id "Ἄρκενα A: ἤΆρκυα Aegius, Heyne, Westermann, Miller, 
elites : “Apruia Scaliger: “Apy:a Mitscherlich: “AAKawa 

Autonoe and Aristaeus had a son Actaeon, who was 
bred by Chiron to be a hunter and then afterwards 
was devoured on Cithaeron by his own dogs.! He 
perished in that way, according to Acusilaus,; because 
Zeus was angry at him for wooing Semele; but 
according to the more general opinion, it was because 
he saw Artemis bathing. And they say that the 
goddess at once transformed him into a deer, and 
drove mad the fifty dogs in his pack, which de- 
voured him unwittingly. Actaeon being gone, the 
dogs sought their master howling lamentably, and in 
the search they came to the cave of Chiron, who 
fashioned an image of Actaeon, which soothed their 
grief. 

The names of Actaeon’s dogs from the.... 
So 
Now surrounding his fair body, as it were that of a 
beast, 

The strong dogs rent it. Near Arcena first. 

dwell about sacred Nysa and hold the festivals in honour of 
Dionysus” (iii. 97). But in fact Nysa was sought by the 
ancients in many different and distant lands and was probably 
mythical, perhaps invented to explain the name of Dionysus. 
See Stephanus Byzantius and Hesychius, 8.v. Nica; A.Wiede- 
mann, on Herodotus, ii. 146; T. W. Allen and E. E. Sikes, on 
Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, i. 8. p. 4. 

1 As to Actaeon and his dogs, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
3-5 ; Nonnus, Dionys. v. 287 8ηᾳ. ; Palaephatus, De incredib. 
3; Nonnus, in Westermann’s Mythographi Graeci, Appendix 
Narrationum, 6, p. 360; Hyginus, Fab. 181; Ovid, Meta- 
morph, iii. 138 sq.; Fulgentius, Mytholog. iii. 3; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latuni, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 103 
(Second Vatican Mythographer, 81). Hyginus and Ovid give 
lists of the dogs’ names. 

y 2 

APOLLODORUS , 

. ... μετὰ ταύτην ἄλκιμα τέκνα, 
Λυγκεὺς καὶ Bandios! πόδας αἰνετός, ἠδ᾽ ᾿Αμά- 
ρυνθος.---- 
Ἁ 4 > \ 4 
καὶ τούτους ὀνομαστὶ διηνεκεως κατέλεξε" 
N , 9 / 3 \ 2 , 8 
καὶ τότε ᾿Ακταίων ἔθανεν Διὸς évvecinat. 
πρῶτοι γὰρ μέλαν αἷμα πίον“ σφετέροιο ἄνακτος 
9 a 
Σπαρτός tT “Opapyos® τε Βορῆς τ᾽ αἰψηροκέ- 
λευθος. 
οὗτοι δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Ακταίου πρῶτοι φάγον αἷμα τ᾽ ἔλαψαν. 
\ δὲ » 9 ΝΜ 4 > , θ 8 3 
τοὺς μὲτ ἄλλοι πάντες ἐπέσσυθεν" ἐμμε- 
μαῶτες.---- 
᾽ J 3 . A 3 Μ 2 7 
ἀργαλέων ὀδυνῶν ἄκος ἔμμεναι ἀνθρώποισιν. 

, - Ag \ 2 , 4 
V. Διόνυσος δὲ εὑρετὴς ἀμπέλου γενόμενος, 
Ἥρας μανίαν αὐτῷ ἐμβαλούσης περιπλανᾶται 

1 Βαλίος Mitscherlich: βανός A. 

2 καὶ τούτους ὀνομαστὶ Sinvexews κατέλεξε Scaliger: καὶ obs 
ὀνομαστὶ διήνεγκεν ..., ὡς καταλέξῃ Wagner. 

3 καὶ τότε ᾿Ακταίων ἔθανεν Διὸς ἐννεσίῃησι Heyne, Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker (except that he reads αἰνεσίῃσι for 
ἐννεσίῃσι). ἔθανεν is Aegius’s correction of the MS. reading 
κτεῖναι (A) or κτεῖνε (PR°). Wagner edits the passage thus: 

.. τότ᾽ ᾿Ακταῖον κτεῖναι Διὸς αἰνεσίησι. Bergk proposed to 

read κτεῖναν for κτεῖναι or κτεῖνε. 4 πίον Scaliger: ἀπὸ A. 
5 "OQuapyos Bekker: ὧν ἀργὸς A: Οὔαργος Heyne : “Ouapyos 
Bergk. 6 οὗτοι SR: οὗ δ᾽ A. 

7 ἔλαψαν Ruhnken: ἔδαψαν A. 

8 ἐπέσσυθεν Scaliger: ἐπέσσυθον A. 

1 As to the discovery of the vine by Dionysus and the 
wanderings of the god, see Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62 sq., iv. 
1. 6 8g., iv. 2. 5 sqq.; Strabo, xv. 1. 7-9, pp. 687 sg. The 
story of the rovings of Dionysus, and in particular of his 
journey to India, was probably suggested by a simple 
observation of the wide geographical diffusion of the vine. 
Wherever the plant was cultivated and wine made from the 
grapes, there it would be eu phos that the vine-god must 
have tarried, dispensing the boon or the bane of his gifts to 

.... after her a mighty brood, 
Lynceus and Balius goodly-footed, and Amaryn- 
thus.— 
And these he enumerated continuously by name. 
And then Actaeon perished at the instigation of Zeus. 
For the first that drank their master’s black blood 
Were Spartus and Omargus and Bores, the swift on 
the track. 
These first ate of Actaeon and lapped his blood. 
And after them others rushed on him eagerly .... 
- To be a remedy for grievous pains to men.

Dionysus discovered the vine,! and being
driven mad by Hera? he roamed about Egypt and 

mortals. There seems to be some reason to think that the 
original home of the vine was in the regions to the south of 
the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and the Caspian Sea, where the 
plant still grows wild ‘‘ with the luxuriant wildness of a 
tropical creeper, clinging to tall trees and producing abundant 
fruit without pruning or cultivation.” Ses A. de Candolle, 
Origin of Cultivated Plants (London, 1884), pp. 191 sqq. 
Compare A. Engler, in Victor Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und 
Hausthiere in threm Ubergang aus Asten’ (Berlin, 1902), 
pp. 85 sgq. But these regions are precisely those which 
Dionysus was supposed to have traversed on his journeys. 
Certainly the idea of the god’s wanderings cannot have been 
suggested, as appears to be sometimes imagined, by the 
expedition of Alexander the Great to India (see F. A. Voigt, 
in ὟΝ. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und rom. Mythologie, 
i. 1087), since they are described with geographical precision 
by Euripides, who died before Alexander the Great was born. 
In his famous play, The Bacchae (vv. 13-20), the poet intro- 
duces the god himself describing his journey over Lydia, 
Phrygia, Bactria, Media, and all Asia. And by Asia the 
poet did not mean the whole continent of Asia as we under- 
stand the word, for most of it was unknown to him; he meant 
only the southern portion of it from the Mediterranean to the 
Indus, in great part of whith the vine appears to be native. 
2 Compare Euripides, Cyclope, 3 sq. 

Αἴγυπτόν te καὶ Συρίαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον 
Πρωτεὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς Αἰγυπτίων, 
4 \ ? 4 fol ’ 9 »“"» 

αὖθις δὲ εἰς Κύβελα τῆς Φρυγίας ἀφικνεῖται, 
κἀκεῖ καθαρθεὶς ὑπὸ “Ῥέας καὶ τὰς τελετὰς ἐκμα- 
θών, καὶ λαβὼν παρ᾽ ἐκείνης τὴν στολήν, [ἐπὶ 
ἸΙνδοὺς7'; διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἠπείγετο. Λυκοῦργος 
δὲ παῖς Δρύαντος, ᾿Ηδωνῶν βασιλεύων, οἱ Στρυ- 
μόνα ποταμὸν παροικοῦσι, πρῶτος ὑβρίσας ἐξέ- 
βαλεν αὐτόν. καὶ Διόνυσος μὲν εἰς θάλασσαν 

Ἁ , \ / , , \ 
πρὸς Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως κατέφυγε, Βάκχαι δὲ 
ἐγένοντο αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ τὸ συνεπόμενον Σατύ- 

A > A 4 A e , 4 

ρων πλῇθος αὐτῷ. αὖθις δὲ αἱ Βάκχαι ἐλύθησαν 
ἐξαίφνης, Λυκούργῳ δὲ μανίαν ἐνεποίησεξ Διόνυ- 
σος. ὁ δὲ μεμηνὼς Δρύαντα τὸν παῖδα, ἀμπέλου 
νομίζων κλῆμα κόπτειν, πελέκει πλήξας ἀπέ- 

1 ἐπὶ ᾿Ινδοὺς. These words are out of place here. Wagner 
is probably right in thinking that we should either omit 
them (with Hercher) or insert στρατεύσας after them, so as 
to give the meaning: ‘‘and after marching against the 
Indians he hastened through Thrace.” 

2 ἐνεποίησε Heyne: ἐποίησε A. 

1 The visit of Dionysus to Egypt was doubtless invented 
to explain the close resemblance which the ancients traced 
between the worships of Osiris and Dionysus. See Herodotus, 
ii. 42, 49, and 144; Diodorus Siculus, i. 11.3, i. 13. 5, i. 96. 5, 
iv. 1.6; Plutarch, Jsts οὐ Osiris, 28, 34, and 35; Tibullus, 
i. 7. 29 sqq. ° For the same reason Nysa, the place where 
Dionysus was supposed to have been reared, was by some 
people believed to be in, the neighbourhood of Egypt. See 
Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, i. 8 8ᾳ.; Diodorus Siculus, 
i. 15. 6, iv. 2. 3. 

* For the association of Dionysus with Phrygia, see Euripi- 
des, Bacchae, 58 sq., 78 sqq., where the chorus of, Bacchanals 
is represented escorting Dionysus from the mountains of 
Phrygia to Greece. According to one account, Dionysus was 

Syria. At first he was received by Proteus, king of 
Egypt,' but afterwards he arrived at Cybela in 
Phrygia.? And there, after he had been purified by 
Rhea and learned the rites of initiation, he received 
from her the costume and hastened through Thrace 
against the Indians. But Lycurgus, son of Dryas, 
was king of the Edonians, who dwell beside the 
river Strymon, and he was the first who insulted and 
expelled him. Dionysus took refuge in the sea with 
Thetis, daughter of Nereus, and the Bacchanals were 
taken prisoners together with the multitude of Satyrs 
that attended him. But afterwards the Bacchanals 
were suddenly released, and Dionysus drove Lycur- 
gus mad. And in his madness he struck his son 
Dryas dead with an axe, imagining that he was 
lopping a branch of a vine, and when he had cut off 

reared by the great Phrygian goddess Rhea (Stephanus 
᾿ Byzantius, 8.v. Maoravpa). These legends were probably 
intended to explain the resemblances between the Bacchic 
and the Phrygian religions, especially in respect of their wild 
ecstatic and orgiastic rites. 

3 For the story of the hostility of Lycurgus to Dionysus, 
see Homer, Il. vi. 129 sgg., with the Scholia; Sophocles, 
Antigone, 955 8qq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 273; 
Hyginus, Fab. 132; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 14; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 39 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 122). According to Sophocles, 
it would seem that Lycurgus suffered nothing worse at the 
hands of his subjects than imprisonment in a cave, where his 
frenzy gradually subsided. According to Hyginus, Servius, 
and the First Vatican Mythographer, the furious king, in 
attempting to cut down the vines, lapped off one of his own 
feet or even both his legs. It appears to be a common belief 
that a woodman who cuts a sacred tree with an axe wounds 
himself in so doing. See W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 
36 sq. It is said that when the missionary Jerome of Prague 
was preaching to the heathen Lithuanians and persuading 
them to cut down their sacred wvods, one of the converts, 

κτεινε, καὶ ἀκρωτηριάσας αὐτὸν ἐσωφρόνησε.1 
τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀκάρπου μενούσης, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς 
καρποφορήσειν αὐτήν, ἂν θανατωθῇ Λυκοῦργος. 
᾿Ηδωνοὶ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εἰς τὸ Παγγαῖον αὐτὸν 

1 ἐσωφρόνησε Aegius: ἐσωφρόνισε Α. 

moved by his exhortation, struck at an ancient oak with an 
axe, but wounded himself in the legs and fell to the ground. 
See Aeneas Sylvius, Opera (Bale, 1571), p. 418 [wrongly 
numbered 420]. The accident to this zealous convert closely 
resembles the one which is said to have befallen the Edonian 
king in a similar attempt on the sacred vine. 

1 Greek murderers used to cut off the extremities, such as 
the ears and noses, of their victims, fasten them on a string, 
and tie the string round the necks and under the armpits of 
the murdered men. One motive assigned for this custom, and 
probably the original one, was the wish by thus mutilating 
the dead man to weaken him so that he, or rather his ghost, 
could not take vengeance on his murderer (ἵνα, φασίν, ἀσθενὴς 
γένοιτο πρὸς Td ἀντιτίσασθαι τὸν φονέα, Scholiast on Sophocles, 
Electra, 445 ; διὰ τούτων ὥσπερ τὴν δύναμιν ἐκείνων [scil. τῶν 
ἀναιρεθέντων) ἀφαιρούμενοι, διὰ τὸ μὴ παθεῖν ἐς ὕστερόν τι δεινὸν 
παρ᾽ ἐκείνων, Suidas, 8.0. μασχαλισθῆναι). On this barbarous 
custom see the Scholiast on Sophocles, l.c.; Suidas, l.c.; 
Hesychius and Photius, Lexicon, 8.v. μασχαλίσματα ; Scholiast 
on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 477. According to one 
account (Scholiast on Sophocles, U.c.), the murderer fastened 
the extremities of his victim about his own person, but the 
better attested and more probable account is that he tied 
them about the mutilated body of his victim. Compare 
E. Rohde, Psyche’, i. 322-826 ; R. C. Jebb, on Sophocles, 
Electra, 445, with the Appendix, PP. 211 sq. The practice is 
perhaps illustrated by an original drawing in the Ambrosian 
manuscript of the Iliad, which represents the Homeric 
episode of Dolon (Jl. x. 314 8qq.); in the drawing the corpse 
of the slain Dolon is depicted shorn of its feet and hands, 
which lie beside it, while Ulysses holds Dolon’s severed head 
in his hand. See Annalt dell?’ Insvituto di Correspondenza 
Archeologica (Rome, 1875), tav. d’agg. R.; A. Baumeister, 

his son’s extremities,! he recovered his senses.2, But 
the land remaining barren, the god declared oracu- 
larly that it would bear fruit if Lycurgus were put 
to death. On hearing that, the Edonians led him to 

Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums, i. 460 sq., fig. 506. 
It appears to be a widespread belief that the ghost of one who 
has died a violent death is dangerous to his slayer, but that 
he can be rendered powerless for mischief by maiming his 
body in such a way as would have disabled him in life. For 
example, some of the Australian aborigines used to cut off the 
thumbs of the right hands of dead enemies to prevent their 
ghosts from throwing spears. See A. Oldfield, ‘‘The Abo- 
rigines of Australia,” T'ransactions of the Ethnological Soctety 
of London, iii. (1865) Ῥ. 287. In Travancore the spirits οὗ 
murderers who have been hanged are thought to be very 
mischievous; hence, in order to prevent them from doing 
harm, it used to be customary to cut off the heels of the 
criminal with a sword or to hamstring him as he swung on 
the gallows. SeeS. Mateer, The Land of Charity (London, 
(1871), pp. 203 842. In Armenia, when a person falls sick soon 
after the death of a member of the family, it is supposed that 
the sickness is caused by the dead man, who cannot rest in 
his grave until he has drawn away one of his kinsfolk to the 
spirit land. To prevent this catastrophe, the body of the 
deceased is disinterred and decapitated, and to make assurance 
doubly sure the head is smashed or a needle is stuck into it 
and into the heart. See Manuk Abeghian, Der armenische 
Volksglaube (Leipsic, 1899), p.11. In some parts of West 
Africa it is similarly customary to disinter and decapitate a 
corpse of a person whose ghost is supposed to be causing sick- 
ness, ‘‘ because the deceased, having his head cut off, will not 
have the same strength as before, and consequently will not 
be in a position to trouble him (the patient).” See J. B. 
Labat, Relation Historique de 1 Ethiopie Occidentale (Paris, 
1732), i. 208. 

2 So Orestes, driven mad by the Furies of his murdered 
mother, is said to have recovered his senses on biting off one 
of his own fingers (Pausanias, viii. 34. 2). By the sacrifice he 
may be supposed to have appeased the anger of his mother’s 
ghost, who was ποθ a to be causing his madness. Compare 
Folk-lore in the Old Testament, iii. 240 sq. 

ἀπαγαγόντες ὄρος ἔδησαν, κἀκεῖ κατὰ Διονύσου 
βούλησιν ὑπὸ ἵππων διαφθαρεὶς ἀπέθανε. 
Διελθὼν δὲ Θράκην [καὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν ἅπασαν, 
, > a ," 1 9 / \ \ 
στήλας ἐκεῖ στήσας]; ἧκεν εἰς Θήβας, καὶ τὰς 
γυναῖκας ἠνάγκασε καταλιπούσας τὰς οἰκίας 
’ 3 A [οἱ AT A 
βακχεύειν ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι. Πενθεὺς δὲ γεννη- 
3 a 
θεὶς ἐξ ᾿Αγανῆς ᾿Εχίονι, παρὰ Κάδμου εἰληφὼς 
τὴν βασιλείαν, διεκώλυε ταῦτα γίνεσθαι, καὶ 
παραγενόμενος εἰς Κιθαιρῶνα τῶν Βακχῶν κατά- 
A » a 
σκοπὸς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ᾿Αγανῆς κατὰ μανίαν 
ἐμελίσθη: ἐνόμισε γὰρ αὐτὸν θηρίον εἶναι. δεί- 
\ 4 ν “ 3 3 Ν 
Eas δὲ Θηβαίοις ὅτι θεὸς ἐστιν, ἧκεν eis “Apyos, 
κἀκεῖ 5 πάλιν οὐ τιμώντων αὐτὸν ἐξέμηνε τὰς 
γυναῖκας. αἱ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοὺς ἐπιμαστιδίους 
ἔχουσαιβϑ παῖδας τὰς σάρκας αὐτῶν ἐσιτοῦντο. 
βουλόμενος δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ικαρίας εἰς Νάξον διακο- 
μισθῆναι, Τυρρηνῶν λῃστρικὴν ἐμισθώσατο τρι- 
ἤρη. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνθέμενοι Νάξον μὲν παρέπλεον, 
ἠπείγοντο δὲ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἀπεμπολήσοντες. 
ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν ἱστὸν καὶ τὰς κώπας ἐποίησεν ὄφεις, 
Ἁ Α iA v “A \ A > A e 
τὸ δὲ σκάφος ἔπλησε κισσοῦ καὶ βοῆς αὐλῶν" οἱ 
δὲ ἐμμανεῖς γενόμενοι κατὰ τῆς θαλάττης ἔφυγον 
1 The words enclosed in brackets are probably an inter- 
polation, as Heyne thought. Hercher omits them. 

2 κἀκείνων Eberhard. 
3 ἔψονσαι A. Ludwich, perhaps rightly. But we should 

expect ἑψήσασαι. 
4 ἱστὸν Aegius: ἰσθμὸν A. 

1 The king thus done to death was perhaps supposed to die 
in the character of the god ; for Dionysus himself was said to 
have been rent in pieces by the Titans. See Adonis, Attis, 
Osiris, 3rd ed. ii. 98 sq.; Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ἢ 
1. 24 sq. 

Mount Pangaeum and bound him, and there by the 
will of Dionysus he died, destroyed by horses.} 
Having traversed Thrace and the whole of India 
and set up pillars there,? he came to Thebes, and 
forced the women to abandon their houses and rave 
in Bacchie frenzy on Cithaeron. But Pentheus, 
whom Agave bore to Echion, had succeeded Cadmus 
in the kingdom, and he attempted to put a stop to 
these proceedings. And coming to Cithaeron to spy 
on the Bacchanals, he was torn limb from limb by 
his mother Agave in a fit of madness; for she 
thought he was a wild beast. And having shown 
the Thebans that he was a god, Dionysus came to 
Argos, and there again, because they did not honour 
him, he .drove the women mad, and they on the 
mountains devoured the flesh of the infants whom 
they carried at their breasts.‘ And wishing to be 
ferried across from Icaria to Naxos he hired a pirate 
ship of Tyrrhenians. But when they had put him 
on board, they sailed past Naxos and made for 
Asia, intending to sell him. Howbeit, he turned 
the mast and oars into snakes, and filled the vessel 
with ivy and the sound of flutes. And the pirates 
went mad, and leaped into the sea, and were turned 

2 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, viii. 582 sqq. 

3 In these lines Apollodorus has summarized the argument 
of the Bacchae of Euripides ; for the death of Pentheus, see 
vv. 1043 sgqg. Compare Hyginus, Fab. 184; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. iii. 511 sqq., especially 701 sqq.; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latin, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 103 (Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 83). Aeschylus wrote a tragedy on 
the subject of Pentheus (T'ragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. A. Nauck’, pp. 60 4q.). 

4 The reference is to the madness of the daughters of 
Proetus. See above, ii. 2. 2 note. 

καὶ ἐγένοντο δελφῖνες. ὡς δὲ! μαθόντες αὐτὸν 
θεὸν ἄνθρωποι ἐτίμων, ὁ δὲ ἀναγαγὼν ἐξ “Αἰδου 
τὴν μητέρα, καὶ προσαγορεύσας Θυώνην, μετ᾽ 
αὐτῆς εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀνῆλθεν. 

1 ὡς δὲ Miiller, Westermann: ὧδε Heyne: ὡς δὲ Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner. ; 

1 The story of Dionysus and the pirates is the theme of the 
Homeric Hymn No. VII. To Dionysus. Compare Ovid, Meta- 
morph. iii. 581 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 134; td. Astronom. ii. 17; 
Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 67; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 39, 133 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 123; Second Vatican Mythographer, 171) 

* Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 25. 4. Dionysus is said 
to have gone down to hell to fetch up his mother Semele at 
Lerna, where he plunged into the Alcyonian Lake, a pool 
which was supposed to be bottomless and thereforg to afford 
an easy access to the nether world. See Pausanias ii. 37. 5; 
and for a description of the pool as it is at the present time, 
see my commentary on Pausanias, vol. v. pp. 604 sg. Never 
having been in hell before, Dionysus did not know how to go 
there, and he was reduced to the necessity of asking the 
way. A certain Prosymnus pointed it out to the deity on 
condition of receiving a certain reward. When Dionysus 
returned from the lower world, he found that his guide 
had died in the meantime; but he punctually nail the 
Pee reward to the dead man at his grave with the 

elp of a branch of fig wood, which he whittled into an 
appropriate shape. This story was told to explain the 
similar implements which figured prominently in the pro- 
cessions of Dionysus. See Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 
ii. 34, pp. 29 9ᾳ., ed. Potter; Nonnus, in Westermann’s 
Mythographi Graeci, Appendiz Narrationum. xxii. 1, Ὁ. 368; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 212; Arnobius, Adversus 
Nationes, v.28; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 5. Pausanias calls 
the god’s guide Polymnus, unless that form of the name is 
the mistake of a copyist for Prosymnus, as seems to be 
suggested by the epithet Prosymna, which was applied to 
Demeter in the sacred grove at Lerna, where Dionysus also 
had an image. See Pausanias, ii. 37.1. However, Hyginus. 
gives Hypolipnus as the name of the guide to hell. Every 
year the descent of the god through the deep water was 

into dolphins.1_ Thus men perceived that he was a 
god and honoured him; and having brought up his 
mother from Hades and named her Thyone, he 
ascended up with her to heaven.? 

celebrated with nocturnal rites on the reedy margin of the 
i (Pausanias, ii. 37.6). The pious Pausanias shrank from 

ivulging the nature of the rites; but from Plutarch we 
learn that a lamb was thrown into the lake as an offering to 
the warder of hell, while on trumpets hidden in the god’s 
leafy emblems the buglers blew blasts which, startling the 
stillness and darkness of night, were believed to summon up 
the lost Dionysus from the watery depths. See Plutarch, 
Isis et Osiris, 35. Perhaps in answer to this bugle call an 
actor, dressed in the vine-god’s garb, may have emerged 
dripping from the pool to receive the congratulations of the 
worshippers on his rising from the dead. However, accord- 
ing to others, the resurrection of Dionysus and his mother 
took place, not in the gloomy swamp at Lerna, but on the 
beautiful, almost landlocked, bay of Troezen, where now- 
adays groves of oranges and lemons, interspersed with the | 
dark foliage of tall cypresses, fringe the margin of the calm 
blue water at the foot of the rugged mountains. See Pau- 
sanias, ii. 31.2. Plutarch has drawn a visionary picture of 
the scene of the ascension. It was, he says, a mighty chasm 
like the caves sacred to Bacchus, mantled with woods and 
green grass and blooming flowers of every sort, and exhaling 
a delicious, an intoxicating, perfume, while all about it the 
souls of the departed circled and stooped upon the wing like 
flights of birds, but did not dare to cross its tremendous 
depth. It was called the Place of Forgetfulness. See Plu- 
tarch, De sera numints vindicta, 22, pp. 565 sg. A pretty 
story was told of the device by which Pionyeus induced the 
grim warden of the dead to release the soul of his mother 
from the infernal gaol. It is said that Hades consented to 
set her free provided that her son would send of his best 
beloved to replace her shade in the world of shadows. Now 
of all the things in the world the dearest to Dionysus were 
the ivy, the vine, and the myrtle; so of these he sent the 
myrtle, and that is why the initiated in his rites wreathed 
their brows with myrtle leaves. See Scholiast on Aristo- 
phanes, Frogs, 330. The harrying of hell is the theme of 
Aristophanes’s amusing comedy The Frogs. 

net | 

Ὁ δὲ Κάδμος μετὰ ᾿Δρμονίας Θήβας ἐκλιπὼν 
πρὸς ᾿Εγχελέας! παραγίνεται. τούτοις δὲ ὑπὸ 
᾿Ιλλυριῶν πολεμουμένοις ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησεν ᾽λλυ- 
ριῶν κρατήσειν, ἐὰν ἡγεμόνας Κάδμον καὶ Ἄρμο- 
νίαν ἔχωσιν. οἱ δὲ πεισθέντες ποιοῦνται κατὰ 
᾿λλυριῶν ἡγεμόνας τούτους καὶ κρατοῦσι. καὶ 
βασιλεύει Κάδμος ᾿Ιλλυριῶν, καὶ παῖς ᾿Ιλλυριὸς 
αὐτῷ γίνεται. αὖθις δὲ μετὰ ‘Appovias εἰς δρά- 
κοντα μεταβαλὼν εἰς Ἡλύσιον πεδίον ὑπὸ Διὸς 
ἐξεπέμφθη. ᾿ 

Πολύδωρος δὲ Θηβῶν βασιλεὺς γενόμενος Νυκ- 
τηΐδα γαμεῖ, Νυκτέως <tod>? Χθονίου θυγατέρα, 
καὶ γεννᾷ Λάβδακον. οὗτος ἀπώλετο, μετὰ 
Πενθέα ἐκείνῳ φρονῶν παραπλήσια. καταλε- 
πόντος δὲ Λαβδάκου παῖδα ἐνιαυσιαῖον Λάιον, 
τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφείλετο Λύκος, ἕως οὗτος ἦν παῖς, 
ἀδελφὸς ὧν Νυκτέως. ἀμφότεροι δὲ [ἀπὸ Ev- 

1 "Εγχελέας R: ἀγχελέας A. 2 τοῦ inserted by Aegius. 
8 κατὰ Siebelis. 

1 As to the departure of Cadmus and Harmonia to Illyria 
and their transformation into snakes in that country, where 
their tomb was shown in later ages, see Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. iv. 516 sqq.; Dionysius Periegetes, Orbis Descriptio, 
390 sqqg., with the commentary of Eustathius on v. 391; 
Strabo, i. 2. 39, p. 46, vii. 7. 8, p. 326; Pausanias, ix. 5. 3; 
Athenaeus, xi. 5, p. 4628; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Δυρρά- 
χιον ; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, iv. 393 sqg.; Ovid, Metamorph. 
iv. 563-603; Hyginus, Fab. 6; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Theb. iii. 290; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 48 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
160). Euripides mentions the transformation of the couple 
into snakes, but without speaking of their banishment to 
Illyria (Bacchae, 1530 eq.), probably because there is a long 

But Cadmus and Harmonia quitted Thebes and 
went to the Encheleans. As the Encheleans were 
being attacked by the Illyrians, the god declared by 
an oracle that they would get the better of the 
Illyrians if they had Cadmus and Harmonia as their 
leaders. They believed him, and made them their 
leaders against the Illyrians, and got the better of 
them. And Cadmus reigned over the Illyrians, artd 
a son Illyrius was born to him. But afterwards he 
was, along with Harmonia, turned into a serpent 
and sent away by Zeus to the Elysian Fields.! 

Polydorus, having become king of Thebes, married 
Nycteis, daughter of Nycteus, son of Chthonius, and 
begat Labdacus, who perished after Pentheus because 
he was like-minded with him.? But Labdacus having 
left a one-year-old son, Laius, the government was 
usurped by Lycus, brother of Nycteus, so long as 
Laius was a child. Both of them® had fled from 

lacuna in this part of the text. According to Hyginus, the 
transformation of the two into serpents was a punishment 
inflicted by Ares on Cadmus for killing his sacred dragon 
which guarded the spring at Thebes, which Hyginus absurdly 
calls the Castalian spring. It is a common belief, especially 
among the Bantu tribes of South Africa, that human beings 
at death are turned into serpents, which often visit the old 
home. There is some reason to think that the ancestors of 
the Greeks may have shared this widespread superstition, of 
which the traditional transformation of Cadmus and Har- 
monia would thus be an isolated survival. See Adonis, Attis, 
Osiris, 3rd ed. i. 82 egq. 

2 Compare Euripides, Phoenissae, 8; Pausanias ii. 6. 2, 
ix. 5. 4 85. Apollodorus implies that Labdacus was mur- 
dered by the Bacchanals because he set himself against the 
celebration of their orgiastic rites. But there seems to be no 
express mention of his violent death in ancient writers. 

That is, the two brothers Lycus and Nycteus. 

/ 1 ’ > ‘ “" 2 \ 
Botas]! φυγόντες, ἐπεὶ Φλεγύαν ἀπέκτειναν τὸν 
Ν \ (δ aA : (ὃ ς ’ 2 / 
Apeos καὶ Δωτίδος τῆς Βοιωτίδος, Tpiav® xato- 
κουν, καὶ .. .3 διὰ τὴν πρὸς Πενθέα οἰκειότητα 
3 ’ a e \ Φ 4 f 
ἐγεγόνεσαν πολῖται. αἱρεθεὶς οὖν Λύκος πολέ- 

e \ ’ 3 40 4 Ὁ ὃ 4 \ 
μαρχος ὑπὸ Θηβαίων ἐπέθετο" τῇ δυναστείᾳ, καὶ 
βασιλεύσας ἔτη εἴκοσι, φονευθεὶς ὑπὸ Ζήθου καὶ 
’ ’ / 3 > », , 3 La 
Apdiovos θνήσκει δι’ αἰτίαν τήνδε. ᾿Αντιόπη 
θυγάτηρ ἦν Νυκτέως: ταύτῃ Ζεὺς συνῆλθεν. ἡ 
δὲ ὡς ἔγκυος ἐγένετο, τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπειλοῦντος εἰς 

[οἱ 3 
Σικυῶνα ἀποδιδράσκει πρὸς ᾿Επωπέα καὶ τούτῳ 
γαμεῖται. Νυκτεὺς δὲ ἀθυμήσας ἑαυτὸν φονεύει, 
δοὺς ἐντολὰς" Λύκῳ παρὰ ᾿Επωπέως καὶ παρὰ 
3 ’ a ψ e 4 ρ 
Αντιόπης λαβεῖν δίκας. ὁ δὲ στρατευσάμενος 
a 7 a N \ \ 3 ’ / 
Σικυῶνα χειροῦται, Kal τὸν μὲν ᾿Επωπέα κτείνει, 
τὴν δὲ ᾿Αντιόπην ἤγαγεν αἰχμαλωτον. ἡ δὲ ἀγο- 

1 ἀπὸ Εὐβοίας A. These words are deleted by Hercher 
and Wagner. MHeyne also preferred to omit them. See 
exegetical note. 23. ρίαν Heyne: Συρίαν A. 

3 There seems to be a lacuna here, which Heyne proposed 
to supply by the words ἐκεῖθεν ἐλθόντες εἰς Θήβας. I translate 
accordingly. 

4 ἐπέθετο Εἰ : ἐπετίθετο A. 5 εἴκοσι A: δεκαοκτώ EB. 

6 ἐντολὰς ERS: ἐντολὴν A. 

1 This Phlegyas is supposed to be Phlegyas, king of Orcho- 
‘menus, whom Pausanias (ix. 36. 1) calls a son of Ares and 
Chryse. If this identification is right, the words ‘from 
Euboea” appear to be wee as Heyne pointed out, since 
Orchomenus is not in Kuboea but in Boeotia. But there were 
many places called Euboea, and it is possible that one of 
them was in Boeotia. If that was so, we may conjecture 
that the epithet ““ Boeotian,” which, applied to Dotis, seems 
superfluous, was applied by Apollodorus to Euboea and has 
been misplaced by a copyist. If these conjectures are 
adopted, the text will read thus: ‘‘ Both of them fled from 
Euboea in Boeotia because they had killed Phlegyas, son of 

Euboea because they had killed Phlegyas, son of 
Ares and Dotis the Boeotian,) and they took up 
their abode at Hyria, and thence having come to 
Thebes, they were enrolled as citizens through their 
friendship with Pentheus. So after being chosen 
commander-in-chief by the Thebans, Lycus com- 
passed the supreme power and reigned for twenty 
years, but was murdered by Zethus and Amphion 
for the following reason. Antiope was a daughter 
of Nycteus, and Zeus had intercourse with her.? 
When she was with child, and her father threatened 
her, she ran away to Epopeus at Sicyon and was 
married to him. In a fit of despondency Nycteus 
killed himself, after charging Lycus to punish 
Epopeus and Antiope. Lycus marched against 
Sicyon, subdued it, slew Epopeus, and led Antiope 
away captive. On the way she gave birth to two 

Ares and Dotis, and they took up their abode at Hyria.” 
As to the various places called Euboea, see Stephanus 
Byzantius, 8.0. Εὔβοια; W. Pape, Worterbuch der griechischen 
Eigennamen, 8.v. Ἑὔβοια. 

2 With the following story of Antiope and Dirce compare 
Pausanias, ii. 6. 1 sgq., ix. 25.3; J. Malalas, Chronographia, 
ii. pp. 45-49, ed. L. Dindorf; Scholiast on Apollonius Rho- 
dius, Argon. iv. 1090; Nicolaus Damascenus, frag. 11, in 
Fragmenia Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Miiller, iii. 
365 eg.; Hyginus, Fab. 7 and 8; Scriptores rerum mythi- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 32, 99 eg. (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 97; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
74). Euripides wrote a tragedy Antiope, of which Hyginus 
(Fab. 8) gives a summary. Many fragments of the play 
have been preserved. See TLragicorum Graecorum Frag- 
menta, ed. A. Nauck,®? pp. 410 sgqg. In his version of the 
story Apollodorus seems to have followed Euripides. The 
legend is commemorated in the famous group of statuary 
called the Farnese bull, which is now in the museum at 
Naples. See A. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassischen 
Altertuma, i. 107, fig. 113. 

VOL. I. Ζ 

μένη δύο γεννᾷ παῖδας ἐν ᾿Ελευθεραῖς τῆς Βοιω- 
τίας, ods ἐκκειμένους εὑρὼν βουκόλος ἀνατρέφει, 
καὶ τὸν μὲν καλεῖ Ζῆθον τὸν δὲ ᾿Αμφίονα. Ζῆθος 
μὲν οὖν ἐπεμελεῖτο βουφορβίων," ᾿Αμφίων δὲ 
κιθαρῳδίαν ἤσκει, δόντος αὐτῷ λύραν Ἑρμοῦ. 
᾿Αντιόπην δὲ ἠκίζετο Λύκος καθείρξας | καὶ ἡ τού- 
του γυνὴ Δίρκη" λαθοῦσα δέ ποτε, τῶν δεσμῶν 
αὐτομάτως" λυθέντων, ἧ ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν παίδων 
ἔπαυλιν, δεχθῆναι πρὸς αὐτῶν θέλουσα. οἱ δὲ 
ἀναγνωρισάμενοι τὴν μητέρα, τὸν μὲν Λύκον 
κτείνουσι, τὴν δὲ Δίρκην ,δήσαντες ἐκ ταύρου 
ῥίπτουσι θανοῦσαν εἰς κρήνην τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης 
καλουμένην Δίέρκην. παραλαβόντες δὲ τὴν δυνα- 
στείαν τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐτείχισαν, ἐπακολουθησάν- 
των τῇ ᾿Αμφίονος λύρᾳ τῶν λίθων, Λάιον δὲ 
ἐξέβαλον. ὁ δὲ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ διατελῶν ἐπιξε- 
νοῦται Πέλοπι, καὶ τούτου παῖδα Χρύσιππον 
ἁρματοδρομεῖν διδάσκων ἐρασθεὶς ἀναρπάζξει. 
: BovpopBluy IS : Bovdopaiwy A. 

3 αὐτομάτως Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Her- 
cher: αὐτομάτων ESA, Wagner. 

1 Compare Pausanias, ix. 5. 7 eg. The two brothers are 
said to have quarrelled, ‘the robust Zethus blaming Amphion 
for his passionate addiction to music and urging him to 
abandon it for what he deemed the more manly pursuits of 
agriculture, cattle-breeding and war. The gentle Amphion 
yielded to these exhortations so far as tq cease to strum the 
lyre. See Dio Chrysostom, Or. Ixxiii. vol. ii. p. 254, ed. 
L. Dindorf ; Horace, wae i. 18. 41-44; Tragicorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 414- 416, frag. 184-188. 
The discuesion between the two brothers, the one advocating 
the practical life and the other the contemplative or artistic, 
seenis to have been famous. It is illustrated by a fine relief 
in which we see Amphion standing and holding out his lyre 
eagerly for the admiration of his athletic brother, who sits 

sons at Eleurethae in Boeotia. The infants were 
exposed, but a neatherd found and reared them, 
and he called the one Zethus and the other 
Amphion. Now Zethus paid attention to cattle- 
breeding, but Amphion practised minstrelsy, for 
Hermes had given him a lyre. But Lycus and his 
wife Dirce imprisoned Antiope and treated her 
despitefully. Howbeit, one day her bonds were 
loosed of themselves, and unknown to her keepers 
she came to her sons’ cottage, begging that they 
would take herin. They recognized their mother, 
and slew Lycus, but Dirce they tied to a bull, and 
flung her dead body into the spring that is called 
Dirce after her. And having succeeded to the 
sovereignty they fortified the city, the stones follow- 
ing Amphion’s lyre*; and they expelled Laius.® 
He resided in Peloponnese, being hospitably received 
by. Pelops; and while he taught Chrysippus, the son 
of Pelops, to drive a chariot, he conceived a passion 
for the lad and carried him off.‘ 

regarding it with an air of smiling disdain. See W. H. 
Roscher, Lexikon der griech. und rém. Mythologie, i. 311. 

2 Compare Homer, Od. xi. 260-265 (who does not mention 
the miracle of the music); Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 
735-741; Pausanias, ix. 5. 6-8; Propertius, i. 9. 10, iv. 2. 
3 8q.; Horace, Odes, iii. 11. 2, Ars Poetica, 394-396. Apol- 
lonius represents Zethus staggering under the load of a. 
mountain, while Amphion strolls along drawing a cliff twice 
as large after him by singing to his golden lyre. He seems to 
have intended to suggest the feebleness of brute strength by 
comparison with the power of genius. 

3 As to the banishment and restoration of Laius, see Pau- 
sanias, ix. 5.6 and 9; Uyginus, Fab. 9. . 

“Compare Athenaeus, xiii. 79, pp. 602 s¢., who says that 
Laius carried off Chrysippus in his chariot to Thebes. Chry- 
sippus is said to have killed himself for shame. See the 
Scholiast on Euripides, Phoentssae, 1760. 

Γαμεῖ δὲ Ζῆθος μὲν Θήβην, ad ἧς ἡ πόλις 
Θῆβαι, ᾿Αμφίων δὲ Νιόβην τὴν Ταντάλου, ἣ 
γεννᾷ παῖδας μὲν ἑπτά, Σίπυλον Εὐπίνυτον 
Ἰσμηνὸν Δαμασίχθονα ᾿Αγήνορα Φαίδιμον Τάν- 
τάλον, θυγατέρας δὲ τὰς ἴσας, ᾿Εθθοδαΐαν (ἢ ὥς 
τινες Νέαιραν) Κλεόδοξαν ᾿Αστυόχην Φθίαν 
Πελοπίαν ᾿Αστυκράτειαν ᾿Ωγυγίαν. Ἡσίοδος δὲ 

1 For the story of Niobe and her children, see Homer, 
Iliad, xxiv. 602 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 74; Pausanias, 
i. 21. 3, 11. 21. 9, v. 11.2, v. 16. 4, viii. 2. 5 and 7; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, iv. 416 sqq.; Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 146 8qq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 9 and 11; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, 
Theb. iii. 191; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 50 (First Vatican Mythographer, 156). 
Great diversity of opinion prevailed among the ancients with 
regard to the number of Niobe’s children. Diodorus, Ovid, 
Hyginus, Lactantius Placidus, and the First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher agree with Apollodorus as to the seven sons and 
seven daughters of Niobe, and from the Scholiast on Euri- 
pides, Phoenissae, 159, we learn that Aeschylus, Euripides, 
and Aristophanes in lost plays adopted the same numbers, 
but that Pherecydes agreed with Hamer in reckoning six 
sons and six daughters, while Hellanicus allowed the lady 
no more than four sons and three daughters. On the 
other hand, Xanthus the Lydian, according to the same 
Scholiast, credited her with a score of children, equall 
divided between the two sexes. Herein he probably fol- 

.lowed the authority of Hesiod (see Apollodorus, below), 

and the same liberal computation is said to have been 
accepted by Bacchylides, Pindar, and Mimnermus, while 
Sappho reduced the figure to twice nine, and Aleman to ten 
all told (Aulus Gellius, xx. 70; Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 
36). Aeschylus and Sophocles each wrote a tragedy Ntobe, 
of which some fragments remain. See Tragtcorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 50 sqq., 228 sq.; The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, ii. 94 sqq., frag. 
442-451. The subject is rendered famous by the fine group 
of ancient statuary now in the Uffizi gallery at Florence. See 

Zethus married Thebe, after whom the city of 
Thebes is named; and Amphion married Niobe, 
daughter of Tantalus,! who bore seven sons, Sipylus, 
Eupinytus, Ismenus, Damasichthon, Agenor, Phae- 
dimus, Tantalus, and the same number of daughters, - 
Ethodaia (or, as some say, Neaera), Cleodoxa, 
Astyoche, Phthia, Pelopia, Astycratia, and Ogygia. 
But Hesiod says that they had ten sons and ten 

A. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums, iii. 
1674 sqq. Antiquity hesitated whether to assign the group 
to Scopas or Praxiteles (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvi. 28), and 
modern opinion is still divided on the question. See my note 
on Pausanias, ii. 29. 9 (vol. iii. p. 201). The pathetic char- 
acter of the group may perhaps ibe held to speak in favour of 
Scopas, who seems to have excelled in the portrayal of the 
sterner, sadder emotions, while Praxiteles dwelt by preference 
on the brighter, softer creations of the (Greek religious 
imagination. This view of the sombre cast of the genius of 
Scopas is suggested by the subjects which he chose for the 
decoration of the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (Pausanias, 
viii. 45. 5-7), and by the scanty remains of the sculptures 
which have been found on the spot. See my commentary on 
Pausanias, vol. iv. pp. 426 sgqg. However, the late historian 
of Greek sculpture, Professor M. Collignon, denied that the 
original of this famous group, which he regarded as a copy, 
was either by Scopas or Praxiteles. He held that it belongs 
to an Asiatic school of sculpture characterized by eee ave 
grouping, and that it could not have been executed before the 
third century B.c. To the same school he would assign 
another famous group of sculpture, that of Dirce and the bull 
(above, iii. 5. 5 note). See M. Collignon, Histoire de la 
Sculpture Grecque (Paris, 1892-1897), ii. 532 δηᾳφ. The tomb 
of the children of Niobe was shown at Thebes (Pausanias, 
ix. 16.7; compare Euripides, Phoenissae, 159 sg.) ; but ac- 
cording to Statius (Theb. vi. 124 sq.) the Mater Dolorosa 
carried the ashes of her dead children in twice six urns to 
be buried on her native Mount Sipylus. Thus the poet 
dutifully follows. Homer in regard to the number of the 
childrén. PE ee ee ὦ OO 

δέκα μὲν υἱοὺς δέκα δὲ θυγατέρας, Ἡρόδωρος 1 δὲ 
δύο μὲν ἄρρενας τρεῖς δὲ θηλείας, “Όμηρος δὲ δξ 
μὲν υἱοὺς && δὲ θυγατέρας φησὶ γενέσθαι. εὔτεκ- 
νος δὲ οὖσα Νιόβη τῆς Λητοῦς εὐτεκνοτέρα εἶπεν 
ὑπάρχειν. Λητὼ δὲ ἀγανακτήσασα τήν τε “Ap- 
4 Δ 

τεμιν καὶ τὸν ᾿ΑἈπόλλωνα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν παρώξυνε, 
καὶ τὰς μὲν θηλείας ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας κατετόξευσεν 
Αρτεμις, τοὺς δὲ ἄρρενας κοινῇ πάντας ἐν Κιθαι- 
pave ᾿Απόλλων κυνηγετοῦντας ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐσώ- 
θη δὲ τῶν μὲν ἀρρένων ᾿Αμφίων, τῶν δὲ θηλειῶν 
Χλωρὶς ἡ πρεσβυτέρα, 4 Νηλεὺς συνῴκησε. 
Ἁ N 4 3 , 9 4 9 \ 
κατὰ δὲ Τελέσιλλαν ἐσώθησαν ᾿Αμύκλας 3 καὶ 
Μελίβοια, ἐτοξεύθη δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ᾿Αμφίων. 
αὐτὴ δὲ Νιόβη Θήβας ἀπολιποῦσα πρὸς τὸν 
’ 4 3 ’ 3 a Ἁ 
πατέρα Τάνταλον ἧκεν εἰς Σίπυλον, κἀκεῖ Διὶ 
3 ’ \ \ 9 ’ ’ \ 
εὐξαμένη τὴν μορφὴν εἰς λίθον μετέβαλε, Kai 

a 3 A 
χεῖται δάκρυα νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοῦ λίθου. 
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αμφίονος τελευτὴν Λάιος τὴν 

4 4 \ 4 , 
βασιλείαν παρέλαβε. καὶ γήμας θυγατέρα Mevor- 
> 

κέως, ἣν ἔνιοι μὲν ᾿Ιοκάστην ἔνιοι δὲ ᾿Επικάστην 
λέγουσι, χρήσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ γεννᾶν (τὸν 

1 Ἡρόδωρος Aegius: ἡρόδοτος A. 
2 ᾿Αμύκλας A, Westermann, Miiller, Wagner: ᾿Αμύκλα 
Heyne, Bekker, Hercher. 

1 Compare Pausanias, ii, 21. 9, v. 16. 4, according to whom 
Meliboea was the original name of Chloris; but she turned 
pale with fear at the slaughter of her brothers and sisters, 
and so received the name of Chloris, that is, the Pale 
Woman. As to the marriage of Chloris with Neleus, see 
Homer, Od. xi. 281 sqq. 

2 The ancients differed as to the death of Amphion. 
According to one account, he went mad (Lucian, De salta- 
tione, 41), and in attempting to attack a temple of Apollo; 

daughters; Herodorus that they had two male 
children and three female; and Homer that they 
had six sons and six daughters. Being blessed with 
children, Niobe said that she was more blessed with 
children than Latona. Stung by the taunt, Latona 
incited Artemis and Apollo against them, and 
Artemis shot down the females in the house, and 
Apollo killed all the males together as they were 
hunting on Cithaeron. Of the males Amphion alone 
was saved, and of the females Chloris the elder, 
whom Neleus married. But according to Telesilla 
there were saved Amyclas and Meliboea,! and 
Amphion also was shot by them.2 But Niobe her- 
self quitted Thebes and went to her father Tantalus 
at Sipylus, and there, on praying to Zeus, she was 
transformed into a stone, and tears flow night and 
day from the stone. 

After Amphion’s death Laius succeeded to the 
kingdom. And he married a daughter of Menoe- 
ceus; some say that she was Jocasta, and some that 
she was Epicasta.2 The oracle had warned him not 

doubtless in order to avenge the death of his sons on the 
divine murderer, he was shot dead by the deity (Hyginus, 
Fab. 9). According to Ovid (Metamorph. vi. 271 8q.), he 
stabbed himself for grief. 

3 For the tragic story of Laius, Jocasta or Epicasta, and 
their son Oedipus, see Homer, Od. xi. 271-280, with the 
Scholiast on v. 271; Euripides, Phoenissae, 1-62; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 64; Pausanias, ix. 2. 4, ix. 5. 10 8q., x. 5. 3 sq. ; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae, 1760; Hyginus, Fab. 66 
and 67. In Homer the mother of Oedipus is named Epi- 
casta ; later writers call her Jocasta. The mournful tale of 
Oedipus is the subject of Sophocles’s two great tragedies, the 
Oedipus Tyrannus and the Ordipus Coloneus. It is also 
the theme of Seneca’s tragedy Oedipus. From the Scholiast 
on Homer (l.c.) we learm that the story was told by Andro- 
tion. Apollodorus’s version of the legend closely follows 

γεννηθέντα γὰρ πατροκτόνον ἔσεσθαι) ὁ δὲ οἰνω- 
θεὶς συνῆλθε τῇ γυναικί. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐκθεῖναι 
δίδωσι νομεῖ, περόναις διατρήσας τὰ σφυρά. ἀλλ᾽ 
οὗτος μὲν ἐξέθηκεν εἰς Κιθαιρῶνα, ἸΙολύβου δὲ 
βουκόλοι, τοῦ Κορινθίων βασιλέως, τὸ βρέφος 
εὑρόντες πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα Περίβοιαν ἤνεγ- 
καν. ἡ δὲ ἀνελοῦσα ὑποβάλλεται, καὶ θεραπεύ- 
σασα τὰ σφυρὰ Οἰδίπουν καλεῖ, τοῦτο θεμένη τὸ 
ὄνομα διὰ τὸ τοὺς πόδας ἀνοιδῆσαι. τελειωθεὶς 
δὲ ὁ παῖς, καὶ διαφέρων τῶν ἡλίκων ῥώμῃ, διὰ 
φθόνον 5 ὠνειδίξετο ὑπόβλητος. ὁ δὲ πυνθανό- 
μενος παρὰ δ τῆς Περιβοίας μαθεῖν οὐκ ἠδύνατο" 
ἀφικόμενος δὲ εἰς Δελφοὺς περὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπυνθά- 
veto γονέων. ὁ δὲ θεὸς εἶπεν αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα 
μὴ πορεύεσθαι' τὸν μὲν γὰρ πατέρα φονεύσειν, 
τῇ μητρὶ δὲ μιγήσεσθαι. τοῦτο ἀκούσας, καὶ 
νομίζων ἐξ ὧν ἐλέγετο γεγεννῆσθαι, Κόρινθον μὲν 
ἀπέλιπεν, ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος δὲ διὰ τῆς Φωκίδος φερό- 
μενος συντυγχάνει κατά τινα στενὴν ὁδὸν ἐφ᾽ 
ἅρματος ὀχουμένῳ Λαΐῳ. καὶ Πολυφόντου" (κῆρυξ 

1 ῥώμῃ E: ἐν ῥώμῃ A. 2 φθόνον E: φόνον A. 

8 παρὰ EK: περὶ A. 

4 γεγεννῆσθαι E, Zenobius, Cent. ii. 68: γεγενῆσθαι A. 

ἢ Πολυφόντου ... κελεύοντος Εἰ: Πολυφόντῃ ... καὶ κελεύ- 
σαντος Α. 

Sophocles and is reproduced by Zenobius (Cent. ii. 68) in a 
somewhat abridged form with certain verbal changes, but 
as usual without acknowledgment. Some parallel stories 
occur in the folk-lore of other peoples. Bes Appendix, 
‘*The Oedipus Legend.” 

1 Sophocles calls her Merope (Oedipus Tyrannus, 775), 
and so does Seneca (Oedipus, 272, 661, 802). But, according 
to Pherecydes, the wife of Polybus was Medusa, daughter 
of Orsilochus.fScholiast on Sophocles, J.c.). 

to beget a son, for the son that should be begotten 
would kill his father; nevertheless, flushed with 
wine, he had intercourse with his wife. And when 
the babe was born he pierced the child’s ankles 
with brooches and gave it to a herdsman to ex- 
pose. But the herdsman exposed it on Cithaeron ; 
and the neatherds of Polybus, king of Corinth, found 
the infant and brought it to his wife Periboea.? 
She adopted him and passed him off as her own, 
and after she had healed his ankles she called 
him Oedipus, giving him that name on account of 
his swollen feet.2, When the boy grew up and 
excelled hjs fellows in strength, they spitefully 
twitted him with being supposititious. He _ in- 
quired ot Periboea, but could learn nothing; so 
he went to Delphi and inquired about his true 
parents. The god told him not to go to his native 
land, because he would murder his father and lie 
with his mother. On hearing that, and believing 
himself to be the son of his nominal parents, 
he left Corinth, and riding in a chariot through 
Phocis he fell in with Laius driving in a chariot 
in a certain narrow road. And when Polyphontes, 

2 The name Oedipus was interpreted to mean ‘‘swollen 
foot.” As to the piercing of the child’s ankles, see Sophocles, 
Oedipus Tyrannus, 718; Euripides, Phoenissae, 26 sq. ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 64. 1; Pausanias, x. 5.3; Hyginus, Fab. 
66 ; Seneca, Oedipus, 812 sq. 

8 The ‘‘narrow road” is the famous Cleft Way (Pausa- 
nias, x. 5. 3 sg.) now called the Cross-road of Megas (Stavro- 
dromt tou Mega), where the road from Daulis and the road 
from Thebes and Lebadea meet and unite in the single road 
ascending through the long valley to Delphi. At this point 
the pass, shut in on either hand by lofty and pres pitous 
mountains, presents one of the wildest and grandest scenes 
in- all Greece; the towering cliffs of Parnassus on the 

δὲ οὗτος ἦν Λαΐου) κελεύοντος ἐκχωρεῖν καὶ δι᾽ 
ἀπείθειαν καὶ ἀναβολὴν κτείναντος τῶν ἵππων 
τὸν ἕτερον, ἀγανακτήσας Οἰδίπους καὶ Ἰ]ολυ- 
φόντην καὶ Λάιον ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ παρεγένετο εἰς 
Θήβας. Λάιον μὲν οὖν θάπτει βασιλεὺς Πλαται- 
éwv! Aapaciotpatos, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν Κρέων ὁ 
Μενοικέως παραλαμβάνει. τούτου δὲ βασιλεύ- 
οντος οὐ μικρὰ συμφορὰ κατέσχε Θήβας. ἔπεμψε 
γὰρ“ Ηρα Σφίγγα, ἣ μητρὸς μὲν ᾿Εἰχίδνης ἦν πατ- 
ρὸς δὲ Τυφῶνος, εἶχε δὲ πρόσωπον μὲν γυναικός, 
στῆθος δὲ καὶ βάσιν καὶ οὐρὰν λέοντος καὶ πτέ- 
ρυγας ὄρνιθος. μαθοῦσα δὲ αἴνυγμα παρὰ μουσῶν 
ἐπὶ τὸ Φίκιον ὄρος ἐκαθέζετο, καὶ τοῦτο προύτεινε 
Θηβαίοις. ἣν δὲ τὸ αἴνιγμα' τί ἐστιν ὃ μίαν 
ἔχον φωνὴν 2 τετράπουν καὶ δίπουν καὶ τρίπουν 

1 πλαταιέων Εἰ : πλατυμέων A. Wagner reports πλατυμέων 
to be the reading of E. But this is apparently a misprint 
for A. See Heyne ad. l.: ‘‘ Πλατυμέων vitiose omnes codd.” 

2 φωνὴν A: μορφὴν E. The reading φωνή is supported by 
the Argument to Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus (p. 6 ed. 
Jebb), the Argument to Euripides, Phoenissae, and the 
Scholium on verse 50 (Scholia in Huripidem, ed. E. Schwartz, 
vol. i. pp. 243 sq. 256), Athenaeus, x. 83, p. 456 B, and the 
Palatine Anthology, xiv. 64, in all of which passages the 
oracle is quoted with φωνή instead of μορφή. On the other 
hand the reading μορφή is supported by some MSS. of 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 7, though the editor, Miiller, 
prints φωνή in the text. 

northern side of the valley are truly sublime. Not a trace of 
human habitation is to be seen. All is solitude and silence, 
in keeping with the tragic memories of the spot. Compare 
my commentary on Pausanias, x. 5. 3 (vol. v. pp. 231 aq.). 
As to the Cleft Way or Triple Way, as it was also called, and 
the fatal encounter of the father and son at it, see Sophocles, 
Oedipus Tyrannus, 715 8qq., 1398 sqq. ; Euripides, Phoenissae, 
37 sqq.; Seneca, Oedipus, 276 sqq.- 
1 Compare Pausanias, ix. 5. 4, 

the herald of Laius, ordered him to make way and 
killed one of his horses because he disobeyed and 
delayed, Oedipus in a rage killed both Polyphontes 
and Laius, and arrived in Thebes. Laius was buried 
by Damasistratus, king of Plataea,1 and Creon, son of 
Menoeceus, succeeded to the kingdom. In his reign 
a heavy calamity befell Thebes. For Hera sent the 
Sphinx,? whose mother was Echidna and her father 
Typhon; and she had the face of a woman, the 
breast and feet and tail of a lion, and the wings of δ᾽ 
bird. And having learned a riddle from the Muses, 
she sat on Mount Phicium, and propounded it to the 
Thebans. And the riddle was this:—What is that 
which has one voice and yet becomes four-footed 

2 As to the Sphinx and her riddle, see Hesiod, Theog. 
326 eg. (who says that she was the offspring of Echidna and 
Orthus) ; Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 391 sqq.; Euripides, 
Phoenissae, 45 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 64. 3 sg.; Pau- 
sanias, ix. 26. 2-4; Scholiast on Euripides, Phoenitssae, 
45; Hyginus, Fab. 67; Seneca, Oedipus, 92 sqq. The 
riddle is quoted in verse by several ancient writers. See 
Athenaeus, x. 81, p. 4668; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 7; Anthologia Palatina, xiv. 64; Argument to 
Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, p. 6, ed. R. C. Jebb; Argu- 
ment to Euripides, Phoenissae, and Scholiast on td. v. 50 
(Scholia in Euripiden, ed. E. Schwartz, vol. i. pp. 243 sq. 
256). Outside of Greece the riddle seems to be current in 
more or less similar forms among various peoples. Thus it is 
reported among the Mongols of the Selenga (R. G. Latham, 
Descriptive Ethnology, i. 325), and in Gascony (J. F. Bladé, 
Contee populaires de la Gascogne, i. 3-14). Further, it has 
been recently recorded, in a form precisely similar to the 
Greek, among the tribes of British Central Africa: the mis- 
sionary who reports it makes no reference to the riddle of 
the Sphinx, of which he was apparently ignorant. See 
Donald Fraser, Winning a primitive people (London, 1914), 
p. 171, ‘‘What ts it that goes on four legs in the morning, on 
two at midday, and on three in the evening? .Answer: A 
man, who crawls. on hands and knees in childhood, walks 
erect when grown, and with the aid ofa stick in his old-age.” 

γίνεται; χρησμοῦ δὲ Θηβαίοις ὑπάρχοντος τηνι- 
καῦτα ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῆς Σφιγγὸς ἡνίκα ἂν τὸ 
αἴνιγμα χύσωσι, συνιόντες εἰς ταὐτὸ πολλάκις 
9 ’ 2 , Ἁ / / 2 3 8 δὲ Ἁ 
ἐξζήτουν5 τί τὸ λεγόμενόν ἐστιν, ἐπεὶ δὲ μὴ 

Ψ 4 ’ a 4 “A 4 
εὕρισκον, ἁρπάσασα ἕνα κατεβίβρωσκε. πολλῶν 

Ἁ ἴα. ᾿ ΄ΝΝ 
δὲ ἀπολομένων, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον Αἵμονος τοῦ 
Κρέοντος, κηρύσσει Κρέων τῷ τὸ αἴνυγμα λύσοντιϑ 
καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν Λαΐου δώσειν γυναῖκα. 
Οἰδίπους δὲ ἀκούσας ἔλυσεν, εἰπὼν τὸ αἴνιγμα τὸ 
ὑπὸ THs Σφιγγὸς λεγόμενον ἄνθρωπον εἶναι" γίνε- 
σθαι δ γὰρ τετράπουν βρέφος ὄντα τοῖς τέτταρσιν 
ὀχούμενον κώλοις, τελειούμενονϑ δὲ δίπουν," γηρῶν- 
τα δὲ τρίτην προσλαμβάνειν βάσιν τὸ βάκτρον. ἡ 
μὲν οὖν Σφὶγξ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἑαυτὴν ἔρρι- 
ψεν, Οἰδίπους δὲ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε 
καὶ τὴν μητέρα ἔγημεν ἀγνοῶν, καὶ παῖδας ἐτέκ- 
νωσεν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἸΠολυνείκη 1 καὶ ᾿Εἰτεοκλέα, θυγα- 

’ δὲ | , \ "A ; Pe ee de “Ὁ 
τέρας δὲ ᾿Ισμήνην καὶ ᾿Αντιγόνην. εἰσὶ δὲ of 

A lA A 3 > la 3 a 
γεννηθῆναι τὰ τέκνα φασὶν ἐξ Kipuyaveias αὐτῴ 
ns Ὑπέ i g δὲ ὕ ὃν λαν- 
τῆς Ὑπέρφαντος.}") φανέντων δὲ ὕστερον τῶν Nav 
θανόντων, Ἰοκάστη μὲν ἐξ ἀγχόνης ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρ- 

1 συνιόντες els ταὐτὸ Εἰ : καὶ συνιόντες els αὐτὸ A. 

2 ξζήτουν E: ἐζήτει A. 

3 ἐπεὶ Heyne, Miiller, Wagner: ἐπὰν EA, Westermann, 
Bekker. 4 πολλῶν Εἰ : πολλάκις A. : : 
5 λύσοντι EA, Zenobius, Cent. ii. 68 : λύσαντι Hercher. 

6 γίνεσθαι E: γεννᾶσθαι A: γεννᾶσθαι « μὲν: Bekker. 

7 ὄντα E, Wagner: wanting in A. 

δ τελειούμενον δὲ τὸν ἄνθρωπον A, Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker: τὸν ἄνθρωπον omitted in E and by Hercher 
and Wagner. 9 δίπουν « εἶναι: Bekker. 

10 πολυνείκη A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Her- 
cher: πολυνείκην Εἰ, Zenobius (Cent. ii. 68), Wagner. Both 
forms are attested by ancient writers. See W. Pape, 
Worterbuch der griechischen Higennamen®, 8.0. Πολυνείκης. 

ἢ Ὑπέρφαντος Aegius:-red8parros A. a Σ δρον εὐ 

and two-footed and three-footed? Now the Thebans 
were in possession of an oracle which declared that 
they should be rid of the Sphinx whenever they had 
read her riddle; so they often met and discussed 
the answer, and when they could not find it the 
Sphinx used to snatch away one of them and gobble 
him up. When many had perished, and last of all 
Creon’s son Haemon, Creon made proclamation that 
to him who should read the riddle he would give both 
the kingdom and the wife of Laius. On hearing that, 
Oedipus found the solution, declaring that the riddle 
of the Sphinx referred to man; for as a babe he is 
four-footed, going on four limbs, as an adult he is. 
two-footed, and as an old man he gets besides a third 
support in a staff. So the Sphinx threw herself from 
the citadel, and Oedipus both succeeded to the 
kingdom and unwittingly married his mother, and 
begat sons by her, Polynices and Eteocles, and 
daughters, Ismene and Antigone.!_ But some say the 
children were borne to him by Eurygania, daughter 
of Hyperphas.?, When the secret afterwards came to 
light, Jocasta hanged herself in a noose,’ and Oedipus 

1 Compare Euripides, Phoentssae, 55 sqq.; Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, iv. 64. 4; Hyginus,'Fab. 67. 

2 This account is adopted by Pausanias (ix. 5. 10 eq.) and 
by the Scholiast on Euripides (Phoenissae, 1760), who cites 
Pisander as his authority. According to another version, 
Oedipus, after losing Jocasta, married Astymedusa, who 
falsely accused her stepsons of attempting her virtue. See 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. iv. 376; Eustathius on Homer, i.c., 
p. 369; Scholiast on Euripides, Phoentssae, 53. 

3 Compare Homer, Od. xi. 277 sqg.; Sophocles, Oedipus 
Tyrannus, 1235 δηᾳ. According to Seneca, in one passage 
(Oedipus, 1034 sqq.), Jocasta stabbed herself to death on 
the discovery of her incest. But Euripides makes Jocasta 
survive her two sons and stab herself to death on 
their dead bodies. See Euripides, Phoentssae, 1455-1459. 
Herein he was perhaps followed by Seneca in his tragedy 

τησεν, Οἰδίπους δὲ τὰς ὄψεις τυφλώσας ἐκ Θηβῶν 
ἠλαύνετο, ἀρὰς τοῖς παισὶ θέμενος, of τῆς πόλεως 
αὐτὸν ἐκβαλλόμενον θεωροῦντες οὐκ ἐπήμυναν. 
παραγενόμενος δὲ σὺν ᾿Αντιγόνῃ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς εἰς 
Κολωνόν, ἔνθα τὸ τῶν Εὐμενίδων ἐστὶ τέμενος, 
καθίζει ἱκέτης, προσδεχθεὶς ὑπὸ Θησέως, καὶ per’ 
οὐ ποχὺν χρόνον ἀπέθανεν. 

VI. ᾿Ετεοκλῆς δὲ καὶ Πολυνείκης περὶ τῆς 
βασιλείας συντίθενται πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ αὐτοῖς 
δοκεῖ τὸν ἕτερον παρ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρχειν. τινὲς μὲν 
οὖν λέγουσι πρῶτον ἄρξαντα ἸΠολυνείκη  παρα- 
δοῦναι per ἐνιαυτὸν τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Ετεοκλεῖ, 
τινὲς δὲ πρῶτον ᾿Ετεοκλέα ἄρξαντα 5 μὴ βούλεσ- 
θαι παραδοῦναι τὴν βασιλείαν. φυγαδευθεὶς οὖν 
Πολυνείκης ἐκ Θηβῶν ἧκεν εἰς “Apyos, τόν τε 

1 ἄρξαντα Πολυνείκη Hercher, Wagner: ἄρξαντος Πολυ- 
νείκους Α. 

2 "EreoxAéa ἄρξαντα Faber, Hercher, Wagner: éreoxAéous 
ἄρξαντος A. . 

Phoenissae, for in the fragments of that play (vv. 443 sgq.) 
Seneca represents Jocasta attempting to make peace between 
Eteocles and Polynices on the battlefield ; but the conclusion 
of the play is lost. Similarly Statius describes how Jocasta 
vainly essayed to reconcile her warring sons, and how she 
stabbed herself to death on learning that they had fallen by 
each other’s hands. See Statius, Theb. vii. 474 sqq., xi. 634 sqq. 

1 A curious and probably very ancient legend assigned a 
different motive for the curses of Oedipus. It is said that 
his sons used to send him as his portion the shoulder of 
every sacrificial victim, but that one day by mistake they 
sent him the haunch (ἰσχίον) instead of the shoulder, which 
so enraged him that he cursed them, praying to the gods 
that his sons might die by each other’s hands. This story 
was told by the author of the epic Thebaid. See Scholiast 
on Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1375; Zenobius, Cent. v. 

35° 

was driven from Thebes, after he had put out his 
eyes and cursed his sons, who saw him cast out of 
the city without lifting a hand to help him.t And 
having come with Antigone to Colonus in Attica, 
where is the precinct of the Eumenides, he sat down 
there as a suppliant, was kindly received by Theseus, 
and died not long afterwards.’

Now Eteocles and Polynices made a compact
with each other concerning the kingdom and re- 
solved that each should rule alternately for a year 
at a time.? Some say that Polynices was the first 
to rule, and that after a year he handed over the 
kingdom to Eteocles; but some say that Eteocles 
was the first to rule, and would not hand over 
the kingdom. So, being banished from Thebes, 
Polynices came to Argos, taking with him the 

43. <A different cause of his anger is assigned by Athenaeus 
(xi. 14, pp. 465 sq.), also on the authority of the author of 
the Thebard. 

2 The coming of Oedipus and Antigone to Colonus Hippius 
in Attica, together with the mysterious death of Oedipus, 
are the subject of Sophocles’s noble tragedy, Oedipus Colo- 
neus. As to the sanctuary of the Eumenides, see that play, 
vv. 36 sgq. The knoll of Colonus is situated over a mile from 
Athens, and it is doubtful whether the poet intended to 
place the death and burial of Oedipus at Colonus or at 
Athens itself, where in later times the grave of Oedipus was 
shown in a precinct of the Eumenides, between the Acropolis 
and the Areopagus (Pausanias, i. 28. 7). See my notes on 
Pausanias, i. 28. 7, i. 30. 2, vol. ii. pp. 366 6g., 393 sq. ; 
R. C. Jebb, on Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, pp. xxx. 864. 

8 That is, they were to reign in alternate years. Compare 
Euripides, Phoentssae, 69 sqq., 473 8ηᾳ. ; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 65.1; Zenobius, Cent. i. 30; Hyginus, Fab. 67; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latins, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
pp. 48 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 152). In this and 
the sequel Zenobius (i.c.) closely follows Apollodorus and 
probably copied from him. 

35! 

™ 

© 

ὅρμον Kal Tov πέπλον ἔχων. ἐβασίλευε dé”Apyous 
“Adpactos ὁ Ταλαοῦ' καὶ τοῖς τούτου βασιλείοις 
νύκτωρ προσπελάζει, καὶ συνάπτει μάχην Τυδεῖ 
τῷ Οἰνέως φεύγοντε Καλυδῶνα. γενομένης δὲ 
ἐξαίφνης βοῆς ἐπιφανεὶς "Αδραστος διέλυσεν αὖ- 
τούς, καὶ μάντεώς τινος ὑπομνησθεὶς λέγοντος 
αὐτῷ κάπρῳ καὶ λέοντι συζεῦξαι τὰς θυγατέρας, 
ἀμφοτέρους εἵλετο νυμφίους: εἶχον γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν 
ἀσπίδων ὁ μὲν κάπρου προτομὴν ὁ δὲ λέοντος. 
γαμεῖ δὲ Δηιπύλην μὲν Τυδεὺς ᾿Αργείην δὲ Πολυ- 
νείκης, καὶ αὐτοὺς "Αδραστος ἀμφοτέρους εἰς τὰς 
πατρίδας ὑπέσχετο κατάξειν. καὶ πρῶτον ἐπὶ 
Θήβας ἔσπευδε στρατεύεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς ἀριστέας 
συνήθροιξεν. 

᾿Αμφιάραος δὲ ὁ ᾿Οικλέους,: μάντις ὧν καὶ 
προειδὼς ὅτι δεῖ πάντας τοὺς στρατευσαμένους 
χωρὶς ᾿Αδράστου τελευτῆσαι, αὐτός τε WKVEL στρα- 
τεύεσθαι καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπέτρεπε. ἸΠολυνείκης 
δὲ ἀφικόμενος πρὸς Ἶφιν τὸν ᾿Αλέκτορος ἠξίου 
μαθεῖν πῶς ἂν ᾿Αμφιάραος ἀναγκασθείη στρα- 

1 "Οικλέους Aegius: ἰοκλέους A. 

1 That is, the necklace and the robe which Cadmus had 
given to Harmonia at their marriage. See above, iii. 4. 2. 

2 See above i. 8. 5. 

3 Adrastus received the oracle from Apollo. See Euripides, 
Phoeniasae, 408 sqq., Suppliants, 132 sgqg. In these passages 
the poet describes the nocturnal brawl between the two 
exiled princes at the gate of the palace, and their reconcilia- 
tion by Adrastus. Compare Zenobius, i. 30; Hyginus, Fab. 
69 ; and the elaborate description of Statius, Theb. i. 370 sqq. 
The words of the oracle given to Adrastus are quoted by the 
Scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae, 409. According to one 

nterpretation the boar on the shield of Tydeus referred to 

necklace and the robe. The king of Argos was 
Adrastus, son of Talaus; and Polynices went up 
to his palace by night and engaged in a fight with 
Tydeus, son of Oeneus, who had fled from Caly- 
don.2 At the sudden outcry Adrastus appeared 
and parted them, and remembering the words of 
a certain seer who told him to yoke his daughters 
in marriage to a boar and a lion,® he accepted them 
both as bridegrooms, because they had on their 
shields, the one the forepart of a boar, and the 
other the forepart of ἃ lion.t | And Tydeus married 
Deipyle, and Polynices married Argia®; and 
Adrastus promised that he would restore them both 
to their native lands. And first he was eager to 
march against Thebes, and he mustered the chiefs. 
But Amphiaraus, son of Oicles, being a seer and 
foreseeing that all who joined in the expedition 
except Adrastus were destined to perish, shrank 
from it himself and discouraged the rest. However, 
Polynices went to Iphis, son of Alector, and begged 
to know how Amphiaraus could be compelled to go 

the Calydonian boar, while the lion on the shield of Poly- 
nices referred to the lion-faced sphinx. Others preferred to 
suppose that the two chieftains were clad in the skins of a 
boar and a lion respectively. See Scholiast on Euripides, 
l.c.; Hyginus, Fab. 69. 

4 As to the devices which the Greeks painted on their 
shields, as these are described by ancient writers or depicted 
in vase-paintings, see G. H. Chase, ‘‘The Shield Devices of the 
Greeks,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. xiii. 
pp. 61-127. From the evidence collected in this essay (pp. 98 
and 112 sq.) it appears that both the boar and the lion are 
common devices on shields in vase-paintings. 

5 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 3; Scholiast on Euri- 
pides, Phoenissae, 409; Hyginus, Fab. 69; Statius, Theb. 
ii, 201 sqq. 

VOL... T. A A 

τεύεσθαι: ὁ δὲ εἶπεν εἰ λάβοι τὸν ὅρμον Ἐριφύλη. 
᾿Αμφιάραος μὲν οὖν ἀπεῖπεν Εριφύλῃ παρὰ ἸΤολυ- 
νείκους δῶρα λαμβάνειν, ἸΤολυνείκης δὲ δοὺς αὐτῇ 
τὸν ὅρμον ἠξίου τὸν ᾿Αμφιάραον πεῖσαι στρατεύειν. 
ἣν γὰρ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ" γενομένης γὰρ Ταὐτῆς ὃ πρὸς 
Ν 4 ») A φ A 3 
Αδραστον, διαλυσάμενος ὦμοσε, περὶ ὧν <av> 
᾿Αδράστῳ " διαφέρηται, διακρίνειν ᾿Εριφύλῃ ὅ συγ- 

ωὡρῆσαι. ὅτε οὖν ἐπὶ Θήβας ἔδει στρατεύειν, 
Αδράστου μὲν παρακαλοῦντος ᾿Αμφιαράου δὲ 
9 S > 4 Ἁ Ψ A ΜΝ 
ἀποτρέποντος, ᾿Εριφύλη τὸν ὅρμον λαβοῦσα ἔπει- 

3 ’ 

σεν αὐτὸν σὺν ᾿Αδράστῳ στρατεύειν. ᾿Αμφια- 
paos δὲ ἀνάγκην ἔχων στρατεύεσθαι τοῖς παισὶν 
ἐντολὰς ἔδωκε τελειωθεῖσι τήν τε μητέρα κτείνειν 
καὶ ἐπὶ Θήβας στρατεύειν. 

” \ , Ἃ 7 ‘ e 

Αδραστος δὲ συναθροΐῖσας <otpatov>' σὺν nye- 
_ μόσιν ἑπτὰ πολεμεῖν ἔσπευδε Θήβας. οἱ δὲ ἡγε- 
μόνες ἧσαν olde “Adpactos Ταλαοῦ, ᾿Αμφιάραος 

1 χαύτῃ Heyne: ταύτης A. 

2 αὐτῆς corrupt: αὐτῷ μάχης Bekker: αὐτῷ διαφορᾶς 
Hercher. Perhaps we should read: αὐτῷ πρὸς "Αδραστον 
διαφορᾶς. I have translated accordingly. Heyne conjectured 
μάχης, ἔριδος, or ἀμφισβητήσεως for αὐτῆς. Sommer con- 
jectured στάσεως, which is perhaps supported by Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 65. 6, ᾿Αμφιαράου πρὸς ΓΑδραστον στασιάζοντος. 

3 ἂν inserted by Bekker. 

4 ᾿Αδράστῳφ Emperius, Hercher, Wagner: “Adpacros A, 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

5 ἐριφύλῃ V: ἐριφύλην A. 

6 αὐτὸν σὺν ᾿Αδράστῳ Wagner: τὸν ὦ ἄδραστων PR°: τῷ 
ἀδράστῳ C: τὸν ”Adpacrov Heyne (regarding the words as an 
interpolation), Westermann (preferring to read τῷ ᾿Αδράστῳ 
συστρατεύειν) : τὸν ἄνδρα Commelinus, Bekker, Hercher. 

7 στρατὸν ἃ conjecture οὗ Heyne, accepted by Hercher and 
Wagner. 

1 For the story of the treachery of Eriphyle to her hus- 
band Amphiaraus, see also Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 5 aq. ; 

to the war. He answered that it could be done if 
Eriphyle got the necklace.1| Now Amphiaraus had 
forbidden Eriphyle to accept gifts from Polynices ; 
but Polynices gave her the necklace and begged 
her to persuade Amphiaraus to go to the war; for 
the decision lay with her, because once, when a 
difference arose between him and Adrastus, he had 
made it up with him and sworn to let Eriphyle decide 
any future dispute he might have with Adrastus.? 
Accordingly, when war was to be made on Thebes, and 
the measure was advocated by Adrastus and opposed 
by Amphiaraus, Eriphyle accepted the necklace and 
persuaded him to march with Adrastus. Thus forced 
to go to the war, Amphiaraus laid his commands on 
his sons, that, when they were grown up, they should 
slay their mother and march against Thebes. 

Having mustered an army with seven leaders, 
Adrastus hastened to wage war on Thebes. The 
leaders were these®: Adrastus, son of Talaus; 

Pausanias, v. 17. 7 84ᾳ., ix. 41. 2; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 
326 (who refers to Asclepiades as his authority); Hyginus, 
Fab. 73; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. p. 49 (First Vatican Mythographer, 152). The 
story is alluded to but not told by Homer (Od. xi. 326 sq., 
xv. 247), Sophocles (Electra, 836 sqq.), and Horace (Odes, 
iii. 16. 11-13). Sophocles wrote a tragedy Eriphyle, which 
was perhaps the same as his Epigoni. See The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 129 sqq. 

2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 6; Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. xi. 326; Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. ix. 13 (30). 
As the sister of Adrastus (see above, i. 9. 13) and the wife of 
Amphiaraus, the traitress Eriphyle might naturally seem 
well qualified to act as arbiter between them. 

3 For lists of the seven champions who marched against 
Thebes, see Aeschylus, Seven against Thebes, 375 8qq. ; 
Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1309 sqq.; Euripides, Phoe- 
nissae, 1090 sqg. and Suppliants, 857 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 65.7; Hyginus, Fab. 70. 

Aa 2 

᾿Οικλέους,; Καπανεὺς ᾿ἱππονόου, ἵἹ'πππομέδων ‘Apt- 
4 e \ ’ a 2 Ἁ 3 
στομάχου, οἱ δὲ λέγουσι Ταλαοῦ. οὗτοι μὲν ἐξ 
"Apyous, Πολυνείκης «δὲ; Οἰδίποδος ἐκ Θηβῶν, 
Τυδεὺς Οἰνέως Αἰτωλός, Παρθενοπαῖος Μελα- 
νίωνος ᾿Αρκάς. τινὲς δὲ Τυδέα μὲν καὶ ἸΠολυ- 
νείκην οὐ καταριθμοῦσι, συγκαταλέγουσι δὲ τοῖς 
ς ᾽ , Μ [4 
ἑπτὰ ᾿Ετέοκλον Ἴφιος καὶ Μηκιστέα. 
Παραγενόμενοι δὲ εἰς Νεμέαν, ἧς ἐβασίλευε 
Λυκοῦργος, ἐζήτουν ὕδωρ. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἡγήσατο 
τῆς ἐπὶ κρήνην ὁδοῦ Ὑψιπύλη, νήπιον παῖδα 
[ὄντα] 8 Οφέλτην ἀπολιποῦσα, ὃν ἔτρεφεν Ἑύρυ- 
δίκης ὄντα καὶ Λυκούργου. αἰσθόμεναι γὰρ αἱ 

1 τοικλέους Aegius : ἰοκλέους A. 3 δὲ inserted by Bekker. 
3 ὄντα omitted by Hercher. 

1 The place of Eteoclus among the Seven Champions is 
recognized by Aeschylus (Seven against Thebes, 458 8qq.), 
Sophocles (Oedipus Coloneus, 1316), and Euripides in one 
play (Suppliants, 871 sqq.), but not in another (Phoenissae, 
1090 sqq.); and he is omitted by Hyginus (Fab. 70). His 
right to rank among the Seven seems to have been acknow- 
Ἰεϊ μοάὰ by the Argives themselves, since they included his 
portrait in a group of statuary representing the Champions 
which they dedicated at Delphi. See Pausanias, x. 10. 3. 

2 Brother of Adrastus. See i. 9. 13. 

3 As to the meeting of the Seven Champions with Hypsi- 
pyle at Nemea, the death of Opheltes, and the institution of 
the Nemean games, see Scholia on Pindar, Nem., Argument, 

p. 424 sq. ed. Boeckh ; Bacchylides, E'pinic. viii. [ix.] 10 sqq.; 
biement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter, with 
the Scholiast ; Hyginus, Fab. 74 and 273; Statius, Theb. 
iv. 646—vi. ; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iv. 717; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode. vol. i. 
p. 123 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 141). The institution 
of the Nemean games in honour of Opheltes or Archemorus 
was noticed by Aeschylus in a lost play. See Tragicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, p. 49. The judges at 
the Nemean games wore dark-coloured robes in mourning, it 

Amphiaraus, son of Oicles; Capaneus, son of Hip- 
ponous; Hippomedon, son of Aristomachus, but 
some say of Talaus. These came from Argos; but 
Polynices, son of Oedipus, came from Thebes; 
Tydeus, son of Oeneus, was an Aetolian; Partheno- 
paeus, son of Melanion, was an Arcadian. Some, 
however, do not reckon Tydeus and Polynices 
among them, but include Eteoclus, son of Iphis,} 
and Mecisteus? in the list of the seven. 

Having come to Nemea, of which Lycurgus was 
king, they sought for water; and Hypsipyle showed 
them the way to a spring, leaving behind an infant 
boy Opheltes, whom she nursed, a child of Eury- 
dice and Lycurgus.? For the Lemnian women, after- 

is said, for Opheltes (Scholiast on Pindar, Nem., Argum. 
p. 425, ed. Boeckh); and the crown of parsley bestowed on 
the victor is reported to have been chosen for the same sad 
reason (Servius, on Virgil, οἷ. vi. 68). However, according 
to another account, the crowns at Nemea were originally 
made of olive, but the material was changed to parsley after 
the disasters of the Persian war (Scholiast on Pindar, l.c.). 
The grave of Opheltes was at Nemea, enclosed by a stone 
wall; and there were altars within the enclosure (Pau- 
sanias, ii. 15, 3). Euripides wrote a tragedy Hypsipyle, 
of which many fragments have recently been discovered in 
Egyptian papyri. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 594 sqqg.; A. S. Hunt, Tragicorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta Papyracea nuper reperta (Oxford, no 
date, no pagination). In one of these fragments (col. iv. 27 84.) 
it is said that Lycurgus was chosen from all Asopia to be the 
warder (xAndodxos) of the local Zeus. There were officials 
bearing the same title (κλειδοῦχοι) at Olympia (Dittenberger, 
Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum?, vol. ii. p. 168, No. 1021) 
in Delos (Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selcc- 
tae, vol. i. p. 252, No. 170), and in the worship of Aescula- 
pius at Athens (E.S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction 
to Greek Epigraphy, Part ii. p. 410, No. 157). The duty 
from which they took their title was to keep the keys of the 

Λήμνιαι ὕστερον Θόαντα σεσωσμένον ἐκεῖνον μὲν 
ἔκτειναν, τὴν δὲ Ὑψιπύλην ἀπημπόλησαν" διὸ 
πραθεῖσαϊ ἐλάτρευε παρὰ Λυκούργῳ. δεικνυούσης 

\ a 
δὲ τὴν κρήνην, ὁ παῖς ἀπολειφθεὶς ὑπὸ δράκοντος 
διαφθείρεται. τὸν μὲν οὖν δράκοντα ἐπιφανέντες 
οἱ μετὰ ᾿Αδράστου κτείνουσι, τὸν δὲ παῖδα θάπ- 
τουσιν. ᾿Αμφιάραος δὲ εἶπεν ἐκείνοις τὸ σημεῖον 
τὰ μέλλοντα προμαντεύεσθαι" τὸν δὲ παῖδα ᾿᾽Αρ- 
χέμορον ἐκάλεσαν.Σ οἱ δὲ ἔθεσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν 
τῶν Νεμέων ἀγῶνα, καὶ ἵππῳ μὲν ἐνίκησεν 
ν ὃ , \. 9? “ fol 4 
Adpactos, σταδίῳ δὲ ᾿Εἰτέοκλος, πυγμῇ Τυδεύς, 
Ψ 8 \ δί 3 4 3 , s 
ἅλματι" καὶ δίσκῳ ᾿Αμφιάραος, ἀκοντίῳ Aao- 
δοκος, πάλῃ Πολυνείκης, τόξῳ Παρθενοπαῖος. 

e A 

Ὡς δὲ ἦλθον eis τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα, πέμπουσι 
Τυδέα προεροῦντα ᾿Ετεοκλεῖ τῆς βασιλείας “ 
παραχωρεῖν Πολυνείκει, καθὰ συνέθεντο. μὴ προσ- 
’ a 
ἔχοντος δὲ ᾿Ετεοκλέους, διάπειραν τῶν Θηβαίων 

1 πραθεῖσα Heyne (who also conjectured τρέφουσα or τρο- 
φεύουσα) : πραφεῖσα P: τραφεῖσα A. 

3 δκάλεσεν Hercher. 

ὃ ἅλματι Valckenar, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἅρματι A, 
Heyne, Westermann. 

4 τῆς βασιλείας Hercher: τὴν βασιλείαν Heyne, Wester- 
Gece Miller, Bekker, Wagner (following apparently the 

ἊΣ 

temple. A fine relief in the Palazzo Spada at Rome represents 
the serpent coiled round the dead body of the child Opheltes 
and attacked by two of the heroes, while in the background 
Hypsipyle is seen retreating, with her hands held up in horror 
and her pitcher lying at her feet. See W. H. Roscher, 
Lexikon der griech. und rom. Mythologie, i. 473; A. 
Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassischen Alteriums, i. 113, 
fig. 119. The death of Opheltes or Archemorus is also the 
subject of a fine vase-painting, which shows the dead boy 
lying on a bier and attended by two women, one of whom is 

wards learning that Thoas had been saved alive,} 
put him to death and sold Hypsipyle into slavery: 
wherefore she served in the house of Lycurgus as a 
purchased bondwoman. But while she showed the 
spring, the abandoned boy was killed by a serpent. 
When Adrastus and his party appeared on the 
scene, they slew the serpent and buried the boy; 
but Amphiaraus told them that the sign foreboded 
the future, and they called the boy Archemorus.? 
They celebrated the Nemean games in his honour; 
and Adrastus won the horse race, Eteoclus the foot 
race, Tydeus the boxing match, Amphiaraus the 
leaping and quoit-throwing match, Laodocus the 
javelin-throwing match, Polynices the wrestling 
match, and Parthenopaeus the archery match. 

When they came to Cithaeron, they sent Tydeus 
to tell Eteocles in advance that he must cede the 
kingdom to Polynices, as they had agreed among 
themselves. As Eteocles paid no heed to the 

about to crown him with a wreath of myrtle, while the other 
holds an umbrella over his head to prevent, it has been 
suggested, the sun’s rays from being defiled by falling on a 
corpse. Amongst the figures in the painting, which are identi- 
fied by inscriptions, is seen the mother Eurydice standing in 
her palace between the suppliant Hypsipyle on one side and 
the dignified Amphiaraus on the other. See E. Gerhard, 
‘¢ Archemoros,” Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Berlin, 1866-— 
1868), i. 5 sqq., with Abbildungen, taf. i.; K. Friederichs, 
Praziteles und die Niobegruppe (Leipzig, 1855), pp. 123 sqq.; 
A. Baumeister, op. cit. i. 114, fig. 120. 

1 See above, i. 9. 17. 

2 That is, ‘“‘beginner of doom”; hence ‘‘ ominous,” 
“foreboding.” The name is so interpreted by Bacchylides 
(Epinic. viii. 14, σᾶμα μέλλοντος φόνου), by the Scholiast on 
Pindar (Nem., Argum. pp. 424 sq. ed. Boeckh), and by 
Lactantius Placidus in his commentary on Statius (Theb. iv. 
717). 

APOLLODORUS - 

Τυδεὺς ποιούμενος, καθ᾽ ἕνα προκαλούμενος πάν- 
των περιεγένετο. οἱ δὲ πεντήκοντα ἄνδρας ὁπλί- 
σαντες ἀπιόντα ἐνήδρευσαν αὐτόν: πάντας δὲ 
αὐτοὺς χωρὶς Μαίονος ἀπέκτεινε, κἄπειτα ἐπὶ τὸ 
στρατόπεδον ἦλθεν. 
6 ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ καθοπλισθέντες προσήεσαν τοῖς 
τείχεσι, καὶ πυλῶν ἑπτὰ οὐσῶν ᾿Αδραστος μὲν 
\ ς ’ 4 4 \ \ 
παρὰ τὰς Oporwidas πύλας ἔστη, Καπανεὺς δὲ 
\ 2 ’ 3 ’ \ \ 
παρὰ τὰς ᾿Ωγυγίας, ᾿Αμφιάραος δὲ παρὰ τὰς 
Προιτίδας, Ἱππομέδων δὲ παρὰ τὰς ᾿Ογκαΐδας,ἷ 
Πολυνείκης δὲ παρὰ τὰς ὝΨίστας, ἸΠαρθενοπαῖος 
«δὲ; παρὰ τὰς ᾿Ηλέκτρας, Τυδεὺς δὲ παρὰ τὰς 
Κρηνίδας. καθώπλισε δὲ καὶ ᾿Ετεοκλῆς Θηβαίους, 
καὶ καταστήσας ἡγεμόνας ἴσους ἴσοις ἔταξε, 
καὶ πῶς ἂν περιγένοιντο τῶν πολεμίων ἐμαντεύετο. 
ἣν δὲ παρὰ Θηβαίοις μάντις Τειρεσίας Εὐήρους 
καὶ Χαρικλοῦς νύμφης, ἀπὸ γένους Οὐδαίου τοῦ 
Σπαρτοῦ, γενόμενος τυφλὸς τὰς ὁράσεις. οὗ περὶ 
τῆς πηρώσεως καὶ τῆς μαντικῆς λέγονται λόγοι 
διάφοροι. ἄλλοι μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ θεῶν φασι 
τυφλωθῆναι, ὅτε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἃ κρύπτειν 
"0 λ 3 4 Φ "ὃ δὲ e \ "AO A > A 
ἤθελον ἐμήννε, Φερεκύδης δὲ ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηνᾶς αὐτὸν 
1 ᾽Ογκαΐδας Aegius: ὀχνηίδας A. 
2 δὲ inserted by Heyne. 

1 For the embassy of Tydeus to Thebes and its sequel, see 
Homer, Il. iv. 382-398, v. 802-808, with the Scholiast on 
v. 376; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 4; Statius, Theb. ii. 307 δᾳᾳ. 

2 The siege of Thebes by the Argive army under the Seven 
Champions is the subject of two extant Greek tragedies, the 
Seven against Thebes of Aeschylus, and the Phoentssae of 
Euripides. In both of them the attack on the seven gates 
by the Seven Champions is described. See the Seven against 

hebes, 375 sqq.; Phoentssae, 105 sqg., 1090 sqg. The siege 
is also the theme of Statius’s long-winded and bombastic 

message, I'ydeus, by way of putting the Thebans to 
the proof, challenged them to single combat and 
was victorious in every encounter; and though the 
Thebans set fifty armed men to lie in wait for him 
as he went away, he slew them all but Maeon, and 
then came to the camp.! 

Having armed themselves, the Argives approached 
the walls?; and as there were seven gates, Adrastus 
was stationed at the Homoloidian gate, Capaneus at 
the Ogygian, Amphiaraus at the Proetidian, Hippo- 
medon at the Oncaidian, Polynices at the Hypsistan,® 
Parthenopaeus at the Electran, and Tydeus at the 
Crenidian.* Eteocles on his side armed the Thebans, 
and having appointed leaders to match those of the 
enemy in number, he put the battle in array, and 
resorted to divination to learn how they might over- 
come the foe. Now there was among the Thebans 
a soothsayer, Tiresias, son of Everes and a nymph 
Chariclo, of the family of Udaeus, the Spartan,° and 
he had lost the sight of his eyes. Different stories 
are told about his blindness and his power of sooth- 
.saying. For some say that he was blinded by the 
gods because he revealed their secrets to men. But 
epic, the Thebaid. Compare also Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 
7-9; Pausanias, i. 39. 2, ii. 20. 5, viii. 25. 4, x. 10.3; Hygi- 
nus, Fab. 69, 70. The war was also the subject of two lost 
poems of the same name, the Thebaid of Callinus, an early 
elegiac poet, and the Thebaid of Antimachus, a contem- 

orary of Plato. See Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
ὃ. Kinkel. Pp. 9 sqq., 275 844. As to the seven gates of 
Thebes, see Pausanias, ix. 8. 4-7, with my commentary 
(vol. iv. pp. 35 sgg.). The ancients were not entirely agreed 
as to the names of the gates. 

ὃ That is, ‘‘the Highest Gate.” 

+ That is, ‘‘the Fountain Gate.” 

5 That is, one of the Sparti, the men who sprang from the 
dragon’s teeth sown by Cadmus. See above, 1ii. 4. 1. ᾿ 

τυφλωθῆναι" οὖσαν yap τὴν Χαρικλὼ προσφιλῆ 
τῇ AOnva). . . γυμνὴν ἐπὶ πάντα ἰδεῖν, τὴν δὲ 
“ \ 3 Ἁ bd A 
ταῖς χερσὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ καταλαβο- 
μένην πηρὸν ποιῆσαι, Χαρικλοῦς δὲ δεομένης 
ἀποκαταστῆσαι πάλιν τὰς ὁράσεις, μὴ δυναμένην 
τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, τὰς ἀκοὰς διακαθάρασαν πᾶσαν 
ὀρνίθων φωνὴν ποιῆσαι συνεῖναι, καὶ σκῆπτρον 
αὐτῷ δωρήσασθαι κράνειον,Σ ὃ φέρων ὁμοίως τοῖς 
. 3 / e a , Ψ 
βλέπουσιν ἐβάδιξεν. Ἡσίοδος δέ φησιν ὅτι θεα- 

1 The lacuna was indicated by Heyne, who proposed to 
restore the passage as follows: οὖσαν γὰρ τῇ Χαρικλοῖ xpoo- 
φιλῇ τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν αὐτὸν γυμνὴν ἐπιστάντα (or ἐπιβάντα) ἰδεῖν, 
“ἘῸΓ Athena was a friend οἵ Chariclo, and he came upon 
her and saw her naked.” This gives the requisite sense, 
and probably represents very nearly the ay reading of 
the passage. The friendship of Athena for the nymph 
Chariclo, the mother of Tiresias, is mentioned to explain 
the Ag oh which Tiresias had of seeing the goddess 
naked. 

2 ταῖς χερσὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ καταλαβομένην. These 
words have been wrongly suspected or altered by the editors. 
Heyne proposed to omit τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς as a gloss or to re- 
write the passage thus: τὴν δὲ ταῖς χερσὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ 
ὕδωρ καταβαλοῦσαν πηρὸν ποιῆσαι. Hercher wrote: τὴν δὲ 
ταῖς χερσὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ λαβομένην πηρὸν ποιῆσαι. They 
all apparently suppose that the goddess blinded Tiresias by 
scratching out his eyes. But she simply held her hands over 
the eyes of the prying intruder, and the mere touch of her 
divine fingers sutficed to blind him for ever. Compare Plato, 
Theaetetus, Ὁ. 165 BO: τί γὰρ χρήσει ἀφύκτῳ epwrhpart, τὸ 
λεγόμενον ἐν φρέατι συνεχόμενος, ὅταν ἐρωτᾷ ἀνέκπληκτος (un- 
abashed) ἀνήρ, καταλαβὼν τῇ χειρὶ σοῦ τὸν ἕτερον ὀφθαλμόν, 
εἰ ὁρᾷς τὸ ἱμάτιον τῷ κατειλημμένῳ; If any change were 
desirable, it would be καταλαβοῦσαν for καταλαβομένην, but 
even this is not necessary. Compare Diodorus Siculus, 
1. 37. 5 κατελάβοντο δεσμοῖς τὸ στόμιον (the mouth of a 
serpent’s den). 

3 «pdvecov Aegius, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: κυάνειον EA, 
Commelinus, Gale, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller. 

Pherecydes says that he was blinded by Athena!; 
for Chariclo was dear to Athena. . . and Tiresias 
saw the goddess stark naked, and she covered his 
eyes with her hands, and so rendered him sightless. 
And when Chariclo asked her to restore his sight, 
she could not do so, but by cleansing his ears she 
caused him to understand every note of birds; and 
she gave him a staff of cornel-wood,? wherewith he 
walked like those who see. But Hesiod says that he 

1 The blinding of Tiresias by Athena is described by Calli- 
machus in his hymn, The Baths of Pallas. He tells how the 
nymph Chariclo, mother of Tiresias, was the favourite atten- 
dant of Athena, who carried her with her wherever she went, 
often mounting the nymph inher own car. One summer day, 
when the heat and stillness of noon reigned in the mountains, 
the goddess and the nymph had stripped and were enjoying 
a cool plunge in the fair-flowing spring of Hippocrene on 
Mount Helicon. But the wouthtal’ Tiresias, roaming the 
hills with his dogs, came to slake his thirst at the bubbling 
spring and saw what it was not lawful to see. The goddess 
cried out in anger, and at once the eyes of the intruder were 
quenched in darkness. His mother, the nymph, reproached 
the goddess with blinding her son, but Athena explained 
that she had not done so, but that the laws of the gods 
inflicted the penalty of blindness on anyone who beheld an 
immortal without his or her consent. To console the youth 
for the loss of his sight the goddess promised to bestow on 
him the gifts of prophecy and divination, long life, and after 
death the retention of his mental powers undimmed in the 
world below. See Callimachus, Baths of Palias, 57-133. In 
this account Callimachus probably followed Pherecydes, who, 
as we learn from the present passage of Apollodorus, assigned 
the same cause for the blindness of Tiresias. It is said that 
Erymanthus, son of Apollo, was blinded because he saw 
Aphrodite bathing. See Ptolemaeus Hephaest. Nov. Hist. i. 
in Westermann’s Mythographi Graeci, p. 183. 

2 According to the MSS., it was a blue staff. See Critical 
Note. As to the cornel-tree in ancient myth and fable, see 
C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen (Berlin, 1856), 
pp. 130 sqq. 

σάμενος περὶ Κυλλήνην ὄφεις συνουσιάξοντας 
καὶ τούτους τρώσας ἐγένετο ἐξ ἀνδρὸς 1 γυνή, 
πάλιν δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ὄφεις παρατηρήσας συνου- 
σιάξοντας ἐγένετο ἀνήρ. διόπερ Ἥρα καὶ Ζεὺς 

1 ἀνδρὸς Εἰ : ἀνδρῶν A. 

1 This curious story of the double change of sex ex- 

erienced by Tiresias, with the cause of it, is told also by 
Phiegon, Mirabilia, 4; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 683; 
Eustathius on Homer, Od. x. 492, p. 1665; Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. x. 494; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 17; 
Ovid, Metamorph. iii. 316 sqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 75; Lactan- 
tius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. ii. 95; Fulgentius, Mytho- 
log. ii. 8; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. pp. 5, 104, 169 (First Vatican Mythographer, 16; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 84; Third Vatican Mytho- 
rapher, iv. 8). Phlegon says that the story was told by 
Fresiod, Dicaearchus, Clitarchus, and Callimachus. He agrees 
with Apollodorus, Hyginus, Lactantius Placidus, and the 
Second Watioan Mythographer in laying the scene of the 
incident on Mount Cyllene in Arcadia; whereas Eustathius 
and Tzeizes lay it on Mount Cithaeron in Boeotia, which is 
more appropriate for a Theban seer. According to Eusta- 
thius and Tzetzes, it was by killing the female snake that 
Tiresias became a woman, and it was by afterwards killing 
the male snake that he was changed back into a man. 
According to Ovid, the seer remained a woman for seven 

ears, aid recovered his male sex in the eighth; the First 

atican Mythographer says that he recovered it after eight 
years; the Third Vatican Mythographer affirms that he 
recovered it in the seventh year. All the writers I have 
cited, except Antoninus Liberalis, record the verdict of 
Tiresias on the question submitted to him by Zeus and Hera, 
though they are not all agreed as to the precise mathematical 
proportion expressed in it. Further, they all, except Anto- 
ninus Liberalis, agree that the blindness of Tiresias was a 
punishment inflicted on him by Hera (Juno) because his 
answer to the question was displeasing to her. According to 
Phlegon, Hyginus, Lactantius Placidus, and the Second 

beheld snakes copulating on Cyllene, and that having 
wounded them he was turned from a man into a 
woman, but that on observing the same snakes 
copulating again, he became ἃ man.! Hence, when 

Vatican Mythographer the life of Tiresias was prolonged by 
Zeus (Jupiter) so as to last seven ordinary lives. 

The notion that it is unlucky to see snakes coupling appears 
to be widespread. In Southern India ‘‘the sight of two 
snakes coiled round each other in sexual congress is con- 
sidered to portend some great evil” (E. Thurston, Hthno- 
graphic Notes in Southern India, Madras, 1906, p. 293). The 
Chins of North-eastern India think that ‘‘one of the worst 
omens that it is possible to see is two snakes copulating, and 
a man who sees this is not supposed to return to his house or 
to speak to anyone until the next sun has risen” (Bertram 
S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, The Chin Hills, vol. i. Rangoon, 
1896, p. 199). ‘‘It is considered extremely unlucky for a 
Chin to come upon two snakes copulating, and to avoid ill- 
fortune he must remain outside the village that night, with- 
out eating cooked food; the next morning he may proceed 
to his house, but, on arrival there, must kill a fowl and, if 
within his means, hold a feast. If a man omits these pre- 
cautions and is found out, he is liable to pay compensation 
of a big mythun, a pig, one blanket, and one bead: whatever 
his means, to the first man he brings ill-luck to by talking to 
him. Before the British occupation, if the man, for any 
reason, could not pay the compensation, the other might 
make a slave of him, ΟΥ̓ ΘΛΠΔΙῸΡ a pig whenever one of his 
daughters married” (W. R. Head, Haka Chin Customs, 
Rangoon, 1917, p. 44). In the Himalayas certain religious 
ceremonies are prescribed when a person has seen snakes 
coupling (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1884, 
pt. 1. p. 101; the nature of the ceremonies is not described). 
In Timorlaut, one of the East Indian Islands, it is deemed 
an omen of great misfortune if a man dreams that he sees 
snakes coupling (J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige 
rassen tusschen Seiebes en Papua, The Hague, 1886, p. 285). 
Similarly in Southern India there prevails ‘‘a superstitious 
belief that, if a person sees two crows engaged in sexual 
congress, he will die unless one of his relations sheds tears. 
To avert this catastrophe, false news as to the death are sent 

ἀμφισβητοῦντες πότερον τὰς γυναῖκας ἢ τοὺς — 
ἄνδρας ἥδεσθαι μᾶλλον ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις συμ- 
βαίνοι, τοῦτον ἀνέκριναν. ὁ δὲ ἔφη δέκα μοιρῶν 
περὶ τὰς συνουσίας οὐσῶν τὴν μὲν μίαν ἄνδρας 
Φ \ 12 21 a of “ \ 
ἥδεσθαι, ras δὲ ἐννέα γυναῖκας. ὅθεν "Hpa μὲν 
αὐτὸν ἐτύφλωσε, Ζεὺς δὲ τὴν μαντικὴν αὐτῷ 
ἔδωκεν. 

[τὸ ὑπὸ Τειρεσίου λεχθὲν πρὸς Δία καὶ Ἥραν' 
οἴην μὲν μοῖραν δέκα μοιρῶν τέρπεται ἀνήρ, 
τὰς δὲ δέκ᾽ ἐμπίπλησι γυνὴ τέρπουσα νόημα. 3 

ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ πολυχρόνιος. 

Οὗτος οὖν Θηβαίοις μαντενομένοις 3 εἶπε νική- 

? \ e 4 Ν 4 
σειν, ἐὰν Μενοικεὺς ὁ Κρέοντος “Apet σφάγιον 
αὑτὸν ἐπιδῷ. τοῦτο ἀκούσας Μενοικεὺς ὁ Κρέ- 
οντος ἑαυτὸν πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἔσφαξε. μάχης δὲ 
γενομένης οἱ Καδμεῖοι μέχρε τῶν τειχῶν συνε- 
διώχθησαν, καὶ Καπανεὺς ἁρπάσας κλίμακα ἐπὶ 
τὰ τείχη δι’ αὐτῆς ἀνήει, καὶ Ζεὺς αὐτὸν κεραυνοῖ. 
τούτου δὲ γενομένου τροπὴ" τῶν ᾿Αργείων γίνεται. 
ς A 3 4 , , e / A 
ὡς δὲ ἀπώλλυντο πολλοί, δόξαν ἑκατέροις τοῖς 

1 δέκα... τὴν μὲν μίαν... τὰς δὲ ἐννέα Barth, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner: δεκαεννέα... τὰς μὲν ἐννέα... τὰς δὲ 
δέκα A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller. 

2 These verses are probably interpolated. They are re- 
peated by the Scholiast on Homer, Od. x. 494, and by 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 683. 

3 μαντευομένοις Heyne, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: μαντευ- 
ὄμενος A, Westermann, Miiller. 

4 γροπὴ Heyne, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: τρόπαιον A, 
Westermann. 

by the post or telegraph, and subsequently corrected by a 
letter or telegram announcing that the individual is alive” 
(KE. Thurston, op. cit. p. 278). A similar belief as to the dire 
effect of seeing crows coupling, and a similar mode of averting 

Hera and Zeus disputed whether the pleasures of 
love are felt more by women or by men, they referred 
to him for a decision. He said that if the pleasures 
of love be reckoned at ten, men enjoy one and 
women nine. Wherefore Hera blinded him, but 
Zeus bestowed on him the art of soothsaying. 

The saying of Tiresias to Zeus and Hera. 
Of ten parts a man enjoys one only ; 
But a woman enjoys the full ten parts in her heart.! 

He also lived to a great age. 

So when the Thebans sought counsel of him, he 
said that they should be victorious if Menoeceus, son 
of Creon, would offer himself freely as a sacrifice to 
Ares. On hearing that, Menoeceus, son of Creon, 
slew himself before the gates.2. But a battle having 
taken place, the Cadmeans were chased in a 
crowd as far as the walls, and Capaneus, seizing a 
ladder, was climbing up it to the walls, when Zeus 
smote him with a thunderbolt. When that befell, 
the Argives turned to flee. And as many fell, 

the calamity, are reported in the Central Provinces of India 
(M. R. Pedlow, ‘‘ Superstitions among Hindoos in the Central 
Provinces,” The Indian Antiquary, xxix. Bombay, 1900, 

. 88). 
τ These lines are also quoted by Tzetzes (Schol. on 
Lycophron, 683) from a poem Melampodta; they are cited 
also by the Scholiast on Homer, Od. x. 494. 

2 As to the voluntary sacrifice of Menoeceus, see Euri- 
pides, Phoentssae, 911 sqq.; Pausanias, ix. 25.1; Cicero, 
Tuscul. Disput. i. 48.116; Hyginus, Fab. 68; Statius, Theb. 
x. 589 sqq. 

3 As to the death of Capaneus, compare Aeschylus, Seven 
against Thebes, 423 sqq.; Euripides, Phoenissae, 1172 qq. ; 
id. Suppliants, 496 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65.8; Hyginus, 
Fab. 71; Statius, Theb. x. 827 sqq. 

στρατεύμασιν ᾿Ετεοκλῆς καὶ Πολυνείκης περὶ τῆς 
βασιλείας μονομαχοῦσι, καὶ κτείνουσιν ἀλλήλους. 
καρτερᾶς! δὲ πάλιν γενομένης μάχης οἱ ᾿Αστακοῦ 
παῖδες ἡ ἠρίστευσαν'" Ἴσμαρος μὲν γὰρ ἹἽἹππομέδοντα 
ἀπέκτεινε, Λεάδης δὲ Ετέοκλον,᾽ Α μφίδικος δὲ Παρ- 
θενοπαῖον. ὡς δὲ Εὐριπίδης φησί, Παρθενοπαῖον 
ὁ Ποσειδῶνος παῖς Περικλύμενος ἀ ἀπέκτεινε. Με- 
λάνιππος δὲ ὁ ὃ λοιπὸς τῶν ᾿Αστακοῦ παίδων εἰς 
τὴν γαστέρα Τυδέα τιτρώσκει. ἡμιθνῆτος δὲ 
αὐτοῦ κειμένου παρὰ Διὸς αἰτησαμένη ᾿Αθηνᾶ 
φάρμακον ἤνεγκε, δι’ οὗ ποιεῖν ἔμελλεν ἀθάνατον 
αὐτόν. ᾿Αμφιάραος δὲ αἰσθόμενος τοῦτο, μισῶν 
Τυδέα ὅ ὅτι παρὰ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην εἰς Θήβας 
ἔπεισε τοὺς ᾿Αργείους στρατεύεσθαι, τὴν Μελα- 
νίππου κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ [TeTpw- 
σκόμενος δὲ Τυδεὺς ἔκτεινεν αὐτόν]. 8 ὁ δὲ διελὼν 
τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξερρόφησεν. ὡς δὲ εἶδεν ᾿Αθηνᾶ, 
μυσαχθεῖσα τὴν εὐεργεσίαν ἐπέσχε τε καὶ ἐφθόν- 

1 "Acraxod Aegius: ἀστυάγους A. 

2 ᾿Αστακοῦ Westermann, Miiller, Hercher, Wagner: ἀστυ- 
dyous A. Aegius, Commelinus, Gale, Heyne, and Bekker 
omit the noun, reading simply τῶν παίδων. 

8 τιτρωσκόμενος δὲ Τυδεὺς ἔκτεινεν αὐτόν. These words are 

peeuty an interpolation, as Heyne rightly observed. 
hey are omitted by Hercher. 

1 As to the single combat and death of Eteocles and 
Polynices, see or Seven against Thebes, 804 sqq.; 
Euripides, Phoenissae, 1356 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 8; 
Pausanias, ix. 5. 12; Hyginus, Fab. 71; Statius, Theb. xi. 
447-579. 

2 According to Statius (Theb. ix. 455-539), Hippomedon 
was overwhelmed by a cloud of Theban missiles after being 
nearly drowned in the river Ismenus. 

3 As to the death of Parthenopaeus, see Euripides, Phoe- 
nissae, 1153 sqq. In the Thebaid, also, Periclymenus was 

Eteocles and Polynices, by the resolution of both 
armies, fought a single combat for the kingdom, 
and slew each other.!. In another fierce battle 
the sons of Astacus did doughty deeds; for 
Ismarus slew Hippomedon,’? Leades slew Eteoclus, 
and Amphidocus slew Parthenopaeus. But Euripides 
says that Parthenopaeus was slain by Periclymenus, 
son of Poseidon. And Melanippus, the remaining 
one of the sons of Astacus, wounded Tydeus in the 
belly. As he lay half dead, Athena brought a 
medicine which she had begged of Zeus, and by 
which she intended to make him immortal. But 
Amphiaraus hated Tydeus for thwarting him by 
persuading the Argives to march to Thebes; so 
when he perceived the intention of the goddess he 
cut off the head of Melanippus and gave it to 
Tydeus, who, wounded though he was, had killed 
him. And Tydeus split open the head and gulped 
up the brains. But when Athena saw that, in disgust 
she grudged and withheld the intended benefit.‘ 

represented as the slayer of Parthenopaeus. See Pausanias, 
ix. 18. 6. 

4 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1066 ; Scholiast 
on Pindar, Nem. x. 7 (12); Scholiast on Homer, Jl. v. 126. 
All these writers say that it was Amphiaraus, not Tydeus, 
who killed as well as decapitated Melanippus. Pausanias also 
(ix. 18. 1) represents Melanippus as slain by Amphiaraus. 
Hence Heyne was perhaps right in rejecting as an interpolation 
the words ‘‘ who, wounded though he was, had killed him.” 
See the Critical Note. The story is told also by Statius (Theb. 
viii. 717-767) in his usual diffuse style ; but according to him 
it was Capaneus, not Amphiaraus, who slew and beheaded 
Melanippus and brought the gory head to Tydeus. The 
story of Tydeus’s savagery is alluded to more than once b 
Ovid in his [bts (427 sq., 515 sq.), that curious work in whic 
the poet has distilled the whole range of ancient mythology 
for the purpose of commination. With this tradition of 

VOL. I. ΒΒ 

nNoev. ᾿Αμφιαράφ δὲ φεύγοντι παρὰ ποταμὸν 
Ισμηνόν, πρὶν ὑπὸ ἸΠερικλυμένου τὰ νῶτα τρωθῇ, 
“A e 
Ζεὺς κεραυνὸν βαλὼν τὴν γῆν διέστησεν. ὁ δὲ 
σὺν τῷ ἅρματι καὶ τῷ ἡνιόχῳ Βάτωνι, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι 
Ελάτωνι,. ἐκρύφθη, καὶ Ζεὺς ἀθάνατον αὐτὸν 

1 °EAdrwve Sommer, Wagner: ἐλάττωνι R®: ἐλάττωνον B: 
ἐλάττω C: ᾿Ἐλαττωνῷ Heyne, Westermann, Miiller: ’EAa- 
reve Bekker: Ἐλάτφ L. Dindorf, Hercher. 

cannibalism on the field of battle we may compare the custom 
of the ancient Scythians, who regularly decapitated their 
enemies in battle and drank of the Blood of the first man they 
slew (Herodotus iv. 64). It has indeed been a common 
practice with savages to swallow some part of a slain foe in 
order with the blood, or flesh, or brains to acquire the dead 
man’s valour. See for example L. A. Millet-Mureau, Voyage 
de la Perouse autour du Monde (Paris, 1797), ii. 272 (as to the 
Californian Indians); Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes of 
Davao District, Mindanao (Chicago, 1913), pp. 94, 189 (as 
to the Philippine Islanders). I have cited many more in- 
stances in Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 148 sqq. 
The story of the brutality of Tydeus to Melanippus may 
contain a reminiscence of a similar custom. From _ the 
Scholiast on Homer (i.c.) we learn that the story was told by 
Pherecydes, whom Apollodorus may be following in the 
present passage. The grave of Melanippus was on the road 
from Thebes to Chalcis (Pausanias, ix. 18. 1), but Clisthenes, 
tyrant of Sicyon, ‘‘fetched Melanippus” (ἐπηγάγετο τὸν 
Μελάνιππον) to Sicyon and dedicated a precinct to him in the 
Prytaneum or town-hall; moreover, he transferred to Melan- 
ippus the sacrifices and festal honours which till then had 
been offered to Adrastus, the foe of Melanippus. See Herod- 
otus, v. 67. It is probable that Clisthenes, in ‘‘fetching 
Melanippus,” transferred the hero’s bones to the new shrine 
at Sicyon, following a common practice of the ancient Greeks, 
who were as anxious to secure the miraculous relics of heroes 
as modern Catholics are to secure the equally miraculous relics 
of saints. The most famous case of such a translation of holy 
bones was that of Orestes, whose remains were removed from 

37° 

Amphiaraus fled beside the river Ismenus, and before 
Periclymenus could wound him in the back, Zeus cleft 
the earth by throwing a thunderbolt, and Amphiaraus 
vanished with his chariot and his charioteer Baton, 
or, as some say, Elato;! and Zeus made him immortal. 

Tegea to Sparta (Herodotus, i. 67 sqg.). Pausanias mentions 
many instances of the practice. See the Index to my trans- 
lation of Pausanias, s.v. ‘‘ Bones,” vol. vi. p. 31. It was, no 
doubt, unusual to bury bones in the Prytaneum, where was 
the Common Hearth of the city (Pollux, ix. 40; Corpus 
Inscriptionum Atticarum, ii. 467, lines 6, 73; my note on 
Pausanias, viii. 53. 9, vol. iv. pp. 441 sq.); but at Mantinea 
there was a round building called the Common Hearth in 
which Antinoe, daughter of Cepheus, was said to be buried 
(Pausanias, viii. 9. 5); and the graves of not a few heroes and 
heroines were shown in Greek temples. See Clement of’ 
Alexandria, Protrept, iii. 45, pp. 39 sq., ed. Potter. The 
subject of relic worship in antiquity is exhaustively treated 
by Fried. Pfister, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Giessen, 
1909-1912). 

1 Compare Pindar, Nem. ix. 24 (59) sqq., x. 8 (13) sq.; 
Euripides, Suppliants, 925 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 65. 8; 
Strabo, ix. 2. 11, p. 404; Pausanias, i. 34. 2, ii. 23. 2, ix. 8. 3, 
ix. 19. 4; Statius, Theb. vii. 789-823. The reference to 
Periclymenus clearly proves that Apollodorus had here in mind 
the first of these passages of Pindar. Pausanias repeatedly 
mentions Baton as the charioteer of Amphiaraus (ii. 23. 2, v. 
17. 8, x. 10. 3). Amphiaraus was believed to be swallowed 
up alive, with his chariot and horses, and so to descend to 
the nether world. See Euripides, Suppliants, 925 sqq.; Statius, 
Theb. viii. 1 sqq.; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latins, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 49 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
152). Hence Sophocles speaks of him as reigning fully alive 
in Hades (Hlectra, 836 sqq.). Moreover, Amphiaraus was 
deified (Pausanias, viii. 2.4; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 40. 88), 
and as a god he had a famous oracle charmingly situated 
in a little glen near Oropus in Attica. See Pausanias, 
i. 34, with my commentary (vol. ii. pp. 466 eqq.). The 
exact spot where Amphiaraus disappeared into the earth 
was shown not far from Thebes on the road to Potniae. It 

37! 

BB 2 

ἐποίησεν. “Adpactov δὲ μόνον ἵππος διέσωσεν 
᾿Αρείων: τοῦτον ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος ἐγέννησε Δημήτηρ 
εἰκασθεῖσα ἐρινύι κατὰ τὴν συνουσίαν. 
VII. Κρέων δὲ τὴν Θηβαίων βασιλείαν παραλα- 
βὼν τοὺς τῶν ᾿Αργείων νεκροὺς ἔρριψεν ἀτάφους, 
καὶ κηρύξας μηδένα θάπτειν φύλακας κατέστησεν. 
9 ‘4 , , “A IQs ’ 4 
Αντιγόνη δέ, pia τῶν Οἰδίποδος θυγατέρων, κρύφα 
ΝΝ 4 “A 4 ” \ 
τὸ Πολυνείκους σῶμα κλέψασα ἔθαψε, καὶ φωρα- 
θεῖσα ὑπὸ Κρέοντος αὐτοῦ! τῷ τάφῳ ζῶσα 3 ἐνε- 
κρύφθη. Αδραστος δὲ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀφικόμενος 
1 αὐτ R: αὐτὴν A. 2 ζῶσα R: ζῶσαν A. 
8 ἐνεκρύφθη R: ἐνεκρύψατο R¢ in margin, C. 

was a small enclosure with pillars in it. See Pausanias, ix. 
8. 3. As the ground was split open by a thunderbolt to 
receive Amphiaraus (Pindar, Nem. ix. 24 (59) sgq., x. 8 (13) 
sq.), the enclosure with pillars in it was doubtless one of 
those little sanctuaries, marked off by a fence, which the 
Greeks always instituted on ground struck by lightning. See 
below, note on iii. 7. 1. 

' Arion, the swift steed of Adrastus, is mentioned by 
Homer, who alludes brietiy to the divine parentage of the 
animal (Il. xxiii. 346 sq.), without giving particulars as to 
the quaint and curious myth with which he was probably 
acquainted. That myth, one of the most savage of all the 
stories of ancient Greece, was revealed by later writers. See 
Pausanias, vili. 25. 4-10, viii. 42. 1-6; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 153; compare Scholiast on Homer, J1. xxiii. 346. 
The story was told at two places in the highlands of Arcadia: 
one was Thelpusa in the beautiful vale of the Ladon; the 
other was Phigalia, where the shallow cave of the goddess 
mother of the horse was shown far down the face of a cliff in 
the wild romantic gorge of the Neda. The cave still exists, 
though the goddess is gone: it has been converted into a tiny 
chapel of Christ and St. John. See my commentary on 
Pausanias, vol. iv. pp. 406 sg. According to Diodorus Siculus 
(iv. 65. 9) Adrastus returned to Argos. But Pausanias says 
(i. 43. 1) that he died at Megara of old age and grief at his son’s 
death, when he was leading back his beaten army from Thebes : 

Adrastus alone was saved by his horse Arion. That 
horse Poseidon begot on Demeter, when in the like- 
ness of a Fury she consorted with him.

Having succeeded to the kingdom of Thebes,
Creon cast out the Argive dead unburied, issued a 
proclamation that none should bury them, and set 
watchmen. But Antigone, one of the daughters of 
Oedipus, stole the body of Polynices, and secretly 
buried it, and having been detected by Creon him- 
self, she was interred alive in the grave.? Adrastus 
fled to Athens® and took refuge at the altar of 

Pausanias informs us also that Adrastus was worshipped, 
doubtless as a hero, by the Megarians. Hyginus (Fab. 242) 
tells a strange story that Adrastus and his son Hipponou 
threw themselves into the fire in obedience to an oracle of 
Apollo. 

Apollodorus here follows the account of Antigone’s 
heroism and doom as they are described by Sophocles in his 
noble tragedy, the Antigone. Compare Aeschylus, Seven 
against Thebes, 1005 sqq. A different version of the story is 
told by Hyginus (Fab. 72). According to him, when Antigone 
was caught in the act of performing funeral rites for her 
brother Polynices, Creon handed her over for execution to 
his son Haemon, to whom she had been betrothed. But 
Haemon, while he pretended to put her to death, smuggled 
her out of the way, married her, and had a son by her. In 
time the son grew up and came to Thebes, where Creon 
detected him by the bodily mark which all descendants of 
the Sparti or Dragon-men bore on their bodies. In vain 
Hercules interceded for Haemon with his angry father. 
Creon was inexorable; so Haemon killed himself and his 
wife Antigone. Some have thought that in this narrative 
Hyginus followed Euripides, who wrote a tragedy Antigone, 
of which a few fragments survive. See Tragicorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenia, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 404 sqq. 

3 As to the flight of Adrastus to Athens, and the inter- 
vention of the Athenians on his behalf see Isocrates, Pane- 
gyric, 88 54-58, Panathen. 88 168-174; Pausanias, i. 39. 2; 
Plutarch, Theseus, 29; Statius, Theb. xii. 464 sqq. (who sub- 

SVS 

ἐπὶ Tov ἐλέου βωμὸν κατέφυγε, καὶ ἱκετηρίαν θεὶς 
ἠξίου θάπτειν τοὺς νεκρούς. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι μετὰ 
Θησέως στρατεύσαντες αἱροῦσι Θήβας καὶ τοὺς 
νεκροὺς τοῖς οἰκείοις διδόασι θάψαι. τῆς Καπα- 

/ ὃ ’ “A >? 1 ς ’ 
νέως δὲ καιομένης πυρᾶς, Evadyn,' ἡ Καπανέως 

\ Dowd δὲ "J ς Rou 8 κι 2 
μὲν γυνὴ θυγάτηρ oe Idios, ἑαυτὴν ἐμβαλοῦσα 
συγκατεκαίετο.3 

1 Ἑῤάδνη R: εὐαιάνη A. 
2 ἐμβαλοῦσα Heyne: βαλοῦσα A, Zenobius, Cent. i. 30. 
8 συγκατεκαύθη, Zenobius, Cent. i. 30, Hercher. 

stitutes Argive matrons as suppliants instead of Adrastus). 
The story is treated by Euripides in his extant play The 
Suppliants, which, on the whole, Apollodorus follows. But 
whereas Apollodorus, like Statius, lays the scene of the 
supplication at the altar of Mercy in Athens, Euripides lays 
it at the altar of Demeter in Eleusis (Suppliants, 1 sq.). In 
favour of the latter version it may be said that the graves of 
the fallen leaders were shown at Eleusis, near the Flowery 
Well (Pausanias, i. 39. 1 sg.; Plutarch, Theseus, 29); while 
the graves of the common soldiers were at Eleutherae, which 
is on the borders of Attica and Boeotia, on the direct road 
from Eleusis to Thebes (Euripides, Supplhiants, 756 86. ; 
Plutarch, J.c.). Tradition varied also on the question how 
the Athenians obtained the permission of the Thebans to 
bury the Argive dead. Somie said that Theseus led an army 
to Thebes, efeated the Thebans, and compelled them to 
give up the dead Argives for burial. This was the version 
adopted by Euripides, Statius, and Apollodorus. Others said 
that Theseus sent an embassy and by negotiations obtained 
the voluntary consent of the Thebans to his carrying off the 
dead. This version, as the less discreditable to the Thebans, 
was very naturally adopted by them (Pausunias, i. 39. 2) and 
by the patriotic Boeotian Plutarch, who expressly rejects 
Euripides’s account of the Theban defeat. Isocrates, with 
almost incredible fatuity, adopts both versions in different 
passages of his writings and defends himself for so doing 
(Panathen. §§ 168-174). Jysias, without expressly mention- 
ing the flight of Adrastus to Athens, says that the Athenians 

Mercy,! and laying on it the suppliant’s bough ? he 
prayed that they would bury the dead. And the 
Athenians marched with Theseus, captured Thebes, 
and gave the dead to their kinsfolk to bury. And 
when the pyre of Capaneus was burning, his wife 
Evadne, the daughter of Iphis, thew herself on the 
pyre, and was burned with him.® 

first sent heralds to the Thebans with a request for leave to 
bury the Argive dead, and that when the request was 
refused, they marched against the Thebans, defeated them 
in battle, and carrying off the Argive dead buried them at 
Eleusis. See Lysias, ii. 7-10. 

1 As to the altar of Mercy at Athens see above ii. 8. 1; 
Pausanias, i. 17.1, with my note (vol. ii. pp. 143 sq.) ; Dio- 
dorus Siculus, xiii. 22. 7; Statius, Theb. xii. 481-505. It is 
mentioned in a late Greek inscription found at Athens (Cor- 
pus Inscriptionum Atticarum, iii. No. 170; G. Kaibel, 
Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta, No. 792). The 
altar, though not mentioned by early writers, was in later 
times one of the most famous spots in Athens. Philostratus 
says that the Athenians built an altar of Mercy as the 
thirteenth of the gods, and that they poured libations on it, 
not of wine, but of tears (Hpist. 39). In this fancy he 
perhaps copied Statius (Theb. xii. 488, ‘‘lacrymis altaria 
sudant”’). 

2 The branch of olive which a suppliant laid on the altar 
of a god in token that he sought the divine protection. See 
Andocides, De mysteriis, 110 sqqg.; R. C. Jebb, on Sophocles, 
Oedipus Tyrannus, 3. 

8 For the death of Evadne on the pyre of her husband 
Capaneus, see Euripides, Suppliants, 1034 sqq.; Zenobius, 
Cent. i. 30; Propertius, i. 15. 21 sq.; Ovid, Tristia, v.14. 38; 
ad. Pont. iii. 1. 111 sq.; Hyginus, Fab. 243; Statius, Theb. 
xii. 800 sg. with the note of Lactantius Placidus on v. 801; 
Martial, iv. 75.5. Capaneus had been killed by a thunderbolt 
as he was mounting a ladder at the siege of Thebes. See Apol- 
lodorus, iii. 6.7. Hence his body was deemed sacred and 
should have been buried, not burned, and the grave fenced off; 
whereas the other bodies were all consumed on a single pyre. 
See Euripides, Suppliants, 934-938, where συμπήξας τάφον 

2 Μετὰ δὲ ἔτη δέκα οἱ τῶν ἀπολομένων παῖδες, 
κληθέντες ἐπίγονοι, στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Θήβας προῃ- 

refers to the fencing in of the grave. So the tomb of Semele, 
who was also killed by lightning, seems to have stood within 
a sacred enclosure. See Euripides, Bacchae, 6-11. Yet, 
inconsistently with the foregoing passage, Euripides appears 
afterwards to assume that the body of Capaneus was burnt 
on a pyre (vv. 1000 sqq.). The rule that a person killed by a 
thunderbolt should be buried, not burnt, is stated by Pliny 
(Nat. Hist. ii. 145) and alluded to by Tertullian (Apolo- 
geticus, 48). An ancient Roman law, attributed to Numa, 
forbade the celebration of the usual obsequies for a man who 
had been killed by lightning. See Festus, s.v. ‘‘Occisum,” 
p. 178, ed. C. O. Miiller. It is true that these passages refer 
to the Roman usage, but the words of Euripides (Suppliants, 
934-938) seem to imply that the Greek practice was similar, 
and this is confirmed by Artemidorus, who says that the 
bodies of persons killed by lightning were not removed but 
buried on the spot (Onirocrit. ii. 9). The same writer tells 
us that a man struck by lightning was not deemed to be dis- 
graces nay, he was honoured as a god; even slaves killed by 
ightning were approached with respect, as honoured by Zeus, 
and their dead Vodies were wrapt in fine garments. Such 
customs are to some extent explained by the belief that Zeus 
himself descended in the flash of lightning; hence whatever 
the lightning struck was naturally regarded as holy. Places 
struck by lightning were sacred to Zeus the Descender (Ζεὺς 
καταιβάτης) and were enclosed by a fence. Inscriptions 
marking such spots have been found in various parts of 
Greece. See Pollux, ix. 41; Pausanias, v. 14.10, with my 
note (vol. iii. p. 565, vol. v. p. 614). Compare E. Rohde, 
Psyche’, i. 320 sq.; H. Usener, ‘‘ Keraunos,” Kleine Schrif- 
ten, iv. 477 sqq. (who quotes from Clemens Romanus and 
Cyrillus more evidence of the worship of persons killed b 
lightning); Chr. Blinkenberg, The Thunderweapon in Relt- 
gion and Folklore (Cambridge, 1911), pp. 110 sq. 

Among the Ossetes of the Caucasus a man who has been 
killed by lightning is deemed very lucky, for they believe 
that he has been taken by St. Elias to himself. So the sur- 
vivors raise cries of joy and sing and dance about him. His 

Ten years afterwards the sons of the fallen, called 
the Epigoni, purposed to march against Thebes to 

relations think it their duty to join in these dances and 
rejoicings, for any appearance of sorrow would be regarded 
as a sin against St. Elias and therefore punishable. The 
festival lasts eight days. The deceased is dressed in new 
clothes and laid on a pillow in the exact attitude in which he 
was struck and in the same place where he died. At the 
end of the celebrations he is buried with much festivity and 
feasting, a high cairn is erected on his grave, and beside it 
they set up a tall pole with the skin of a black he-goat. 
attached to it, and another pole, on which hang the heat 
clothes of the deceased. The grave becomes a place of pil- 
grimage. See Julius von Klaproth, Reise in den Ka 
und nach Georgien (Halle and Berlin, 1814), ii. 606; A. von 
Haxthausen, Transkaukasia -(Leipsic, 1856), ii. 21 sq. 
Similarly the Kafirs of South Africa ‘‘have strange notions - 
respecting the lightning. They consider that it is governed 
by the wmshologu, or ghost, of the greatest and most re- 
nowned of their departed chiefs, and who is emphatically 
styled the inkost; but they are not at all clear as to which 
of their ancestors is intended by this designation. Hence 
they allow of no lamentation being made for a person killed 
by lightning, as they say that it would be a sign of disloyalty 
to lament for one whom the inkost had sent for, and whose 
services he consequently needed; and it would cause him to 
oes them, by making the lightning again to descend and 
o them another injury.” Further, rites of purification have 
to be performed by a priest at the kraal where the accident 
took place ; and till these have been performed, none of the 
inhabitants may leave the kraal or have intercourse with 
other people. Meantime their heads are shaved and they 
must abstain from drinking milk. The rites include a sacri- 
fice and the inoculation of the people with powdered char- 
coal. See ‘‘Mr. Warner’s Notes,” in Col. Maclean’s Com- 
pendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), 
pp: 82-84. Sometimes, however, the ghosts of persons who 
ave been killed by lightning are deemed to be dangerous. 
Hence the Omahas used to slit the soles of the feet of such 
corpses to prevent their ghosts from walking about. See 
J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” Eleventh 

podvto, τὸν τῶν πατέρων θάνατον τιμωρήσασθαι 
βουλόμενοι. καὶ μαντενομένοις αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐθέ- 
σπισε νίκην ᾿Αλκμαίωνος ἡγουμένου. ὁ μὲν οὖν 
᾿Αλκμαίων ἡγεῖσθαι τῆς στρατείας οὐ βουλόμενος 
πρὶν τίσασθαι τὴν μητέρα, ὅμως στρατεύεται" 
λαβοῦσα γὰρ Ἐριφύλη παρὰ Θερσάνδρον τοῦ 
Πολυνείκους τὸν πέπλον συνέπεισε καὶ τοὺς παῖ- 
δας στρατεύεσθαι. οἱ δὲ ἡγεμόνα ᾿Αλκμαίωνα 
ἑλόμενοι Θήβας ἐπολέμουν. ἧσαν δὲ οἱ στρατευό- 
μενοι οἵδε: ᾿Αλκμαίων καὶ ᾿Αμφίλοχος ᾿Αμφια- 
ράου, Αἰὐγιαλεὺς ᾿Αδράστου, Διομήδης Τυδέως, 
Πρόμαχος Παρθενοπαίον, Σθένελος Καπανέως, 
Θέρσανδρος Πολυνεέκους, Εὐρύαλος ' Μηκιστέως. 
οὗτοι πρῶτον μὲν πορθοῦσι τὰς πέριξ κώμας, 
ἔπειτα τῶν Θηβαίων ἐπελθόντων Λαοδάμαντος 

1 Εὐρύαλος Heyne: Εὐρύπυλος A. 

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 
1894), p. 420. For more evidence of special treatment 
accorded to the bodies of persons struck dead by lightning, 
see A. B. Ellis, The Hwe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast 
(London, 1890), p. 39 sg.; id. The Yoruba-speaking Peoples 
of the Slave Coast (London, 1894), p. 49; Rev. J. H. Weeks, 
‘‘Notes on some customs of the Lower Congo people,” Folk- 
Lore, xx. (1909), p. 475; Rendel Harris, Boanerges (Cam- 
bridge, 1913), p. 97; A. L. Kitching, On the backwaters of the 
Nile (London, 1912), pp. 264 sg. Among the Barundi of Central 
Africa, a man or woman who has been struck, but not killed, 
by lightning becomes thereby a priest or priestess of the god 

iranga, whose name he or she henceforth bears and of whom 
he or she is deemed a bodily representative. And any place 
that has been struck by lightning is enclosed, and the trunk of 
a banana-tree or a young fig-tree is set up in it to serve as the 
temporary abode of the deity who manifested himself in the 
lightning. See H. Meyer, Die Barundi (Leipsic, 1916), 
pp. 123, 135. ; 

avenge the death of their fathers ;1 and when they 
consulted the oracle, the god predicted victory 
under the leadership of Alemaeon. So Alcmaeon 
joined the expedition, though he was loath to lead 
the army till he had punished his mother; for Eri- 
phyle had received the robe from Thersander, son of 
Polynices,and had persuaded her sons also? to go to the 
war. Having chosen Alcmaeon as their leader, they 
made war on Thebes. The men who took part in 
the expedition were these: Alemaeon and Amphilo- 
chus, sons of Amphiaraus; Aegialeus, son of Adras- 
tus; Diomedes, son of Tydeus; Promachus, son of 
Parthenopaeus ; Sthenelus, son of Capaneus; Ther- 
sander, son of Polynices; and Euryalus, son of Mecis- 
teus. They first laid waste the surrounding villages ; 
then, when the Thebans advanced against them, led 

1 The war of the Epigoni against Thebes is narrated very 
similarly by Diodorus Siculus (iv. 66). Compare Pausanias, ix. 
5. 13 aq., ix. 8. 6, ix. 9. 4 sq.; Hyginus, Fab. 70. There was 
an epic poem on the subject, called Hpigoni, which some 
people ascribed to Homer (Herodotus, iv. 32; Biographi 
Graeci, ed. A. Westermann, pp. 42 sq.), but others attributed 
it to Antimachus (Scholiast on Aristophanes, Peace, 1270). 
Compare Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, 
pp. 13 sg. Aeschylus and Sophocles both wrote tragedies on 
the same subject and with the ‘same title, Epigoni. See 
Tragiorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 19, 
173 sq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, i. 
129 sqq. 

2 The sons of Eriphyle were Alcmaeon and Amphilochus, 
as we learn immediately. The giddy and treacherous 
mother persuaded them, as she had formerly persuaded her 
husband Amphiaraus, to go to the war, the bauble of a neck- 
lace and the gewgaw of a robe being more precious in her 
sight than the lives of her kinsfolk. See above, iii. 6.2; and 
as to the necklace and robe, see iii. 4. 2, iii. 6. 1 and 2; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 66. 3. 

τοῦ ᾿Ετεοκλέους ἡγουμένου γενναίως μάχονται. 
καὶ Λαοδάμας μὲν Αὐγιαλέα κτείνει, Λαοδάμαντα 
δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίων. καὶ μετὰ τὸν τούτου θάνατον 
Θηβαῖοι συμφεύγουσιν εἰς τὰ τείχη. Τειρεσίου 
δὲ εἰπόντος αὐτοῖς πρὸς μὲν ᾿Αργείους κήρυκα περὶ 
διαλύσεως ἀποστέλλειν, αὐτοὺς δὲ φεύγειν, πρὸς 
μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους κήρυκα πέμπουσιν, αὐτοὶ δὲ 
ἀναβιβάσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς ἀπήνας τέκνα καὶ γυναῖ- 
κας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἔφευγον. νύκτωρ δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν 
λεγομένην Τιλφοῦσσαν ' κρήνην παραγενομένων 
αὐτῶν, Τειρεσίας ἀπὸ ταύτης πιὼν αὐτοῦ τὸν βίον 
κατέστρεψε. Θηβαῖοι δὲ ἐπὶ πολὺ διελθόντες, 
πόλιν “Ἑστιαίαν κτίσαντες κατῴκησαν. ᾿Αργεῖοι 
δὲ ὕστερον τὸν δρασμὸν τῶν Θηβαίων μαθόντες 
εἰσίασιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ συναθροίζουσι τὴν 
λείαν, καὶ καθαιροῦσι τὰ τείχη. τῆς δὲ λείας 
’ 3 \ / 3 ’ \ \ 
μέρος eis Δελφοὺς πέμπουσιν ᾿Απόλλωνι καὶ τὴν 
Τειρεσίου θυγατέρα Μαντώ: ηὔξαντο γὰρ αὐτῷ 
Θήβας ἑλόντες τὸ κάλλιστον τῶν λαφύρων ἀνα- 
θήσειν. 

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Θηβῶν 5 ἅλωσιν αἰσθόμενος ᾿Αλκ- 
μαίων καὶ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ δῶρα εἶληφυῖαν ᾿Ἐριφύλην 
1 Τιλφοῦσσαν Heyne: τραφουσίαν A. 

2 Θηβῶν Heyne: OnBalwy A. 

1 The battle was fought at a place called Glisas, where the 
graves of the Argive lords were shown down to the time of 
Pausanias. See Pausanias, ix. 5. 13, ix. 8. 6, ix.9. 4, ix. 19.2; 
Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. viii. 48 (68), who refers to Hella- 
nicus as his authority. 

2 According to a different account, King Laodamas did 
not fall in the battle, but after his defeat led a portion of 
the Thebans away to the Illyrian tribe of the Encheleans, 
the same people among whom his ancestors Cadmus and 
Harmonia had found their last home. See Herodotus, v. 61; 

by Laodamas, son of Eteocles, they fought bravely,1 
and though Laodamas killed Aegialeus, he was him- 
self killed by Alemaeon,? and after his death the 
Thebans fled in a body within the walls. But as 
Tiresias told them to send a herald to treat with 
the Argives, and themselves to take to flight, they 
did send a herald to the enemy, and, mounting their 
children and women on the wagons, themselves fled 
from-the city. When they had come by night to 
the spring called Tilphussa, Tiresias drank of it and 
expired. After travelling far the Thebans built the 
city of Hestiaea and took up their abode there. But 
the Argives, on learning afterwards the flight of the 
Thebans, entered the city and collected the booty, 
and pulled down the walls. But they sent a portion 
of the booty to Apollo at Delphi and with it Manto, 
daughter of Tiresias; for they had vowed that, if 
they took Thebes, they would dedicate to him the 
fairest of the spoils.‘ 

After the capture of Thebes, when Alcmaeon 
learned that his mother Eriphyle had been bribed 

Pausanias, ix. 5. 13, ix. 8.6. As to Cadmus and Harmonia 
in Illyria, see above, iii. 5. 4. 

See Pausanias, ix. 33. 1, who says that the grave of 
Tiresias was at the spring. But there was also a cenotaph of 
the seer on the road from Thebes to Chalcis (Pausanias, ix. 
18. 4). Diodorus Siculus (iv. 67. 1) agrees with Pausanias 
and Apollodorus in placing the death of Tiresias at Mount 
Tilphusium, which was beside the spring Tilphussa, in the 
territory of Haliartus. 

4 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 66. 6 (who gives the name 
of Tiresias’s daughter as Daphne, not Manto); Pausanias, 
vii. 3. 3, ix. 33. 2; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
i. 308 

τὴν μητέρα μᾶλλον ἠγανάκτησε, καὶ χρήσαντος 

᾿Απόλλωνος αὐτῷ τὴν μητέρα ἀπέκτεινεν. ἔνεοε 
μὲν λέγουσι σὺν ᾿Αμφιλόχῳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ κτεῖναι 
τὴν ᾿Εριφύλην, ἔνιοι δὲ ὅτε μόνος. ᾿Αλκμαίωνα δὲ 
μετῆλθεν ἐρινὺς τοῦ μητρῳῴου φόνου, καὶ μεμηνὼς 
πρῶτον μὲν εἰς ᾿Αρκαδίαν πρὸς ᾿Οικλέα ; παρα- 
γίνεται, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ εἰς Ψωφῖδα πρὸς Φηγέα. καθαρ- 
θεὶς δὲ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρσινόην γαμεῖ τὴν τούτου 
θυγατέρα, καὶ τόν τε ὅρμον καὶ τὸν πέπλον ἔδωκε 
ταύτῃ. γενομένης δὲ ὕστερον τῆς γῆς δι᾽ αὐτὸν 
apopov, χρήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς ᾿Αχελῷον 
ἀπιέναι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκεῖνον παλινδικίαν λαμβάνειν, 
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρὸς Οἰνέα παραγίνεται εἰς Καλυ- 
Sava καὶ ξενίζεται παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, ἔπειτα ἀφικόμενος 
εἰς Θεσπρωτοὺς τῆς χώρας ἀπελαύνεται. τελευ- 
ταῖον δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αχελῴου πηγὰς παραγενόμενος 
καθαίρεταί τε ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου θυγατέρα 

1 "οικλέα Aegius: ἰοκλέα A. 

2 wap’ ἐκεῖνον παλινδικίαν λαμβάνειν Bekker: παρ᾽ ἐκείνου 
πάλιν Τ διαλαμβάνειν Wagner: παρ᾽ ἐκεῖνον πόλιν διαλαμβάνειν 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller: wap’ ἐκείνου πάλιν διαλαμβάνειν 
Hercher. The MSS. (A) read ἐκεῖνον. Aegius changed 
πάλιν into πόλιν. Heyne conjectured πάλιν γοῦν ἀπολαμ- 
βάνειν. Perhaps we should read παρ᾽ ἐκείνον καθάρσια λαμ- 
βάνειν. Compare Pherecydes, cited by the Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. xiv. 120. 

8 αὐτῷ Westermann, Miiller: ait” R: αὐτῶν As αὐτοῦ 
Heyne, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. 

1 That is, as well as to the undoing of his father Am- 
phiaraus. See above, iii. 6. 2. 

2 Compare Thucydides, ii. 102. 7 sqg.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 65. 7; Pausanias, viii. 24. 7 sqgq.; Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 
407 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 73. Sophocles and Euripides both 
wrote tragedies called Alemaeon, or rather Alcmeon, for that 
appears to be the more correct spelling of the name. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck®, pp. 158 

to his undoing also,1 he was more incensed than 
ever, and in accordance with an oracle given to 
him by Apollo he killed his mother.2, Some say 
that he killed her in conjunction with his brother 
Amphilochus, others that he did it alone. But 
Alcemaeon was visited by the Fury of his mother’s 
.maurder, and going mad he first repaired to Oicles? 
in Arcadia, and thence to Phegeus at Psophis. And 
having been purified by him he married Arsinoe, 
daughter of Phegeus,* and gave her the necklace 
and the robe. But afterwards the ground became 
barren on his account,®> and the god bade him in an 
oracle to depart to Achelous and to stand another 
trial on the river bank.* At first he repaired to 
Oeneus at Calydon and was entertained by him; 
then he went to the Thesprotians, but was driven 
away from the country; and finally he went to the 
springs of Achelous, and was purified by him,’ and 

sq., 379 sqq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A.C. Pearson, 
vol. i. pp. 68 sqq. 

3 Oicles was the father of Amphiaraus, and therefore the 
grandfather of Alemaeon. See i. 8. 2. 

4 Pausanias (viii. 24. 8) and Propertius (i. 15. 19) cali her 
Alphesiboea. 

5 So Greece is said to have been afflicted with a dearth on 
account of a treacherous murder committed by Pelops. See 
below, iii. 12.6. Similarly the land of Thebes was supposed 
to be visited with barrenness of the soil, of cattle, and of 
women because of the presence of Oedipus, who had slain 
his father and married his mother. See Sophocles, Oedipus 
Tyrannus, 22 sqq., 96 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 67. The notion 
that the shedding of blood, especially the blood of a kins- 
man, is an offence to the earth, which consequently refuses 
to bear crops, seems to have been held by the ancient 
Hebrews, as it is still apparently held by some African 
peoples. See Folk-lore in the Old Testament, i. 82 sqq. 

6 The text is here uncertain. See the Critical Note. 

7 Achelous here seems to be conceived partly as a river 
and partly as a man, or rather a god. 

Καλλιρρόην λαμβάνει, καὶ ὃν ᾿Αχελῷος προσέ- 
yore τόπον κτίσας κατῴκησε. Καλλιρρόης δὲ 
ὕστερον τόν τε ὅρμον καὶ τὸν πέπλον ἐπιθυμούσης 
λαβεῖν, καὶ λεγούσης οὐ συνοικήσειν αὐτῷ εἰ μὴ 
λάβοι ταῦτα, παραγενόμενος εἰς Ψωφῖδα ᾿Αλκ- 
μαίων Φηγεῖ λέγει τεθεσπίσθαι τῆς μανίας ἀπαλ.- 
λαγὴν ἑαυτῷ," τὸν ὅρμον ὅταν εἰς Δελφοὺς κομίσας 
ἀναθῇ καὶ τὸν πέπλον. ὁ δὲ πιστεύσας δίδωσι" 
μηνύσαντος δὲ θεράποντος ὅτι Καλλερρόῃ ταῦτα 
λαβὼν ἐκόμιζεν, ἐνεδρευθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Φηγέως παί- 
δων ἐπιτάξαντος τοῦ Φηγέως ἀναιρεῖται. ᾿Αρσινόην 
δὲ μεμφομένην οἱ τοῦ Φηγέως παῖδες ἐμβιβά- 
σαντες εἰς λάρνακα κομίζουσιν εἰς Τεγέαν καὶ 
διδόασι δούλην Ayamrnvopt, καταψευσάμενοιαὐύτῆς 
τὸν ᾿Αλκμαίωνος φόνον. Καλλιρρόη δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλκ- 
μαίωνος ἀπώλειαν μαθοῦσα, πλησιάζοντος αὐτῇ 
τοῦ Διός, αἰτεῖται τοὺς γεγεννημένους παῖδας ἐξ 
᾿Αλκμαίωνος αὐτῇ γενέσθαι τελείους, ἵνα τὸν τοῦ 
πατρὸς τίσωνται φόνον. γενόμενοι δὲ ἐξαίφνης οἱ 
matbes τέλειοι ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκδικίαν TOD πατρὸς ἐξήεσαν. 
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ καιρὸν οἵ τε Φηγέως παῖδες 
Πρόνοος καὶ ᾿Αγήνωρ, εἰς Δελφοὺς κομίζοντες 
ἀναθεῖναι τὸν ὅρμον καὶ τὸν πέπλον, καταλύουσι 
πρὸς ᾿Αγαπήνορα, καὶ οἱ τοῦ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος παῖδες 

1 ἑαυτῷ Heyne: ἑαυτ R: ἑαυτοῦ A. 

1 Compare Thucydides, ii. 102. 7 sqq.; Pausanias, viii. 24. 
8 sq. As to the formation of new land by the deposit of 
alluvial soil at the mouth of the Achelous, compare Hero- 
dotus, ii. 10. 

2 According to Ephorus, or his son Demophilus, this oracle 
was really given to Alemaeon at Delphi. See Athenaeus, 

received Callirrhoe, his daughter, to wife. Moreover 
he colonized the land which the Achelous had formed 
by its silt, and he took up his abode there.1 But 
afterwards Callirrhoe coveted the necklace and robe, 
and said she would not live with him if she did not 
get them. So away Alcmaeon hied to Psophis and 
told Phegeus how it had been predicted that he 
should be rid of his madness when he had brought 
the necklace and the robe to Delphi and dedicated 
them.? Phegeus believed him and gave them to him. 
But a servant having let out that he was taking the 
things to Callirrhoe, Phegeus commanded his sons, 
and they lay in wait and killed him. When Arsinoe 
upbraided them, the sons of Phegeus clapped her 
into a chest and carried her to Tegea and gave her 
as a slave to Agapenor, falsely accusing her of 
Alemaeon’s murder. Being apprized of Alemaeon’s un- 
timely end and courted by Zeus, Callirrhoe requested 
that the sons she had by Alemaeon might be full-grown 
in order to avenge their father’s murder. And being 
suddenly full-grown, the sons went forth to right 
their father’s wrong.* Now Pronous and Agenor, the 
sons of Phegeus,® carrying the necklace and robe 
to Delphi to dedicate them, turned in at the house 
of Agapenor at the same time as Amphoterus and 
vi. 22, p. 232 p-F, where the words of the oracle are 
quoted. 

8 His grave was overshadowed by tall cypresses, called the 
Maidens, in the bleak upland valley of Psophis. See Pau- 
sanias, viii. 24. 7. A quiet resting-place for the matricide 
among the solemn ‘Aceadinn mountains after the long fever of 
the brain and the long weary wanderings. The valley, which 
I have visited, somewhat resembles a Yorkshire dale, but is 
far wilder and more solitary. 

4 Compare Ovid, Metamorph. ix. 413 sqq. 

5 Pausanias (viii. 24. 10) calls them Temenus and Axion. 

VOL. I. Cc Cc 

᾿Αμφότερός τε καὶ ᾿Ακαρνάν: καὶ ἀνελόντες τοὺς 
τοῦ πατρὸς φονέας, παραγενόμενοί τε εἰς Ψωφῖδα 
καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὰ βασίλεια τόν τε Φηγέα 
καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ κτείνουσι. διωχθέντες δὲ 
ἄχρι Τεγέας ἐπιβοηθησάντων Τεγεατῶν καί τινων 
᾿Αργείων ἐσώθησαν, εἰς φυγὴν τῶν Ψωφιδίων τρα- 
πέντων. δηλώσαντες δὲ τῇ μητρὶ ταῦτα, τόν τε 
ὅρμον καὶ τὸν πέπλον ἐλθόντες εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνέ- 

ἐντο κατὰ πρόσταξιν ᾿Αχελῴου. πορευθέντες δὲ 
εἰς τὴν Ἤπειρον συναθροίζουσιν οἰκήτορας καὶ 
κτίζουσιν ᾿Ακαρνανίαν. 

Εὐριπίδης δέ φησιν ᾿Αλκμαίωνα κατὰ τὸν τῆς 
μανίας χρόνον ἐκ Μαντοῦς Τειρεσίου παῖδας δύο 
γεννῆσαι, ᾿Αμφίλοχον καὶ θυγατέρα sige Sadie 
κομίσαντα δὲ εἰς Κόρινθον τὰ βρέφη δοῦναι 
τρέφειν Κορινθίων βασιλεῖ Κρέοντι, καὶ τὴν μὲν 
Τισιφόνην διενεγκοῦσαν εὐμορφίᾳ ὑπὸ τῆς Κρέ- 
οντος γυναικὸς ἀπεμποληθῆναι, δεδοικυίας μὴ 
ἹΚρέων αὐτὴν γαμετὴν ποιήσηται. τὸν δὲ ᾿Αλκ- 
μαίωνα ἀγοράσαντα ταύτην ἔχειν οὐκ εἰδότα τὴν 
ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρα θεράπαιναν, παραγενόμενον δὲ 
εἰς Κόρινθον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν τέκνων ἀπαίτησιν καὶ 
τὸν υἱὸν κομίσασθαι. καὶ ᾿Αμφίλοχος κατὰ 

1 According to Pausanias (viii. 24. 10, ix. 41. 2), it was the 
sons of Phegeus, not the sons of Alcmaeon, who dedicated 
the necklace at Delphi. The necklace, or what passed for it, 
was preserved at Delphi in the sanctuary of Forethought 
Athena as late as the Sacred War in the fourth century B.c., 
when it was carried off, with much more of the sacred 
treasures, by the unscrupulous Phocian leader, Phayllus. 
See Parthenius, Narrat. (who quotes Phylarchus as his 
authority) ; Athenaeus, vi. 22, p. 232pDxE (who quotes 

Acarnan, the sons of Alemaeon; and the sons of 
Alcemaeon killed their father’s murderers, and going 
to Psophis and entering the palace they slew both 
Phegeus and his wife. They were pursued as far as 
Tegea, but saved by the intervention of the Tegeans 
and some Argives, and the Psophidians took to flight. 
Having acquainted their mother with these things, 
they went to Delphi and dedicated the necklace and 
robe! according to the injunction of Achelous. 
Then they journeyed to Epirus, collected settlers, 
and colonized Acarnania.? 

But Euripides says? that in the time of his mad- 
ness Alemaeon begat two children, Amphilochus and 
a daughter Tisiphone, by Manto, daughter of Tiresias, 
and that he brought the babes to Corinth and gave 
them to Creon, king of Corinth, to bring up; and 
that on account of her extraordinary comeliness Tisi- 
phone was sold as a slave by Creon’s spouse, who 
feared that Creon might make her his wedded wife. 
But Alemaeon bought her and kept her as a hand- 
maid, not knowing that she was his daughter, and 
that coming to Corinth to get back his children he 
recovered his son also. And Amphilochus colonized 

the thirtieth book of the history of Ephorus as his au- 
thority). 

2 Compare Thucydides, ii. 102. 9; Pausanias, viii. 24. 9, 
who similarly derive the name of Acaruania from Acarnan, 
son of Alemaeon. Pausanias says that formerly the people 
were called Curetes. 

3 The reference is no doubt to one of the two Jost tragedies 
which Euripides composed under the title Alemaeon. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 
479 sqq. 

ocd 

χρησμοὺς ᾿Απόλλωνος ᾿Αμφιλοχικὸν “Apyos 

ὠκισεν. ἷ 

VIII. ᾿Επανώγωμέν δὲ νῦν πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν Πε- 
λασγόν, ὃν ᾿Ακουσίλαος μὲν Διὸς eyes: καὶ Νιό- 
βης, καθάπερ ὑπέθεμεν, Ἡσίοδος δὲ αὐτόχθονα. 
τούτου καὶ τῆς Ὠκεανοῦ θυγατρὸς Μελιεβοιας, ἢ 
καθάπερ ἄλλοι λέγουσι νύμφης Κυλλήνης, παῖς 
Δυκάων ἐγένετο, ὃς βασιλεύων ᾿Αρκάδων ἐκ πολ- 
λῶν γυναικῶν πεντήκοντα παῖδας ἐγέννησε: Με- 
λαινέα * Θεσπρωτὸν "EXixa Nu ὕκτιμον Πευκέτιον, 
Καύκωνα Μηκιστέα πλέα Μακαρέα Μάκεδνον, 
“Opov® Πόλεχον ᾿Ακόντην Εὐαίμονα ᾿Αγκύορα, 
᾿Αρχεβάτην Καρτέρωνα Αὐγαίωνα Πάλλαντα 
Evpova, Κάνηθον Πρόθοον Λίνον Κορέθοντα “ 
Μαίναλον, Τηλεβόαν Φύσιον Φάσσον Φθῖον 
Λύκιον, ᾿Αλίφηρον͵ Γενέτορα Βουκολίωνα Σωκλέα 
Φινέα, Εὐμήτην ᾿Αρπαλέα Πορθέα ΠΣ 
Αἵμονα, Κύναιθον Λέοντα ᾿Αρπάλυκον ἭἫραι 
Τιτάναν, Μαντινέαϑ Κλείτορα Στύμφαλον Ὄρχο. 
μενόν. .. οὗτοι πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπερέβαλλον 5 

1 ᾧκισεν Wagner (compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
980, ᾿Αμφίλοχος τὸ κληθὲν “Apyos ᾿Αμφιλοχικὸν. . . κατῴκισε, 
where, however, some MNS. read κατῴκησε) : ᾧκησεν A, 
Aegius, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

2 Μελαινέα Wagner (comparing Pausanias, viii. 3. 3, viii. 
26. 8); μάλλανον R&: μαίλαννον B: μαίλαυνον Οὐ: Μαΐναλον 
Aegius, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 
But Malvados is mentioned a few lines below. 

3 ee Heyne conjectured Οἰνωτρόν (compare Pausanias, 
viii 5) 

4 ᾽ορεσθέα Hercher (comparin Pausanias, viii. 3. 1). 

5 Μαντινέα Heyne (compare Pausanias, viii. 3. 4): μαντι- 
νοῦν A, 

ὁ ὑπερέβαλλον Εἰ : ὑπερέβαλον A, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 481. 

Amphilochian Argos in obedience to oracles of 
Apollo.t

Let us now return to Pelasgus, who, Acusi-
laus says, was a son of Zeus and Niobe, as we have 
supposed,” but Hesiod declares him to have been 
a son of the soil. He had a son Lycaon ὃ by Meliboea, 
daughter of Ocean or, as others say, by a nymph 
Cyllene; and Lycaon, reigning over the Arcadians, 
begat by many wives fifty sons, to wit: Melaeneus, 
Thesprotus, Helix, Nyctimus, Peucetius, Caucon, 
Mecisteus, Hopleus, Macareus, Macednus, Horus, 
Polichus, Acontes, Evaemon, Ancyor, Archebates, 
Carteron, Aegaeon, Pallas, Eumon, Canethus, Pro- 
thous, Linus, Coretho, Maenalus, Teleboas, Physius, 
Phassus, Phthius, Lycius, Halipherus, Genetor, 
Bucolion, Socleus, Phineus, Eumetes, Harpaleus, 
Portheus, Plato, Haemo, Cynaethus, Leo, Harpalycus, 
Heraeeus, Titanas, Mantineus, Clitor, Stymphalus, 
Orchomenus, .... These exceeded all men in pride 

1 Amphilochian Argos was a city of Aetolia, situated on 
the Ambracian Gulf. See Thucydides, ii. 68. 3, who repre- 
sents the founder Amphilochus as the son of Amphiaraus, 
and therefore as the brother, not the son, of Alemaeon. As 
to Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus, see above, iii. 7. 2. 

2 See above, ii. 1. 1. 

3 The following passage about Lycaon and his sons, down 
to and including the notice of Deucalion’s flood, is copied, to 
a great extent verbally, by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 
481), who mentions Apollodorus by name as his authority. 
For another and different list of Lycaon’s sons, see Pausanias, 
viii. 3. 1 sqg., who calls Nyctimus the eldest son of Lycaon, 
whereas Apollodorus calls him the youngest (see below). That 
the wife of Pelasgus and mother of Lycaon was Cyliene is 
affirmed by the Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 1645. 

ὑπερηφανίᾳ καὶ ἀσεβείᾳ. Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτῶν Bovdo- 
μενος τὴν ἀσέβειαν πειρᾶσαι εἰκασθεὶς ἀνδρὶ 
χερνήτῃ παραγίνεται. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ξένια ϊ 
καλέσαντες, σφάξαντες ἕνα τῶν ἐπιχωρίων παῖδα, 
τοῖς ἱεροῖς τὰ τούτου σπλάγχνα συναναμίξαντες 
παρέθεσαν, συμβουλεύσαντος τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου 
ἀδελφοῦ Μαινάλου. Ζεὺς δὲ «μυσαχθεὶς;» 5 τὴν 

1 ξένια Hercher: ξενίᾳ A, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
481, Wagner. 

2 μυσαχθεὶς inserted by Aegius (compare Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 481). 

1 With this and what follows compare Nicolaus Damas- 
cenus, frag. 43 (Fragmenta Htstoricorum , ed. 
C. Miiller, iii. 378; Suidas, 8.v. Λυκάων) : ‘‘ Lycaon, son of 
Pelasgus and king of Arcadia, maintained his father’s insti- 
tutions in righteousness. And wishing like his father to 
wean his subjects from unrighteousness he said that Zeus 
constantly visited him in the likeness of a stranger to view 
the righteous and the unrighteoug. And once, as he himself 
said, being about to receive the god, he offered a sacrifice. 
But of his fifty sons, whom he had, as they say, by many 
women, there were some present at the sacrifice, and wishing 
to know if they were about to give hospitality to a real god, 
they sacrificed a child and mixed his flesh with that of the 
victim, in the belief that their deed would be discovered if 
the visitor was a god indeed. But they say that the deity 
caused great storms to burst and lightnings to flash, and 
that all the murderers of the child perished.” A similar 
version of the story is reported by Hyginus (Fab. 176), who 
adds that Zeus in his wrath upset the table, killed the sons 
of Lycaon with a thunderbolt, and turned Lycaon himself 
into a wolf. According to this version of the legend, which 
Apollodorus apparently accepted, Lycaon was a righteous 
king, who ruled wisely like his father Pelasgus before him 
(see Pausanias, viii. 1. 4—6), but his virtuous efforts to benefit 
his subjects were frustrated by the wickedness and impiety 
of his sons, who by exciting the divine anger drew down 
destruction on themselves and on their virtuous parent, and 

and impiety; and Zeus, desirous of putting their 
impiety to the proof, came to them in the likeness of 
a day-labourer. They offered him hospitality and 
having slaughtered a male child of the natives, 
they mixed his bowels with the sacrifices, and 
set them before him, at the instigation of the elder 
brother Maenalus.!_ But Zeus in disgust upset the 

even imperilled the existence of mankind in the great flood. 
But according to another, and perhaps more generally re- 
ceived, tradition, it was King Lycaon himself who tempted 
his divine guest by killing and dishing up to him at table a 
human being; and, according to some, the victim was no 
other than the king’s own son Nyctimus. See Clement of 
Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 36, p. 31, ed. Potter; Nonnus, 
Dionys. xviii. 20 sqq.; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv. 24. 
Some, however, said that the victim was not the king’s son, 
but his grandson Arcas, the son of his daughter Callisto by 
Zeus. See Eratosthenes, Cataster. 8; Hyginus, Astronom. 
ii. 4; Scholia in Caesaris Germanict Aratea, p. 387 (in Mar- 
tianus Capella, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt). According to Ovid 
(Metamorph. i. 218 sqq.), the victim was a Molossian hos- 
tage. Others said simply that Lycaon set human flesh before 
the deity. See Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. xi. 
128; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latin, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol.i. p. 5 (First Vatican Mythographer, 17). For this crime 
Zeus changed the wicked king into a wolf, according to 
Hyginus, Ovid, the Scholiast on Caesar Germanicus, and the 
First Vatican Mythographer ; but, on the other hand, Clement 
of Alexandria, Nonnus, Eratosthenes, and Arnobius say 
nothing of such a transformation. The upsetting of the 
table by the indignant deity is Rapti) Eratosthenes (ζ.6.) 
as well as by Hyginus (Ul.cc.) and Apollodorus. A somewhat 
different account of the tragical occurrence is given by 
Pausanias, who says (viii. 2. 3) that Lycaon brought a human 
babe to the altar of Lycaean Zeus, after which he was 
immediately turned into a wolf. 

These traditions were told to explain the savage and cruel 
rites which appear to have been performed in honour of 
Lycaean Zeus on Mount Lycaeus down to the second cen- 
tury of our era or later. It seems that a human victim 

μὲν τράπεζαν ἀνέτρεψεν, ἔνθα viv Τραπεζοῦς 
A vA 

καλεῖται ὁ τόπος, Λυκάονα δὲ καὶ τοὺς τούτου 

παῖδας ἐκεραύνωσε, χωρὶς τοῦ νεωτάτου Νυκτίμου" 

was sacrificed, and that his inward parts (σπλάγχνον), 
mixed with that of animal victims, was partaken of at a 
sort of cannibal banquet by the worshippers, of whom he 
who chanced to taste of the human flesh was believed to 
be changed into a wolf and to continue in that shape for 
eight years, but to recover his human form in the ninth 
year, if in the meantime he had abstained from eating 
uman flesh. See Plato, Republic, viii. 16, p.565 DE; Pau- 
sanias, viii. 2.6. According to another account, reported 
by Varro on the authority of a Greek writer Euanthes, the 
werewolf was chosen by lot, hung his clothes on an oak- 
tree, swam across a pool, and was then transformed into a 
wolf and herded with wolves for nine years, afterwards 
recovering his human shape if in the interval he had not 
tasted the flesh of man. In this account there is no mention 
of cannibalism. See Pliny, Nat. Hest. viii. 81; Augustine, 
De civitate Det, xviii. 1. A certain Arcadian boxer, named 
Damarchus, son of Dinnytas, who won a victory at Olympia, 
is said to have been thus transformed into a wolf at the 
sacrifice of Lycaean Zeus and to have been changed back into 
a man in the tenth year afterwards. Of the historical reality 
of the boxer there can be no reasonable doubt, for his statue 
existed in the sacred precinct at Olympia, where it was seen 
by Pausanias ; but in the inscription on it, which Pausanias 
copied, there was no mention made of the man’s transfor- 
mation into a wolf. See Pausanias, vi. 8.2. However, the 
transformation was recorded by a Greek writer, Scopas, 
in his history of Olympic victors, who called the boxer 
Demaenatus, and said that his change of shape was caused 
by his partaking of the inward parts of a boy slain in 
the Arcadian sacrifice to Lycaean Zeus. Scopas also spoke 
of the restoration of the boxer to the human form in the 
tenth year, and mentioned that his victory in boxing at 
Olympia was subsequent to his experiences asa wolf. See 
Phny, Nat. Hist. viii. 82; Augustine, De civitate Det, 
xviil. 17. The continuance of human sacrifice in the rites of 
Lycaean Zeus on Mount Lycaeus is hinted at by Pausanias 

table at the place which is still called Trapezus,! and 
blasted Lycaon and his sons by thunderbolts, al] but 
Nyctimus, the youngest ; for Earth was quick enough 

(viii. 38. 7) in the second century of our era, and asserted by 
Porphyry (De abstinentia, ii. 27: Eusebius, Praeparatto 
Evangelsi, iv. 16. 6) in the third century. 

From these fragmentary notices it is hardly possible to 
piece together a connected account of the rite; but the men- 
tion of the transformation of the cannibal into a wolf for 
eight or nine years suggests that the awful sacrifice was 
offered at intervals either of eight or of nine years. If the 
interval was eight years, it would point to the use of that 
eight years’ cycle which played so important a part in the 
ancient calendar of the Greeks, and by which there is reason 
to think that the tenure of the kingship was in some places 
regulated. Perhaps the man who was supposed to be turned 
into a wolf acted as the priest, or even as the incarnation, of 
the Wolf God for eight or nine years till he was relieved of 
his office at the next celebration of the rites. The subject 
has been learnedly discussed by Mr. A. B. Cook (Zeus, i. 
63-99). He regards Lycaean Zeus as a god of light rather 
than of wolves, and for this view there is much to be said. 
See my note on Pausanias, viii. 38. 7 (vol. iv. pp. 385 sq.). 
The view would be confirmed if we were sure that the 
solemn sacrifice was octennial, for the octennial period was 
introduced in order to reconcile solar and lunar time, and 
hence the religious rites connected with it would naturally 
have reference to the great celestial luminaries. As to the 
octennial period, see the note on ii. 5.11. But with this view 
of the festival it is difficult to reconcile the part played by 
wolves in the myth and ritual. We can hardly suppose, 
with some late Greek writers, that the ancient Greek word 
for a year, λυκάβας, was derived from λύκος, “ἃ wolf,” and 
᾿βαίνω, ““ἴο walk.” See Aelian, Nat. Anim. x. 26; Artemi- 
ον Ontrocrit. ii. 12; Kustathius, on Homer, Od. xiv. 161, 
p- 1756. 

1 As to the town of Trapezus, see Pausanias, viii. 3. 3, 
viii. 5. 4, viii. 27. 4—6, viii. 29. 1, viii. 31.5. The name is 
derived by Apollodorus from the Greek trapeza, ‘‘a table.” 
Compare Eratosthenes, Cataster. 8. | 

φθάσασα; yap ἡ Τῇ καὶ τῆς δεξιᾶς τοῦ Διὸς 
2 ἐφαψαμένη τὴν ὀργὴν κατέπαυσε. Νυκτίμου δὲ 

\ ’ὕ “ e 59 ’ 
τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος ὁ ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος 
κατακλυσμὸς ἐγένετο. τοῦτον ἔνιοι διὰ τὴν τῶν 
Λυκάονος παίδων δυσσέβειαν εἶπον γεγενῆσθαι. 

Εὔμηλος δὲ καί τινες ἕτεροι λέγουσε Λυκάονι 
καὶ θυγατέρα Καλλιστὼ γενέσθαι" “Ἡσίοδος μὲν 
γὰρ αὐτὴν μίαν εἶναι τῶν νυμφῶν λέγει, “Actos 
δὲ Νυκτέως, Φερεκύδης δὲ Κητέως. αὕτη σύν- 
θηρος ᾿Αρτέμιδος οὖσα, τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκείνη στολὴν 
φοροῦσα, ὦμοσεν αὐτῇ μεῖναι παρθένος. Ζεὺς δὲ 
ἐρασθεὶς ἀκούσῃ συνευνάζεται, εἰκασθείς, ὡς μὲν 
ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ᾿Αρτέμιδι, ὡς δὲ ἔνεοι, ᾿Απόλλωνι. 
βουλόμενος δὲ “Ἥραν λαθεῖν εἰς ἄρκτον μετε- 

’ > 4 ad \ Ν ν [4 
μόρφωσεν αὐτήν. “Hpa δὲ ἔπεισεν Αρτεμιν ὡς 
ἄγριον θηρίον κατατοξεῦσαι. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες 
ὡς ἼΑρτεμις αὐτὴν κατετόξευσεν ὅτι THY παρ- 

1 φθάσασα E, Wagner: ἀνασχοῦσα A, Aegius, Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher (inserting ras χεῖρας 
from Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 481, ἢ TH ἀνασχοῦσα 
τὰς xeipas). But ras χεῖρας is wanting in EA. 

2 αὐτῇ Gale, Miller, Bekker, Wagner: αὐτοῦ A. 

3 λαθεῖν E: λαβεῖν A. 

1 See above, i. 7. 2. 

2 As to the love of Zeus for Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, 
her transformation into a bear, and finally into the constella- 
tion of the Bear, see Pausanias, i. 25. 1, viii. 3. 6 86. ; 
Eratosthenes, Cataster. 1; Libanius, in Westermann’s Mytho- 
graphi Graect, Appendix Narrationum, 34, p. 374; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 481; Hyginus, Fab. 155, 176, and 177; 
Ovid, Metamorph. ii. 409-507 ; Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 
138; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iii. 685; Scholia 
in Caesaris Germanici Aratea, p. 381, ed. F. Kyssenhardt (in 
his edition of Martianus Capella) ; Scriptores rerum mytht- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 5 (First Vatican. 

to lay hold of the right hand of Zeus and so appease 
his wrath. But when Nyctimus succeeded to the 
kingdom, there occurred the flood in the age of 
Deucalion ;1 some said that it was occasioned by the 
impiety of Lycaon’s sons. 

But Eumelus and some others say that Lycaon had 
also a daughter Callisto;? though Hesiod says she 
was one of the nymphs, Asius that she was a daughter 
of Nycteus, and Pherecydes that she was a daughter 
of Ceteus.* She was a companion of Artemis in the 
chase, wore the same garb, and swore to her to remain 
a maid. Now Zeus loved her and, having assumed the 
likeness, as some say, of Artemis, or, as others say, 
of Apollo, he shared her bed against her will, and 
wishing to escape the notice of Hera, he turned her 
into a bear. But Hera persuaded Artemis to shoot 
her down as a wild beast. Some say, however, that 
Artemis shot her down because she did not keep her 

Mythographer, 17), vol. iit. p. 94 (Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 58). The transformation of Callisto into a bear is 
variously ascribed to the amorous Zeus himself, to the jealous 
Hera, and to the indignant Artemis. The descent of the 
Arcadians from a bear-woman through a son Arcas, whose . 
name was popularly derived from the Greek arktos, ‘‘a 
bear,” has sometimes been adduced in favour of the view 
that the Arcadians were a totemic people with the bear for 
their totem. See Andrew Lang, Myth, Ritual and Religion 
(London, 1887), ii. 211 sqq. 

_ 8 The Tegean historian Araethus also described the mother 
of Arcas as the daughter of Ceteus; according to him she 
was the granddaughter, not the daughter, of Lycaon, and 
her name was Megisto, not Callisto. But he agreed in the 
usual tradition that the heroine had been transformed into a 
bear, and he seems to have laid the scene of the transfor- 
mation at Nonacris in northern Arcadia. See Hyginus, 
‘Astronom. ii. 1. According to a Scholiast on Euripides 
(Orestes, 1646), Callisto, mother of Arcas, was a daughter of 
Ceteus by Stilbe. 

θενίαν οὐκ ἐφύλαξεν. ἀπολομένης δὲ Καλλιστοῦς 
Ζεὺς τὸ βρέφος ἁρπάσας ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίᾳ δίδωσιν 
ἀνατρέφειν Maia, προσαγορεύσας ᾿Αρκάδα: τὴν 
δὲ Καλλιστὼ καταστερίσας ἐκάλεσεν ἄρκτον. 

ΙΧ. ᾿Αρκάδος δὲ καὶ Λεανείρας τῆς ᾿Αμύκλου 
ἡ Meyaveipas! τῆς Κρόκωνος, ὡς δὲ Εὔμηλος 
λέγει, νύμφης Χρυσοπελείας, ἐγένοντο παῖδες 
Ἔλατος καὶ ᾿Αφείδας. οὗτοι τὴν γῆν ἐμερίσαντο, 
τὸ δὲ πᾶν κράτος εἶχεν "EXartos, ὃς ἐκ Λαοδίκης 
τῆς Κινύρου Στύμφαλον καὶ ἸΠερέα τεκνοῖ, 
᾿Αφείδας δὲ ᾿Αλεὸν καὶ Σθενέβοιαν, ἣν γαμεῖ 
Προῖτος. ᾿Αλεοῦ δὲ καὶ Νεαίρας τῆς Περέως 
θυγάτηρ μὲν Αὔγη, υἱοὶ δὲ Κηφεὺς καὶ Λυκοῦργος. 
Αὔγη μὲν οὖν ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους φθαρεῖσα κατέ- 
κρυψε τὸ βρέφος ἐν τῷ τεμένει τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ἧς 
εἶχε τὴν ἱερωσύνην. ἀκάρπονυ δὲ τῆς γῆς με- 
νούσης, καὶ μηνυόντων τῶν χρησμῶν εἶναί τι 
ἐν τῷ τεμένει τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς δυσσέβημα, φωραθεῖσα 
ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς παρεδόθη Ναυπλίῳ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ: 
παρ᾽ οὗ Τεύθρας ὁ Μυσῶν δυνάστης παραλαβὼν 
αὐτὴν ἔγημε. τὸ δὲ βρέφος ἐκτεθὲν ἐν ὄρει Παρ- 
θενίῳ θηλὴν ὑποσχούσης ἐλάφου Τήλεφος ἐκλήθη, 
καὶ τραφεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Κορύθου" βουκόλων καὶ 
ζητήσας τοὺς γονέας ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς, καὶ 
μαθὼν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, παραγενόμενος εἰς Μυσίαν 
θετὸς παῖς Τεύθραντος γίνεται" καὶ τελευτῶντος 
αὐτοῦ διάδοχος τῆς δυναστείας γίνεται. 

1 Μετανείρας C. Keil, Hercher. 

be Αὔγη Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner ; 
ΠΝ Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἔφθειρε A. 

4 Κορύθου Aegius, Heyne (comparing Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
33. 11): κόρινθον P: κόρινθος A. 

maidenhood. When Callisto perished, Zeus snatched 
the babe, named it Arcas, and gave it to Maia to 
bring up in Arcadia ;.and Callisto he turned into 
a star and called it the Bear.

Arcas had two sons, Elatus and Aphidas, by
Leanira, daughter of Amyclas, or by Meganira, 
daughter of Croco, or, according to Eumelus, by a 
nymph Chrysopelia.! These divided the land be- 
tween them, but Elatus had all the power, and he 
begat Stymphalus and Pereus by Laodice, daughter 
of Cinyras, and Aphidas had a son Aleus and a 
daughter Stheneboea, who was married to Proetus. 
And Aleus had a daughter Auge and two sons, Ce- 
pheus and Lycurgus, by Neaera, daughter of Pereus. 
Auge was seduced by Hercules? and hid her babe 
in the precinct of Athena, whose priesthood she held. 
But the land remaining barren, and the oracles de- 
claring that there was impiety in the precinct of 
Athena, she was detected and delivered by her father 
to Nauplius to be put to death, and from him Teuthras, 
prince of Mysia, received and married her. But the 
babe, being exposed on Mount Parthenius, was suckled 
by a doe and hence called Telephus. Bred by the 
neatherds of Corythus, he went to Delphi in quest of 
his parents, and on information received from the god 
he repaired to Mysia and became an adopted son of 
Teuthras, on whose death he succeeded to the 
princedom. 

1 As to the sons of Arcas, and the division of Arcadia 
among them, see Pausanias, viii. 4. 1 fat. According to 
Pausanias, Arcas had three sons, Azas, A hidas, and Elatus 
by Erato, a Dryad nymph; to Azas his father Arcas assigned 
the district of Azania, to Aphidas the city of Tegea, and to 
Elatus the mountain of Cyllene. 

2 For the story of Auge and Telephus, see above, ii. 7. 4. 

Λυκούργου δὲ καὶ Κλεοφύλης ἢ Εὐρυνόμης 
᾿Αγκαῖος καὶ “Exroyos καὶ ᾿Αμφιδάμας καὶ Ἴασος." 
᾿Αμφιδάμαντος δὲ Μελανίων καὶ θυγάτηρ ᾽Αντι- 
μάχη, ἣν Εὐρυσθεὺς ἔγημεν. ᾿Ιάσου δὲ καὶ Κλυ- 
μένης τῆς Μινύου ᾿Αταλάντη ἐγένετο. ταύτης ὁ 
πατὴρ ἀρρένων παίδων ἐπιθυμῶν ἐξέθηκεν αὐτήν, 
ἄρκτος δὲ φοιτῶσα πολλάκις θηλὴν ἐδίδου, μέχρες 
οὗ εὑρόντες κυνηγοὶ Tap ἑαυτοῖς ἀνέτρεφον. τελεία 
δὲ ᾿Αταλάντη γενομένη παρθένον ἑαυτὴν ἐφύλαττε, 
καὶ θηρεύουσα ἐν ἐρημίᾳ καθωπλισμένη διετέλει. 
βιάξεσθαι δὲ αὐτὴν ἐπιχειροῦντες Κένταυροι Ῥοῖ- 
κόςΣ τε καὶ ὙὝλαϊος κατατοξευθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς 
ἀπέθανον. παρεγένετο δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἀριστέων καὶ 
ἐπὶ τὸν Καλυδώνιον κάπρον, καὶ ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ ἸΠελίᾳ 
τεθέντι 8 ἀγῶνι ἐπάλαισε Πηλεῖ καὶ ἐνίκησεν. 

1 Ἴασος Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: ἰδαῖος A. 

2 yp. ῥοῖκος R¢ P (added by the first hand in the margin) : 
λύκος ER® B: λυκοῦργος C. 3 χεθέντι E: τιθέντι A. 

1 Compare Pausanias, viii. 4. 10, who mentions only the 
first two of these four sons. 

2 For the story of Atalanta, and how her suitor won her by 
the bait of the golden apples, see Theocritus, iii. 40-42; 
Hyginus, Fab. 185; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 560-680; Servius 
on Virgil, Aen. iii. 113; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 14, 91 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 39; Second Vatican Mythographer, 47). As Apol- 
lodorus points out, there was a difference of opinion as to 
the name of Atalanta’s father. According to Callimachus 
(Hymn to Artemis, 215) and the First and Second Vatican 
Mythographers (Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 54, 124), he was Iasius ; according to 
Aelian (Var. Hist. xiii. 1), he was Iasion. Propertius (1. 1. 
10) seems to agree with Apollodorus that her father was 
Tasus, for he calls Atalanta by the patronymic Iasis. But 

Lycurgus had sons, Ancaeus, Epochus, Amphidamas, 
and Iasus,! by Cleophyle or Eurynome. And Amphi- 
damas had ason Melanion and a daughter Antimache, 
whom Eurystheus married. And Iasus had a daughter 
Atalanta? by Clymene, daughter of Minyas. This 
Atalanta was exposed by her father, because he de- 
sired male children; and a she-bear came often and 
gave her suck, till hunters found her and brought her 
up among themselves. Grown to womanhood, Ata- 
lanta kept herself a virgin, and hunting in the wilder- 
ness she remained always under arms. The centaurs 
Rhoecus and Hylaeus tried to force her, but were 
shot down and killed by her. She went moreover 
with the chiefs to hunt the Calydonian boar, and at 
the games held in honour of Pelias she wrestled with 

according to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 34. 4, iv. 65. 4), Pausanias 
(viii. 35. 10), Hyginus, and Ovid, her father was Schoeneus. 
Hesiod also called him Schoeneus (see Apollodorus, below), 
and the later writers just mentioned ncbably accepted the 
name on his authority. According to Euripides, as we learn 
from Apollodorus (see below), the name of the heroine’s father 
was Maenalus. The suckling of Atalanta by the bear, and 
the unsuccessful assault on her by the two centaurs, Hylaeus 
and Rhoecus, are described, with a wealth of picturesque 
detail, by Aelian (Var. Hist. xiii. 1), who does not, however, 
mention her wedding race. The suitor who won the coy 
maiden’s hand by throwing down the golden apples is called 
Hippomenes by most writers (Theocritus, Heginus: Ovid, 
Servius, First and Second Vatican Mythographers). Herein 
later writers may have followed Euripides, who, as we learn 
from Apollodorus (see below), also called the successful suitor 
Hippomanes. But by Propertius (i. 1. 9) and Ovid (Ars 
Amat. ii. 188) the lover is called Milanion, which nearly 
agrees with the form Melanion adopted b Sema 
Pausanias seems also to have agréed with Apol odorus on 
this point, for he tells us (iii. 12. 9) that Parthenopaeus, who 
bleed a son of Atalanta (see below), had Melanion for his 
athber. 

avevpovoa δὲ ὕστερον τοὺς γονέας, ὡς ὁ πατὴρ 
γαμεῖν αὐτὴν ἔπειθεν ἀπιοῦσα εἰς σταδιαῖον τόπον 
καὶ πήξασα μέσον σκόλοπα τρίπηχυν, ἐντεῦθεν 
τῶν μνηστενομένων τοὺς δρόμους προϊεῖσα 1 ἐτρό- 

ale καθωπλισμένη" καὶ καταληφθέντι μὲν αὐτοῦ" 
ὔτθαθα ὠφείλετο, μὴ καταληφθέντε δὲ γάμος. 
ἤδη δὲ πολλῶν ἀπολομένωνβδ Μελανίων αὐτῆς ἐρασ- 
θεὶς ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν δρόμον, χρύσεα μῆλα κομίξων 
παρ᾽ ᾿Αφροδίτης, καὶ διωκόμενος ταῦτα ἔρριπτεν. 
ἡ δὲ ἀναιρουμένη τὰ ῥιπτόμενα " τὸν δρόμον ἐνι- 
κήθη. ἔγημεν οὖν αὐτὴν Μελανίων. καί ποτε 
λέγεται θηρεύοντας αὐτοὺς εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸ τέμε- 
νος Διός, κἀκεῖ συνουσιάζοντας εἰς λέοντας ὃ ἀλλα- 
γῆναι. Ἡσίοδος δὲ καί τινες ἕτεροι τὴν Αταλάντην 
οὐκ ᾿Ιάσου ἀλλὰ Σχοινέως εἶπον, Εὐριπίδης δὲ 

1 προϊεῖσα Heyne, Miiller, Hercher, Wagner: προϊοῦσα A, 
Westermann, Bekker. If the manuscript reading προϊοῦσα 
were retained, the meaning would be that in the race Atalanta 
was given a start and her suitors had to overtake her; 
whereas from the express testimony of Hyginus (Fab. 185), 
confirmed by the incident of the golden apples, we know that 
on the contrary it was the suitors who were given a start, 
while Atalanta followed after them. 

2 αὐτοῦ Bekker, Hercher, Wagner : αὐτῷ EA, Westermann, 
Miiller. 

3 ἀπολομένων Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἀπολλυμένων KA. 

4 ῥιπτόμενα EL: ῥιπτούμενα A. 

5 λέοντας Εἰ : πλέοντας A. 

1 According to Ovid (Metamorph. x. 644 sqq.) the goddess 
brought the golden apples from her sacred field of Tamasus, 
the richest land in Cyprus; there in the midst of the field 
grew a wondrous tree, its leaves and branches resplendent 
with crackling gold, and from its boughs Aphrodite plucked 
three golden apples. But, according to others, the apples 
came from the more familiar garden of the Hesperides. See 

Peleus and won. Afterwards she discovered her 
parents, but when her father would have persuaded 
her to wed, she went away to a place that might 
serve as a race-course, and, having planted a stake 
three cubits high in the middle of it, she caused her 
wooers to race before her from there, and ran herself 
in arms ; and if the wooer was caught up, his due was 
death on the spot, and if he was not caught up, his 
due was marriage. When many had already perished, 
Melanion came to run for love of her, bringing golden 
apples from Aphrodite,! and being pursued he threw 
them down, and she, picking up the dropped fruit, 
was beaten in the race. So Melanion married her. 
And once on a time it is said that out hunting they 
_entered into the precinct of Zeus, and there taking 

their fill of love were changed into lions.?, But Hesiod 
and some others have said that Atalanta was not a 
daughter of Iasus, but of Schoeneus; and Euripides 

Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 113; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 14 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, i. 39). 

2 The sacrilege and its punishment are recorded also by 
Hyginus (Fab. 185), Servius (on Virgil, Aen. iii. 113), and the 
First Vatican Mythographer (Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latin, ed.G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 14, fab. 39). The reason why 
the lovers were turned into a lion and a lioness for their im- 
piety is explained by the ancient mythographers to be that 
lions do not mate with each other, but with leopards, so that 
after their transformation the lovers could never repeat the 
sin of which they had been guilty. For this curious piece of 
natural history they refer to Pliny’s Natural History; but 
all that Pliny, in the form in which he has come down to us, 
appears to affirm on this subject is, that when a lioness 
forgot her dignity with a leopard, her mate easily detected 
and vigorously punished the offence (Nat. Hist. viii. 43). 
What would have happened if the lion had similarly mis- 
behaved with a leopardess is not mentioned by the natural 
historian, 

VOL, I. DD 

Μαινάλου, καὶ τὸν γήμαντα αὐτὴν ov Μελανίωνα 
ἀλλὰ Ἱππομένην. ἐγέννησε δὲ ἐκ Μελανίωνος 
᾿Αταλάντη ἡ Apeos Ἰ]Παρθενοπαῖον, ὃς ἐπὶ Θήβας 
ἐστρατεύσατο. 

1 See above, note on p. 399. It may have been in his lost 
tragedy, Meleager, that Euripides named the father and 
husband of Atalanta. She is named in one of the existing 
fragments (No. 530) of the play. See Tragtcorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. Nauck?, pp. 525 sqq. 

says that she was a daughter of Maenalus, and that 
her husband was not Melanion but Hippomenes.} 
And by Melanion, or Ares, Atalanta had a son Par- 
thenopaeus, who went to the war against Thebes.? 

2 See above, iii. 6.3. According to others, the father of 
Parthenopaeus was neither Melanion nor Ares, but Meleager. 
See Hyginus, Fab. 70, 99, and 270; Scriptores rerum mythi- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 54, 125 (First 
Cia Mythographer, 174; Second Vatican Mythographer, 

). 

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ome Γ 
X.."Athavtos δὲ καὶ τῆς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ ἸΠληιόνης 
ἐγένοντό: θυγατέρες ἑπτὰ ἐν Κυλλήνῃ τῆς ᾿Αρκα- 

δίας, "ai ΠΠληιάδες προσαγορευθεῖσαι, ᾿Αλκυόνη 
ὩΜερόπη Κελαινὼ λέκτρα Στερόπη Taiyérn 

* %° 1 As to the Pleiades, see Aratus, Phaenomena, 254--968 ; 
**, Eratosthenes, Cataster. 23; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Postho- 
merica, xiii. 551 sgq.; Scholiast on Homer, 71. xviii. 486; 
Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. ii. 10 (16); Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. iii. 226 ; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 21 ; id. Fab. 
192; Ovid, Fast, iii. 105, iv. 169-178; Servius on Virgil, 
Georg. i. 138, and on Aen. i. 744; Scholia in Caesaris Ger- 
manict Aratea, p. 397, ed. F. Eyssenhardt (in his edition of 
Martianus Capella); Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 73 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
234). There was a general agreement among the ancients 
as to the names of the seven Pleiades. Aratus, for example, 
gives the same names as Apollodorus and in the same order. 
However, with the exception of Maia, a different list of 
names is given by the Scholiast on Theocritus (xiii. 25), who 
tells us further, on the authority of Callimachus, that they 
were the daughters.of the queen of the Amazons. As their 
father was commonly said to be Atlas, they were sometimes 
called Atlantides (Apollodorus, below ; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 
60. 4; compare Hesiod, Works and Days, 382). But there 
was much diversity of opinion as to the origin of the name 
Pleiades. Some derived it from the name of their mother 

BOOK II].—continued

Atztas and Pleione, daughter of Ocean, had
seven daughters called the Pleiades, born to them at 
Cyllene in Arcadia, to wit: Alcyone, Merope, Celaeno, 
Electra, Sterope, Taygete, and Maia. Of these, 

Pleione ; but the most probable view appears to be that the 
name comes from πλεῖν, ‘‘to sail,” because in the Mediter- 
ranean area these stars were visible at night during the 
summer, from the middle of May till the beginning of 
November, which coincided with the sailing season in anti- 
quity. This derivation of the name was recognized by some 
of the ancients (Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 138). With 
regard to the number of the Pleiades, it was generally agreed 
that there were seven of them, but that one was invisible, or 
nearly so, to the human eye. Of. this invisibility two ex- 
planations were given. Some thought that Electra, as the 
mother of Dardanus, was so grieved at the fall of Troy that 
she hid her face in her hands; the other was that Merope, 
who had married a mere man, Sisyphus, was so ashamed of 
her humble, though honest, lot by comparison with the 
guilty splendour of her sisters, who were all of them para- 
mours of gods, that she dared not show herself. These alter- 
native and equally probable theories are stated, for example, 
by Ovid and Hyginus. The cause of the promotion of the 
maidens to the sky is said to have been that for seven or 
everi twelve years the hunter Orion pursued them with his 
unwelcome attentions, till Zeus in pity removed pursuer and 
pursued alike to heaven, there to shine as stars for ever and 

B 2 

Maia. τούτων Στερόπην μὲν Οἰνόμαος ἔγημε, 
Σίσυφος «δὲ» Μερόπην. δυσὶ δὲ ἐμίχθη ἸΠοσει- 
δῶν, πρώτῃ μὲν Κελαινοῖ, ἐξ ἧς Λύκος ἐγένετο, ὃν 
Ποσειδῶν ἐν μακάρων ᾧκισε 2 νήσοις, δευτέρᾳ δὲ 
᾿Αλκυόνῃ, ἣ θυγατέρα μὲν ἐτέκνωσεν. Αἴθουσαν 
AY 9 “ > a A e A \ 
τὴν ᾿Απόλλωνι ᾿Ελευθῆρα texodacay,® υἱοὺς δὲ 
‘Tpiéa καὶ ‘Trrepnvopa. ‘Tptéws μὲν οὖν καὶ 
Κλονίης νύμφης Νυκτεὺς καὶ Λύκος, Νυκτέως δὲ 
καὶ Πολυξοῦς ᾿Αντιόπη, ᾿Αντιόπης δὲ καὶ Διὸς 
Ζῆθος καὶ ᾿Αμφίων. ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς ᾿Ατλαντίσι 
Ζεὺς συνουσιάξει. 
Μαῖα μὲν οὖν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη Διὶ συνελθοῦσα 
ἐν ἄντρῳ τῆς Κυλλήνης Ἑρμῆν τίκτει. οὗτος ἐν 
σπαργάνοις ἐπὶ τοῦ λίκνου κείμενος, ἐκδὺς εἰς 

1 δὲ added by Bekker. 3 ᾧκισε Faber: φκησε A. 

8 The MSS (A) add καλλίστην, which is retained by 
Westermann, Miiller, and Bekker, but omitted by Hercher 
and Wagner and regarded as a marginal gloss by Heyne. 

4 σπαργάνοις Heyne (conjecture), Bekker, Hercher: πρώ- 
τοις A, Heyne (in text), Westermann: orpwrois Valckenar, 
Miiller: πρώτοις <owapydvois> Wagner. 

to continue the endless pursuit. The bashful or mournful 
Pleiad, who hid her light, is identified by modern astrono- 
mers with Celaeno, a star of almost the seventh magnitude, 
which can be seen now, as in antiquity, in clear moonless 
nights by persons endowed with unusually keen sight. See 
A. von Humboldt, Cosmos, translated by E. Sabine, iii. 

47 80. 

1 Gompare Pausanias, v. 10. 6. According to another 
account, Sterope or Asterope, as she is also called, was not the 
wife but the mother of Oenomaus by the god Ares. See 
Eratosthenes, Cataster. 23; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 21 ; τά. 
Fab. 84 and 159; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latins, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 73 (First Vatican Mythographer, 234). 

2 See above. iii. 5. 5. 

Sterope was married to Oenomaus,! and Merope to 
Sisyphus. And Poseidon had intercourse with two 
of them, first with Celaeno, by whom he had Lycus, 
whom Poseidon made to dwell in the Islands of the 
Blest, and second with Alcyone, who bore a daughter, 
Aethusa, the mother of Eleuther by Apollo, and two 
sons Hyrieus and Hyperenor. Hyrieus had Nycteus 
and Lycus by a nymph Clonia; and Nycteus had 
Antiope by Polyxo; and Antiope had Zethus and 
Amphion by Zeus.2, And Zeus consorted with the 
other daughters of Atlas. 

Maia, the eldesf, as the fruit of her intercourse 
with Zeus, gave birth to Hermes in a cave of Cyllene.® 
He was laid in swaddling-bands on the winnowing 
‘fan,‘ but he slipped out and made his way to Pieria 

3 The following account of the birth and youthful exploits 
of Hermes is based, whether directly or indirectly, on the - 
beautiful Homeric Hymn IV, To Hermes, though it differs 
from the hymn on a few minor points, as to which Apollo- 
dorus may have used other sources. Compare The Homeric 
Hymna, ed.T. W. Allen and Εἰ. E. Sikes, pp. 130 sg. Among 
the other literary sources to which ‘Apollodorus may have 
had recourse was perhaps Sophocles’s satyric play Ichneutae 
or The Trackers. See below. 

4 Compare the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 21, 63, 150 8ᾳ., 
254, 290, 358 ; Sophocles, Ichneutae, 269 (The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, ii. 258). So Dionysus at birth 
is said to have been laid on a winnowing-fan (Servius on 
Virgil, Georg. i. 166): hence he got the surname of ‘‘ He of 
the Winnowing-fan” (A:cvirns, Plutarch, 18ὲ8 et Osiris, 35). 
These traditions as to the gods merely reflected an ancient 
Greek custom of placing new-born children in winnowing- 
fans ‘‘as an omen of wealth and fruitfulness” (πλοῦτον καὶ 
καρποὺς οἰωνιζόμενοι).. See the Scholiast on Callimachus, 
Hymn I, 48 (Callimachea, ed. O. Schneider, i. 109). As to 
the symbolism of the custom, see W. Mannhardt, ‘‘ Kind 
und Korn,” Mythologische Forschungen, pp. 351-374; Miss 
J. K. Harrison, ‘‘ Mystica Vannus Iacchi,” Journal of Hellentc 

Πιερίαν παραγίνεται, καὶ κλέπτει Boas ἃς ἔνεμεν 
6, A [ων 
᾿Απόλλων. ἵνα δὲ μὴ φωραθείη ὑπὸ τῶν ἰχνῶν, 

Studies, xxiii. (1903), pp. 292-324. The custom was not 
confined to ancient Greece, but has been widely, practised in 
India and other parts of the east down to modern times. 
The motives assigned or implied for it are various. Some- 
times it seems to have been intended to ensure the wealth 
and prosperity of the infant, sometimes to guard it against 
the evil eye and other dangerous influences. See Spirits of 
the Corn and of the Wild, i. 5-11. To quotea single example, 
among the Brahuis of Baluchistan, ‘‘ most good parents keep 
their babe for the first six days in a chay, or winnowing-basket, 
that God may vouchsafe them ful] as many children as the 
basket can hold grain... But some folk will have nothing to 
do with a winnowing-basket ; it harbours epilepsy, they say, 
though how or why I am at a loss to think. So they lay the 
child in. a sieve, that good luck may pour upon him as 
abundantly as grain pours through a sieve” (Denys Bray, 
The Life-History of a Bradhit, London, 19]3, p. 13). The 
substitution of a corn-sieve for a winnowing-fan seems to be 
common elsewhere. 

1 Compare Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 68 sqq.; Antoninus 
Liberalis, Transform. 23; Ovid, Metamorph. ii. 680 sqq. 
The theft of cattle by the infant Hermes was the subject of 
Sophocles’s satyric drama Ichneutae or The Trackers, of 
which some considerable fragments have been discovered in 
recent years. The scene of the play is laid on Mount Cyllene. 
Apollo appears and complains of the loss of the cattle, 
describes how he has come from Thessaly and through 
Boeotia in search of them, and offers a reward to anyone 
who will help him to find the missing beasts. The procla- 
mation reaches the ears of Silenus, who hurries to the scene 
of action and warmly proffers the services of himself and his 
Satyrs in the search, only stipulating that the reward shall 
take the solid shape of cash down. His offer being accepted, 
the Satyrs at once open on the scent like sleuth-hounds and 
soon discover confused tracks of cattle pointing in different 
directions. But in the very heat of this discovery they are 
startled by a strange sound, the like of which they had never 
heard before. It is, in fact, the muffled sound of the lyre 

and stole the kine which Apollo was herding.! And 
lest he should be detected by the tracks, he put 

played by the youthful Hermes in the cave. At this point 
the nymph Cyllene issues from the cavern and upbraids the 
wild creatures with the hubbub they are raising in the still- 
ness of the green wooded hills. The Satyrs tender a humble 
apology for their intrusion, but request to know the meaning 
of the strange sounds that proceed from the bowels of the 
earth. In compliance with their request the nymph explains 
how Zeus had secretly begotten Hermes on Maia in the cave, 
how she herself was acting temporarily as nurse to the child, 
how the infant grew at an astonishing and even alarming 
rate, and how, being detained in the cave by his father’s 
orders, he devoted his leisure hours to constructing out of a 
dead beast a curious toy which emitted musical notes. Being 
pressed for a fuller explanation she describes how Hermes 
made the lyre out of a tortoise shell, how the instrument 
was ‘‘his only balm of grief, his comforter,” and how the 
child was transported with delight at the ravishing sweet- 
ness of the tones which spoke to him from the dead beast. 
Unmoved by this touching description, the Satyrs at once 
charge the precocious infant with having stolen the cattle. 
His nurse indignantly repels the charge, stoutly declaring 
that the poor child had inherited no propensity to thieving 
either from its father or from its mother, and recommending 
his accusers to go and look for the thief elsewhere, since at 
their age, with their long beards and bald heads, they ought 
to know better than to trump up such ridiculous accusa- 
tions, for which the may yet have to smart. The nurse’s 
passionate defence of her little charge makes no more impres- 
sion on the Satyrs than her previous encomium on his musical 
talent: indeed their suspicions are quickened by her reference 
to the hides which the infant prodigy had used in the con- 
struction of the lyre, and they unhesitatingly identify the 
skins in question with those of the missing cattle. Strong in 
this conviction, they refuse to budge till the culprit has been 
made over to them. At this point the Greek text begins to 
fail; we can just catch a few disjointed fragments of a heated 
dialogue between the nurse and the satyrs; the words 
‘“cows,” ‘‘ thief,” ‘‘rascal,” and so forth, occur with painful 
iteration, then all is silence. See The Fragments of Sophocles, 

ὑποδήματα τοῖς ποσὶ περιέθηκε, καὶ κομίσας εἰς 
Πύλον τὰς μὲν λοιπὰς εἰς σπήλαιον ἀπέκρυψε, 
δύο δὲ καταθύσας τὰς μὲν βύρσας πέτραις καθή- 
λωσε, τῶν δὲ κρεῶν τὰ μὲν κατηνάλωσεν ἑψήσας 
τὰ δὲ κατέκαυσε' καὶ ταχέως εἰς Κυλλήνην ὥχετο. 
καὶ εὑρίσκει πρὸ τοῦ ἄντρου νεμομένην χελώνην. 
ταύτην ἐκκαθάρας, εἰς τὸ κύτος χορδὰς ἐντείνας 
ἐξ ὧν ἔθυσε βοῶν καὶ ἐργασάμενος λύραν εὗρε 
καὶ πλῆκτρον. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ τὰς Boas ζητῶν εἰς 
Πύλον ἀφικνεῖται, καὶ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἀνέκρι- 
vev. οἱ δὲ ἰδεῖν μὲν παῖδα ἐλαύνοντα ἔφασκον, 
οὐκ ὄχειν δὲ εἰπεῖν ποῖ ποτε ἠλάθησαν διὰ τὸ μὴ 
εὑρεῖν ἴχνος δύνασθαι. μαθὼν δὲ ἐκ τῆς μαντικῆς 
τὸν κεκλοφότα πρὸς Μαῖαν εἰς Κυλλήνην παρα- 
γίναται, καὶ τὸν “Ἑρμῆν ἡτιᾶτο. ἡ δὲ ἐπέδειξεν 
αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς σπαργάνοις. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ αὐτὸν 
πρὸς Δία κομίσας τὰς βόας ἀπήτει. Διὸς δὲ 
κελεύοντος ἀποδοῦναι ἠρνεῖτο. μὴ πείθων δὲ ἄγει 
τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα εἰς Πύλον καὶ τὰς βόας ἀποδί- 
δωσιν. ἀκούσας δὲ τῆς λύρας ὁ ᾿Απόλλων ἀντι- 
δίδωσι τὰς βόας. “Ἑρμῆς δὲ ταύτας νέμων σύριγγα 
πάλιν πηξάμενος ἐσύριζξεν. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ καὶ 

ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 224-270. From this seemingly 
simple piece of mild buffoonery Miss J. E. Harrison would 
extract a ritual of serious and indeed solemn significance, of 
which, however, she admits that the author of the play was 
himself probably quite unconscious. Sce her learned essay in 
Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway, ed. E. 
©. Quiggin (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 136 sqq. 

1 In the Homeric Hymn to Hermes (115 sqq.) we are told 
that Hermes roasted the flesh of two oxen and divided it 
into twelve portions (for the twelve gods), but that in spite 
of hunger he ate none of it himself. 

me 

shoes on their feet and brought them to Pylus, and 
hid the rest in a cave; but two he sacrificed and 
nailed the skins to rocks, while of the flesh he boiled 
and ate some,! and some he burned. And quickly 
he departed to Cyllene. And before the cave he 
found a tortoise browsing. He cleaned it out, strung 
the shell with chords made from the kine he had 
sacrificed, and having thus produced a lyre he in- 
vented also a plectrum.? But Apollo came to Pylus® 
in search of the kine, and he questioned the inhabit- 
ants. They said that they had seen a boy driving 
cattle, but could not say whither they had been driven, 
because they could find no track. Having discovered 
the thief by divination, Apollo came to Maia at 
Cyllene and accused Hermes. But she showed him 
the child in his swaddling-bands. So Apollo brought 
him to Zeus, and claimed the kine; and when Zeus 
bade him restore them, Hermes denied that he had 
them, but not being believed he led Apollo to Pylus 
and restored the kine. Howbeit, when Apollo heard 
the lyre, he gave the kine in exchange for it. 
And while Hermes pastured them, he again made 
himself a shepherd’s pipe and piped on it.5 And 

- 35 Compare Sophocles, Ichneutae, 278 sqq. (The Fragments 

of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, ii. 259). In the Homeric 
Hymn to Hermes, 22 8qq., the invention of the lyre by Hermes 
precedes his theft of the cattle. 

8 In the Homeric Hymn to Hermes (185 sqq.) it is to On- 
chestus in Bocotia, not to Pylus, that Apollo goes at first to 
inguire after the missing cattle. 

Compare the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 213 8q., where 
it is said that Apollo discovered Hermes to be the thief through 
observing a certain long-winged bird. 

5 Compare the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 511 8q., where, 
however, nothing is said about an attempt of Apollo to get 
the pipes from Hermes, or about an exchange of the pipes for 

ταύτην βουλόμενος λαβεῖν, τὴν χρυσῆν ῥάβδον 
ἐδίδου ἣν ἐκέκτητο βουκολῶν. ὁ δὲ καὶ ταύτην 
λαβεῖν ἀντὶ τῆς σύριγγος ἤθελε καὶ τὴν μαντικὴν 
ἐπελθεῖν: καὶ δοὺς διδάσκεται τὴν διὰ τῶν ψήφων 
μαντικήν. Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν κήρυκα ἑαυτοῦ καὶ θεῶν 
ὑποχθονίων τίθησι. 

Tavryérn δὲ ἐκ Διὸς «ἐγέννησε; 1 Λακεδαίμονα, 
ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ Λακεδαίμων ἡ χώρα καλεῖται. Λακεδαί- 
μονος δὲ καὶ Σπάρτης τῆς Εὐρώτα, ὃς ἦν ἀπὸ 
Λέλεγος αὐτόχθονος καὶ νύμφης νηΐδος Κλεοχα- 
ρείας, ᾿Αμύκλας καὶ Εὐρυδίκη, ἣν ἔγημεν Ακρίσιος. 
Αμύκλα δὲ καὶ Διομήδης τῆς Λαπίθου Kuvoprns 
καὶ ὙὝάκινθος. τοῦτον εἶναι τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐρώ- 
μενον λέγουσιν, ὃν δίσκῳ βαλὼν ἄκων ἀπέκτεινε. 

1 φγέννησε conjecturally supplied by Hercher. A verb is 
certainly wanted. It may have been ἔτεκε. 

the golden wand. However, there is a lacuna in the hymn 
after verse 526, and the missing passage may have contained 
the exchange in question and the request of Hermes for the 

ift of divination, both of which are mentioned by Apollo- 
forus but omitted in the hymn as it stands at present. See 
Allen and Sikes on the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 526 84ᾳ., 
in their edition of the Homeric Hymns, p. 190. 

1 For the gift of the golden wand, see Homeric Hymn to 
Hermes, 527 sqq. 

2 Compare the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, 552 sqq. The 
reference is to the divining pebbles called thriae, which were 
personified as three winged sisters who dwelt on Parnassus, 
and are said to have been the nurses of Apollo. See Zenobius, 
Cent. v. 75; Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 45, with the 
Scholiast ; Htymologicum Magnum, Ὁ. 455. 45, 8.0. @pia; 
Hesychius, s.v. θριαί; Anecdota Graeca, ed. Im. Bekker, i. 
265. 11, 8.v. Θριάσιον πεδίον. According to one account, the 
divining pebbles were an invention of Athena, which so dis- 
gusted Apollo that Zeus caused that mode of divination to 
fall into discredit, though it had been in high repute before ; 

Io 

wishing to get the pipe also, Apollo offered to give 
him the golden wand which he owned while he 
herded cattle. But Hermes wished both to get the 
wand for the pipe and to acquire the art of divina- 
tion. So he gave the pipe and learned the art of 
divining by pebbles.* And Zeus appointed him 
herald to himself and to the infernal gods. 

Taygete had by Zeus a son Lacedaemon, after 
whom the country of Lacedaemon is called.2 Lace- 
daemon and Sparta, daughter of Eurotas (who was a 
son of Lelex,* a son of the soil, by a Naiad nymph 
Cleocharia), had a son Amyclas and a daughter Eury- 
dice, whom Acrisius married. Amyclas and Diomede, 
daughter of Lapithus, had sons, Cynortes and 
Hyacinth.’ They say that this Hyacinth was beloved 
of Apollo and killed by him involuntarily with the 

and Apollo vented his spite at the practitioners of a rival art 
by saying that ‘‘ There be many that cast pebbles, but few 
prophets.” See Zenobius, 1.6. ; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 
@pla. This tradition may perhaps be accepted as evidence 
that in time the simple mode of divination by pebbles went 
out of fashion, being cast into the shade by the far more 
stately and imposing ritual of the frenzied prophetesses at 
Delphi, whose wild words were accepted as the very utterances 
of the deity. However, we are informed that in the temple 
at Delphi there were divining pebbles in a bowl on a tripod. 
and that when an inquirer applied to the oracle, the pebbles 
danced about in the owl, while the inspired priestess pro- 
phesied. See Nonnus, in Westermann’s Mythographt Graect, 
Appendix Narrationum, No. 67, p. 384; Suidas, s.v. Πυθώ. 
As to Greek divination by pebbles, see A. Bouché-Leclercq, 
Histoire de la Divination dans T Antiquité, i. 192, sqqg.; and 
my note on Pausanias, vii. 25. 10 (vol. iv. pp. 172 6qq.). 

> Compare Pausanias, iii. 1. 2; Scholiast on Euripides, 
Orestes, 626. 

4 According to Pausanias (iii. 1. 1), Eurotas was a son of 
Myles, who was a son of Lelex. 

Compare Pausanias, iii. 1. 3. 

Il 

Kuvoprov δὲ Περιήρης, ὃς γαμεῖ Τοργοφόνην 
τὴν Περσέως, καθάπερ Στησίχορός φησι, καὶ 
τίκτει Τυνδάρεων Ἰκάριον ᾿Αφαρέα Λεύκιππον. 
᾿Αφαρέως μὲν οὖν καὶ ᾿Αρήνης τῆς Οἰβάλου. 
Λυγκεύς τε καὶ Ἴδας καὶ Πεῖσος" κατὰ πολλοὺς 
δὲ Ἴδας -ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος λέγεται. Λυγκεὺς δὲ 
ὀξυδερκίᾳ διήνεγκεν, ὡς καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆν θεωρεῖν. 
Λευκίππου δὲ θυγατέρες ἐγένοντο ‘Tadetpa καὶ 
Φοίβη" ταύτας ἁρπάσαντες ἔγημαν Διόσκουροι. 
πρὸς δὲ ταύταις ᾿Αρσινόην ἐ ἐγέννησε. ταύτῃ μίγ- 
yUuTal ᾿Απόλλων, ἡ ἡ δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιὸν γεννᾷ. τινὲς 
δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιὸν οὐκ ἐξ ᾿Αρσινόης τῆς Λευκίππου 
λέγουσιν, GAN ἐκ Kopwvidos τῆς Φλεγύου ἐν 

1 Οἰβάλου Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 511, Aegius: 
oiBddou A. 

1 See above, i. 3.3; Nicander, Ther. 901 sqq., with the 
Scholiast on v. 902; Pausanias, iii. 1.3, iii. 19.5; J. Tzetzes, 
Chiliades, i. 241 sqqg. ; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 161-219; Pliny, 
Nat. Hist. xxi. 66; Scriptores rerum mythicarum ‘Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. Pp. 37, 135 sq. (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 117; Second Tatican My thographer, 181). The 
tomb of Hyacinth was shown at Amyclae under the great 
image of Apollo; a bronze door opened into the tomb, and 
sacrifices were there offered to him asa hero. See Pausaniag, 
iii. 19. 3. Compare Adonis, Aittis, Osiris, Third Edition, 
i. 313 ϑᾳᾳ. 

2 See above, i. 9. δ, where Apollodorus represents Perieres 
as the son of Aeolus (compare i. 7. 3), though he adds that 
inany people regarded him as the son of Cynortas. See below 
iii. 10. 4 note. 

8 Compare Pindar, Nem. x. 62 (116) 8g.; Pausanias, iv. 
2. 7 (who seems to have misunderstood the foregoing passage 
of Pindar); Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 553; Hyginus, 
Fab. 14, p. 42, ed. Bunte. 

4 See below, iii. 11. 2. 

cast of a quoit.!_ Cynortes had a son Perieres, who 
married Gorgophone, daughter of Perseus, as Ste- 
sichorus says, and she bore Tyndareus, Icarius, Apha- 
reus, and Leucippus.? Aphareus and Arene, daughter 
of Oebalus, had sons Lynceus and Idas and Pisus; 
but according to many, Idas is said to have been 
gotten by Poseidon. Lynceus excelled in sharpness 
of sight, so that he could even see things under 
ground. Leucippus had daughters, Hilaira and 
Phoebe: these the Dioscuri carried off and married.‘ 
Besides them Leucippus begat Arsinoe: with her 
Apollo had intercourse, and she bore Aesculapius. 
But some affirm that Aesculapius was not a son of 
Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus, but that he was a 
son of Coronis, daughter of Phlegyas in Thessaly.® 

5 The ancients were divided with regard to the mother of 
Aesculapius, some maintaining that she was a Messenian 
woman Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus, others that she was 
a Thessalian woman Coronis, daughter of Phlegyas. See the 
Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 8 (14), who quotes authorities 
on both sides: amongst the champions of Arsinoe were 
Asclepiades and an Argive writer named Socrates. The claims 
of the Messenian Arsinoe were naturally supported by pa- 
triotic Messenians, who looked on the god and his sons as in 
a sense their fellow countrymen. See Pausanias, ii. 26. 3-7, 
iv. 3. 2, iv. 31. 12. Apollodorus apparently accepted the 
Messenian view. But on the other side a long array of autho- 
rities declared in favour of Coronis, and her claim to be the 
mother of the god had the powerful support of the priesthood 
of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, one of the principal seats of the 
worship of the healing god. See the Homertc Hymn to 
Aesculapius, xvi. 1 sqqg.; Pindar, Pyth. iii. 8 (14) sqq. ; 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argonaut. iv. 616 sq. ; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 71.1, v. 74.6; Pausanias, ii. 26. 3-7; Hyginus, Fab. 
202; id. Astronom. ii. 40; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 617 ; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iii. 506; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 17 and 
37 (First Vatican Mythographer, 46 and 115). Pausanias, 

Θεσσαλίᾳ. καί φασιν ἐρασθῆναι ταύτης ᾿Απόλ- 
λωνα καὶ εὐθέως συνελθεῖν: τὴν δὲ! παρὰ τὴν 
le! \ a, e 4 ww oo fo! 
τοῦ πατρὸς γνώμην [ἑλομένην] Ἴσχυϊ τῷ Kar- 
νέως ἀδελφῷ συνοικεῖν. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ τὸν μὲν 
ἀπαγγείλαντα κόρακα καταρᾶται, ὃν τέως λευ- 
κὸν ὄντα ἐποίησε μέλανα, αὐτὴν δὲ ἀπέκτεινε. 
καιομένης δὲ αὐτῆς ἁρπάσας τὸ βρέφος ἐκ τῆς 
πυρᾶς πρὸς Χείρωνα τὸν Κένταυρον ἤνεγκε, παρ᾽ 

1 χὴν δὲ Aegius, Heyne, Miiller, Hercher, Wagner: τοῦ 
δὲ A, Westermann, Bekker. 

2 ἑλομένην Heyne, Miiller, Wagner: ἑλομένου A, Bekker: 
ἑλωμένου R®: ἐρωμένου Sevinus, Westermann. Hercher 
omits the word, perhaps rightly. 

8 ὃν Faber. The MSS. read $s or és. 

4 αὐτῆς A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Her- 
cher ; ταύτης RR®, Wagner. 

who expressly rejects the claim of Arsinoe, quotes in favour 
of Coronis a Delphic oracle, which he regards as decisive : 
for who should know the true mother of Aesculapius better 
than his own father Apollo? The testimony of the deity 
for once was quite unambiguous. It ran thus :— 

“40 born to be the world’s great joy, Aesculapius, 
Offspring of love, whom Phlegyas’ daughter, fair Coronis, 
bore to me 
In rugged Epidaurus.” 

See Pausanias, ii. 26. 7. In modern times the stones of Epi- 
daurus, if we may say so, have risen up to testify to the truth 
of this oracle. For in the course of the modern excavations 
at the great Epidaurian sanctuary of Aesculapius there was, 
discovered a limestone tablet inscribed with a hymn in honou 

of Apollo and Aesculapius, in which the family tree of the 
junior god is set out with the utmost precision, and it entirely 
confirms the Delphic oracle. The author of the hymn was a 
certain native of Epidaurus, by name Isyllus, a man of such 
scrupulous accuracy that before publishing his hymn he took 
the precaution of submitting it to the fount of knowledge at 
Delphi with an inquiry whether the god would sanction its 

And they say that Apollo loved her and at once con- 
sorted with her, but that she, against her father’s 
judgment, preferred and cohabited with Ischys, 
brother of Caeneus. Apollo cursed the raven that 
brought the tidings and made him black instead of 
white, as he had been before; but he killed Coronis. 
As she was burning, he snatched the babe from the 
pyre and brought it to Chiron, the centaur,! by 

publication. The deity granted his permission in very 
cordial terms; hence we may look on the hymn as an 
authentic document bearing the tmprimatur of the Delphic 
Apollo himself. In it the pedigree of Aesculapius is traced 
as follows: Father Zeus bestowed the hand of the Muse 
Erato on Malus in holy matrimony (ὁσίοισι yéuors). The pair 
had a daughter Cleophema, who married Phlegyas, a native 
of Epidaurus; and Phlegyas had by her ἃ daughter Aegla, 
otherwise known as Coronis, whom Phoebus of the golden 
bow beheld in the house of her grandfather Malus, and falling 
in love he got by her a child, Aesculapius. See ’Eqmpepls 
dpxaodoyirh, iii. (1885) coll. 65 sqq. ; H. Collitzand Εἰ. Bechtel, 
Sammlung der griechischen Dtalekt-Inschriften, iii. 1, pp. 
162 sqq., No. 3342. 

1 The story how Coronis played her divine lover false and 
was killed by him, and how the god rescued his child from 
the burning pyre and carried him to Chiron, is told by Pindar, 
Pyth. iii. 8 (14) sqgg. Compare the Scholia on this passage 
of Pindar, especially on v. 27 (48); Pausanias, ii. 26. 6 
(according to whom it was Hermes, not Apollo, who snatched 
the child from the burning pyre); Hyginus, Fab. 202; 4d. 
Astronom. ii. 40; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. 
iii. 506 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 17, 37, and 118 (First Vatican Mythographer, 46 
and 115; Second Vatican Mythographer, 128). All these 
writers, except Pindar and Pausanias, relate the story of the 
tell-tale raven and his punishment. The story isalso told by 
Ovid (Metamorph. ii. 534 sqq.) and Antoninus Liberalis 
(Transform., 20), but neither of them mentions Aesculapius. 
It was narrated by Pherecydes, who may have been the source 
from which the other writers drew their information. See 
Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 34 (59). The name of the 

@1 καὶ τὴν ἰατρικὴν καὶ τὴν κυνηγετικὴν τρεφο- 
μενος ἐδιδάχθη. καὶ γενόμενος χειρουργικὸς καὶ 
τὴν τέχνην ἀσκήσας ἐπὶ πολὺ οὐ μόνον ἐκώλυέ 
τινας ἀποθνήσκειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνήγειρε καὶ τοὺς ἀποθα- 
γνόντας" παρὰ γὰρ ᾿Αθηνᾶς λαβὼν τὸ ἐκ τῶν 
φλεβῶν τῆς Γοργόνος ῥυὲν αἷμα, τῷ μὲν ἐκ τῶν 
ἀριστερῶν ῥυέντι πρὸς φθορὰν ἀνθρώπων ἐχρῆτο, 
τῷ δὲ ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν πρὸς σωτηρίαν, καὶ διὰ 
τούτου 5 τοὺς τεθνηκότας ἀνήγειρεν. [εὗρον 3 δέ 
Tivas λεγομένους ἀναστῆναι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, Καπανέα 
καὶ Λυκοῦργον, ws Στησίχορός φησιν «ἐν» Ἔρι- 
φύλη, Ἱππόλυτον, ὡς ὁ τὰ Ναυπακτικὰ συγ- 

1 § A: οὗ Hercher, Wagner. 

2 διὰ τούτον A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher: διὰ τοῦτο ES, Wagner (but wrongly, since διὰ with 
the accusative is never used to express the instrument). 

8 As Heyne pointed out, the following list of persons 
raised from the dead by Aesculapius is probably a marginal 
gloss which has crept into the text. Nowhere else does 
Apollodorus speak of himself in the first person or indeed 
make any reference to himself. 

human lover of Coronis is given as Ischys, son of Elatus, by 
Pindar and Pausanias in agreement with Apollodorus. But 
Antoninus Liberalis calls him Alcyoneus; Lactantius Pla- 
cidus and the Second Vatican Mythographer call him Lycus ; 
and the First Vatican Mythographer despribes him (Fab. 115) 
simply as the son of Elatus. As to the connexion of Coronis 
with the raven or the crow in Greek legendary lore, see my 
note on Pausanias, ii. 17. 11 (vol. iii. pp. 72 sqg.). Compare 
D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds, p. 93. 

1 Compare Zenobius, Cent. i. 18, who probably copied 
Apollodorus. According to Euripides (Ion, 999 sqqg.), Pallas 
gave Erichthonius two drops of the Gorgon’s blood, one of 
them a deadly poison, the other a powerful medicine for the 
healing of diseases. 

8. For other lists of dead men whom Aesculapius is said 

to have restored to life, see Sextus Empiricus, p. 658, ed. 

_ a 

e 

whom he was brought up and taught the arts of 
healing and hunting. And having become a surgeon, 
and carried the art to a great pitch, he not only pre- 
vented some from dying, but even raised up the dead ; 
for he had received from Athena the blood that 
flowed from the veins of the Gorgon, and while he 
used the blood that flowed from the veins on the left 
side for the bane of mankind, he used the blood that 
flowed from the right side for salvation, and by that 
means he raised the dead.!_ I found some who are 
reported to have been raised by him,? to wit, Capa- 
neus and Lycurgus,? as Stesichorus says in the 
Eriphyle ; Hippolytus,‘ as the author of the Nau- 

Bekker; Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 (96) ; Scholiast 

_on Euripides, Alcestis, 1. These two Scholiasts mention that 
according to Pherecydes the people who died at Delphi were 
raised from the dead by Aesculapius. To the list of dead men 
whom Aesculapius restored to life, Propertius adds Androgeus, 
son of Minos (ii. 1. 61 4q.). 

8 The resurrection of these two men by the power of Aes- 
culapius is mentioned also, on the authority of Stesichorus, 
by the Scholiast on Euripides, Alcestis, 1, and the Scholiast 
on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 (96). Otherwise the event is appa- 
rently not noticed by ancient writers, and of the many legen- 
dary persons who bore the name of Lycurgus we do not know 
which is referred to. Heyne conjectured that the incident 
took place in the war of the Epigoni against Thebes, when 
Capaneus, one of the original Seven against Thebes, and 
Lycurgus, son of Pronax (as to whom see i. 9. 13) may have 
been restored to life by Aesculapius. This conjecture is con- 
firmed by a passage of Sextus Empiricus (p. 658 ed. Bekker), 
where we read: ‘‘Stesichorus in his Hriphyle says that he 
(Aesculapius) raised up some of those who fell at Thebes.” 

4 As to the restoration of Hippolytus to life by Aesculapius 
see Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 (96) ϑ4ᾳ., with the Scholiast ; Sextus 
Empiricus, p. 658, ed. Bekker (who quotes as his authority 
Staphylus in his book on the Arcadians); Scholiast on Euri- 
pides, Alcestis, 1 (who quotes Apollodorus as his authority) ; 

VOL, Il. | c 

γράψας λέγει, Τυνδάρεων, ὥς φησι ἸΠανύασις,1 
Ὑμέναιον, ὡς οἱ ᾿Ορφικοὶ λέγουσι, Γλαῦκον τὸν 
Μίνωος, ὡς Μελησαγόρας λέγει.) Ζεὺς δὲ φοβη- 
θεὶς μὴ λαβόντες ἄνθρωποι θεραπείαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ 3 
βοηθῶσιν ἀλλήλοις, ἐκεραύνωσεν αὐτόν. καὶ διὰ 
τοῦτο ὀργισθεὶς ᾿Απόλλων κτείνει Kixrwtras τοὺς 
τὸν κεραυνὸν. Ail κατασκευάσαντας. Ζεὺς δὲ 
ἐμέλλησε ῥίπτειν αὐτὸν εἰς Τάρταρον, δεηθείσης 

1 Πανύασις S, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker: 
Πανύασσις ΒΒ C, Wagner. 2 αὐτοῦ ES: αὐτῶν A. 

Eratosthenes, Cataster. 6; Hyginus, Fab. 49; id. Astro- 
nom. ii. 14; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iv. 434, 
vi. 353 (375). After his resurrection Hippolytus is said to 
have gone to dwell at Aricia, on the Alban Hills, near Rome, 
where he reigned as a king and dedicated a precinct to Diana. 
See Pausanias, ii. 27.4; Virgil, Aen. vii. 761 sqqg., with the 
commentary of Servius ; Ovid, Fastt, iii. 263 sgq., vi. 735 844. ; 
td. Metamorph. xv. 297 sqq.; Scholiast on Persius, Sat. 
vi. 56, pp. 347 sq., ed. O. Jahn; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. 
1.17; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. p. 118 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 128). The 
silence of Apollodorus as to this well-known Italian legend, 
which was told to account for the famous priesthood of Diana 
at Aricia, like his complete silence as to Rome, which he 
never mentions, tends to show that Apollodorus either 
deliberately ignored the Roman empire or wrote at a time 
when there was but little intercourse between Greece and 
that part of Italy which was under Romanrule. | | 

1 For the raising of Tyndareus from the dead by Aescu- 
lapius see also Sextus Empiricus, p. 658, ed. Bekker; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Alcestis, 1 (both these writers cite 
Panyasis as their authority); Lucian, De saltatione, 45; 
Zenobius, Cent. i. 47; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. ὃ. . 

2 See above, iii. 3. 1. 

3 This account of the death of Aesculapius, the revenge of 

Apollo, and his servitude with Admetus is copied almost — 

verbally by Zenobius, Cent. i. 18, but as usual without 
acknowledgment. Compare Pherecydes, quoted by the 

pactica reports; Tyndareus, as Panyasis says;! Hy- 
menaeus, as the Orphics report ; and Glaucus, son of 
Minos,” as Melesagoras relates. But Zeus, fearing 
that men might acquire the healing art from him and 
so come to the rescue of each other, smote him with 
a thunderbolt.2 Angry on that account, Apollo slew 
the Cyclopes who had fashioned the thunderbolt for 
Zeus.* But Zeus would have hurled him to Tartarus ; 

Scholiast on. Euripides, Alcestis, 1; Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 
(96) sqq.; Euripides, Alcestis, 1 ϑηᾳ., 123 sqg.; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 71. 1-3; Hyginus, Fab. 49; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen. vii. 761; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. 
G. H. Bode, val. i. p. 17 (First Vatican Mythographer, 46). 
According to Diodorus Siculus (/.c.) Aesculapius as a physician 
was so successful in his practice that the death-rate was per- 
ceptibly lowered, and Hades accused the doctor to Zeus of 
poaching on his preserves. The accusation angered Zeus, 
and he killed Aesculapius with a thunderbolt. According to 
Pherecydes, with whom Apollodorus agrees, the period of 
Apollo’s servitude with Admetus was one year ; according to 
Servius and the First Vatican Mythographer it was nine 
years. This suggests that the period may have been what 
was called a ‘‘great” or ‘‘eternal” year, which included 
eight ordinary years. See above, iii. 4. 2, with the note on 
ii. 5. 11, According to one account the motive for Apollo’s 
servitude was his love for Admetus. See Callimachus, Hymn 
to Apollo, 45 sqq. ; Scholiast on Euripides, Alcestis, 1, quoting 
Rhianus as his authority. Apollo is said to have served 
Branchus as well as Admetus (Philostratus, Hpist. 57), and 
we have seen that he served Laomedon. See above, ii. 5. 9 note. 

4 According to Pherecydes, quoted by the Scholiast on 
Euripides, Alcestis, 1, it was not the Cyclopes but their sons 
whom Apollo slew. The passage of Pherecydes, as quoted by 
the Scholiast, runs as follows: “Τὸ him” (that is, to Adme- 
tus) ‘‘came Apollo, to serve him as a thrall for a year, at the 
command of Zeus, because Apollo had slain the sons of 
Brontes, of Steropes, and of Arges. He slew them out of 
spite at Zeus, because Zeus slew his son Aesculapius with a 
t underbolt at Pytho; for by his remedies Aesculapius raised 
the dead.” 

c 2 

δὲ Λητοῦς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀνδρὶ θητεῦ- 
σαι. ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς Φερὰς πρὸς "Αδμητον 
τὸν Φέρητος τούτῳ λατρεύων ἐποίμαινε, καὶ τὰς 
θηλείας βόας πάσας διδυμοτόκους ἐπαίησεν. 

Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες ᾿Αφαρέα μὲν καὶ Λεύκιππον 
ἐκ ἸΠεριήρους γενέσθαι τοῦ Αἰόλον, Kuvoprov δὲ 
Περιήρην, τοῦ δὲ Οἴβαλον, Οἰβάλου δὲ καὶ νηΐδος 
νύμφης Βατείας Τυνδάρεων ᾿ἱπποκόωντα ᾿Ϊκάριον. 

Ἱπποκόωντος μὲν οὖν ἐγένοντο παῖδες Δορυ- 

4 1 - a > Ld 3 ’᾽ 
«revs! Σκαῖος Evapodopos Evretyns Βουκόλος 
1 Δυρυκλεὺς. Heyne conjectured Δορκεὺς (comparing Pau- 

sanias, iii. 15. 1 sg.), which is accepted by Bekker and 
Hercher. 

1 See Appendix, ‘‘ Apollo and the Kine of Admetus.” 

2 As to these genealogies gee above, i. 7. 3, i. 9. 5, ii. 4. 5, 
iii. 10.3; Pausanias, ii. 21. 7, iii. 1. 3 8ᾳ., iv. 2. 2 and 4; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 284, 511. Pausanias con- 
sistently represents Perieres as the son of Aeolus, and this 
tradition had the support of Hesiod (quoted by Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 284). On the other hand Tzetzes re- 
presents Perieres as the son of Cynortes (Schol. on Lycophron, 
511). Apollodorus here and elsewhere (i. 9. 5) mentions both 
traditions without deciding between them. In two passages 
(i. 7.3, i. 9. 5) he asserts or implies that the father of Perieres 
was Acolus; in another passage (iii. 10. 3) he asserts that 
the father of Perieres was Cynortes. In the present passage 
he seems to say that according to one tradition there were 
two men of the name of Perieres: one of them was the son 
of Aeolus and father of Aphareus and Leucippus ; the other 
was the son of Cynortes and father of Oebalus, who married 
the nymph Batia and became by her the father of Tyndareus, 
Hippocoon, and Icarius. Pausanias says that Gorgophone, 
daughter of Perseus, first married Perieres and had by him 
two sons, Aphareus and Leucippus, and that after his death 
she married Oebalus, son of Cynortas (Cynortes), and bad by 
him a son Tyndareus. See Pausanias, ii. 21. 7, iii. 1. 4, 
iv. 2. 4. Apollodorus, on the other hand, represents Perieres 
as the father not only of Aphareus and Leucippus, but also 

however, at the intercession of Latona he ordered 
him to serve as a thrall] to a man for a year. So he 
went to Admetus, son of Pheres, at Pherae, and served 
him as a herdsman, and caused all the cows to drop 
twins.} 

But some say that Aphareus and Leucippus were 
sons of Perieres, the son of Aeolus, and that Cynortes 
begat Perieres, and that Perieres begat Oebalus, and 
that Oebalus begat Tyndareus, Hippocoon, and Icarius 
by a Naiad nymph Batia.? 

Now Hippocoon had’ sons, to wit: Dorycleus, 
Scaeus, Enarophorus, Eutiches, Bucolus, Lycaethus, 

of Tyndareus and Icarius by Gorgophone, daughter of Perseus. 
See above, i. 9. 5, iii. 10.3. Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 
511) agrees with him as to the sons, but makes Perieres the 
son of Cynortas instead the son of Aeolus. Thus there were 
two traditions as to the father of Tyndareus; according ‘to 
one, his father was Perieres, according to tke other, he was 
Oebalus. But the two traditions were agreed as to the mother 
of Tyndareus, whom they represented as Gorgophone, 
daughter of Perseus. According to another account, which . 
may have been intended to reconcile the discrepant traditions 
as to the father of Tyndareus, Oebalus was the son of Perieres 
and the father of Tyndareus, Icarius, Arene, and the bastard 
Hippocoon, whom he had by Nicostrate. See Scholiast on 
Euripides, Orestes, 457; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 581. 
This account is mentioned, but apparently not accepted, by 
Apollodorus in the present passage, though he says nothing 
about the daughter Arene and the bastardy of Hippocoon. 
If we accept this last version of the genealogy, Tyndareus 
was descended both from Oebalus and Perieres, being the son 
of Oebalus and the grandson of Perieres. Ina recently dis- 
covered fragment of the Catalogues of Hesiod, that poet calls 
Tyndareus an Oebalid, implying that his father was Oebalus. 
See Griechtsche Dichterfraymente, i., Epische und elegrsche 
Fragmente, bearbeitet von W. Schubart und U. von Wila- 
mowitz-Moellendorff (Berlin, 1907), p. 30, line 38 (Berliner 
Klassikertexte, ν. 1); Hesiod, ed. H. G. Evelyn-White, p. 
194, Frag. 68, line 38 (The Loeb Olassical Library). 

2! 

Λύκαιθος Τέβρος “Ἱππόθοος Εὔρυτος ἽἽπποκο- 
ρυστὴς ᾿Αλκίνους Αλκων. τούτους ᾿Ἱπποκόων 
ἔχων παῖδας ᾿Ἰκάριον ὃ καὶ Τυνδάρεων ἐξέβαλε 
Λακεδαίμονος. οἱ δὲ φεύγουσι πρὸς Θέστιον, καὶ 
συμμαχοῦσιν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμόρους πόλεμον 
ἔχοντι' καὶ γαμεῖ Τυνδάρεως Θεστίου θυγατέρα 
Λήδαν. αὖθις δέ, ὅτε Ἡρακλῆς Ἱπποκόωντα καὶ 
τοὺς τούτου παῖδας ἀπέκτεινε, κατέρχονται, καὶ 
παραλαμβάνει Τυνδάρεως τὴν βασιλείαν. 

Ἰκαρίου μὲν οὖν καὶ Περιβοίας νύμφης νηίδος 
Θόας Δαμάσιππος ᾿Ιμεύσιμος ᾿Αλήτης Περίλεως, 

\ VA ’ ΝΜ 9 4 
καὶ θυγάτηρ ἸΠηνελόπη, ἣν ἔγημεν Ὀδυσσεύς" 
Τυνδάρεω δὲ καὶ Λήδας Τιμάνδρα, ἣν "Ἔχεμος 
ἔγημε, καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα, ἣν ἔγημεν ᾿Αγα- 
μέμνων, ἔτε τε Φυλονόη, ἣν Αρτεμις ἀθάνατον 
3 ’ ‘ \ / , ε ’ 
ἐποίησε. Διὸς δὲ Λήδᾳ συνελθόντος ὁμοιωθέντος 
κύκνῳ, καὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν νύκτα Τυνδάρεω, 
Διὸς μὲν ἐγεννήθη Πολυδεύκης καὶ ᾿Ελένη, Τυνδά- 
pew δὲ Κάστωρ «καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα!»., λέγουσι 

1 Σεβρός Pausaniasg, iii. 15. 1 sq. 

2 καρὶ R (R8): ixaplwva A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, 
Bekker, Hercher. For the form *Ixdpsos compare i. 9. 5. 

ὃ Tuvddpew RR: τυνδάρεως A. 

4 καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα inserted conjecturally by Gale, Bek- 
ker, Hercher, and Wagner, approved by Heyne. 

1 As to the banishment of Tyndareus and his restoration 
by Hercules, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 33.5; Pausanias, ii. 
18. 7, iii. 1. 4 8q., iii. 21. 4; Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 
457; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 581. According to the 
Scholiasts on Euripides and Homer (ll.cc.), Icarius joined 
Hippocoon in driving his brother Tyndareus out of Sparta. 

ee above, ii. 7. 3. 

3 According to the Scholiast on Homer (Od. xv. 16), the 

wife of Icarius was Dorodoche, daughter of Ortilochus; but 

Tebrus, Hippothous, Eurytus, Hippocorystes, Alcinus, 
and Alcon. With the help of these sons Hippocoon 
expelled Icarius and Tyndareus from Lacedaemon.}! 
They fled to Thestius and allied themselves with him 
in the war which he waged with his neighbours; and 
Tyndareus married Leda, daughter of Thestius. But 
afterwards, when Hercules slew Hippocoon and his 
sons,? they returned, and Tyndareus succeeded to 
the kingdom. 

Icarius and Periboea, a Naiad nymph,’ had five sons, 
Thoas, Damasippus, Imeusimus, Aletes, Perileos,* and 
a daughter Penelope, whom Ulysses married.> Tyn- 
dareus and Leda had daughters, to wit, Timandra, 
whom Echemus married,’ and Clytaemnestra, whom 
Agamemnon married; also another daughter Phy- 
lonoe, whom Artemis made immortal. But Zeus in the 
form of a swan consorted with Leda, and on the same 
night Tyndareus cohabited with her; and she bore 
Pollux and Helen to Zeus, and Castor and Cly- 
taemnestra to Tyndareus.’ But some say that Helen 

he adds that according to Pherecydes she was Asterodia, 
daughter of Eurypylus. 

4 Perileos (Perilaus), son of Icarius, is said to have accused 
the matricide Orestes at the court of the Areopagus. See 
Pausanias, vili. 34. 4. 

5 Compare Pausanias, iii. 12. 1, iii. 20. 108g. According 
to the former of these passages, Ulysses won her hand in a 
foot-race. As to races for brides, see iii. 9. 2, Epitome ii. 5, 
and note on i. 7. 8. δ Compare Pausanias, viii. 5. 1. 

7 Compare Euripides, Helen, 16 sqq. ; Lucian, Dial. deorum, 
xx. 14; id. Charidemus,7; Scholiast on Homer, Od. Xi. 
298; Hyginus, Fab. 77; id. Astronom. ii. 8; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 27, 
64, 119 sq., 163 (First Vatican Mythographer, 78 and 204 ; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 132; Third Vatican Mytho- 

rapher, 3. 6). As the fruit of her intercourse with the swan, 
Leda is said to have laid an egg, which in the time of Pau- 

δὲ ἔνιοι Νεμέσεως ᾿Ελένην εἶναι καὶ Atos. ταύτην 
γὰρ τὴν Διὸς φεύγουσαν συνουσίαν εἰς χῆνα τὴν 
μορφὴν μεταβαλεῖν, ὁμοιωθέντα δὲ καὶ Δία κύκνῳ 
συνελθεῖν" τὴν δὲ wov ἐκ τῆς συνουσίας ἀποτεκεῖν, 
τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσιν εὑρόντα τινὰ ποιμένα 
Λήδᾳ κομίσαντα δοῦναι, τὴν δὲ καταθεμένην εἰς 
λάρνακα φυλάσσειν, καὶ χρόνῳ καθήκοντι γεννη- 
θεῖσαν Ἑλένην ὡς ἐξ αὑτῆς θυγατέρα τρέφειν. 
γενομένην δὲ αὐτὴν κάλλει διαπρεπῆ Θησεὺς 
ἁρπάσας εἰς ᾿Αφίδνας 5 ἐκόμισε. ἸΠολυδεύκης δὲ 
καὶ Kdotop® ἐπιστρατεύσαντες, ev“ Ardov Θη- 
σέως ὄντος, αἴρουσι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Εἰλένην 
λαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὴν Θησέως μητέρα Αἴθραν 

1 ἄλσεσιν A: ἄλσεσιν S: ἕλεσιν L. Preller (Griechische 
Mythologie*, ii. 110, note 5), Hercher (compare Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 88, ἐν τῷ ἕλει). 

2 *agldvas SR (first hand): ἀθήνας R (second hand), A. 

3 Κάστωρ. Here SR add εἰς ᾿Αφίδνας or eis ᾿Αθήνας, as 
above. The words are omitted by Bekker, Hercher, and 
Wagner. 

sanias was still to be seen hanging by ribbons from the roof 
of the temple of Hilaira and Phoebe at Sparta. See Pau- 
sanias, 11}. 16.1. According to one account (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 78), Castor, Pollux, and Helen all emerged 
from a single egg; according to another account (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 204), Leda laid two eggs, one of which 
produced Castor and Pollux, and the other Clytaemnestra 
and Helen. In heaven the twins Castor and Pollux had each, 
if we may believe Lucian, half an egg on or above his head 
in token of the way in which he had been hatched. See 
Lucian, Dealog. deorum, xxvi. 1. For the distinction between 
Pollux and Castor, the former being regarded as the con of 
Zeus and the latter as the son of Tyndareus, see Pindar. 
Nem. x. 79 (149) sg. According to Hesiod, both Pollux and 
Castor were sons of Zeus. See Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. 
x. 80 (150). 

was a daughter of Nemesis and’ Zeus; for that she, 
flying from the arms of Zeus, changed herself into a 
goose, but Zeus in his turn took the likeness of a 
swan and so enjoyed her; and as the fruit of their 
loves she Jaid an egg, and a certain shepherd found it 
in the groves and brought and gave it to Leda; and 
she put it in a chest and kept it; and when Helen 
was hatched in due time, Leda brought her up as 
her own daughter. And when she grew into a 
lovely woman, Theseus carried her off and brought 
her to Aphidnae.? But when Theseus was in Hades, 
Pollux and Castor marched against Aphidnae, took 
the city, got possession of Helen, and led Aethra, the 

1 With this variant story of the birth of Helen compare 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 88 (who may have followed 
Apollodorus); Eratosthenes, Cataster. 25; Pausanias, i. 
33. 7 sqg.; Scholiast on Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, 232 ; 
Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 8. According to Eratosthenes and 
the Scholiast on Callimachus (/l.cc.), the meeting between Zeus 
and Nemesis, in the shape respectively of a swan and a goose, 
took place at Rhamnus in Attica, where Nemesis had a 
famous sanctuary, the marble ruins of which may still be seen 
in a beautiful situation beside the sea. The statue of the 
goddess at Rhamnus was wrought by the hand of Phidias, 
and on the base he represented Leda bringing the youthful 
Helen to her mother Nemesis. In modern times some of 
these marble reliefs have been found on the spot, but they 
are too fragmentary to admit of heing identified. See Pau- 
sanias, 1. 33. 2-8, with my commentary, vol. ii. pp. 455 846. 

2 As to the captivity of Helen at Aphidnae, and her rescue 
by her brothers Castor and Pollux, see Apollodorus, Epitome, 
i. 23; Herodotus, ix. 73; Strabo, ix. 1. 17, p. 306; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 63. 2-5; Plutarch, Theseus, 31 8ᾳ.; Pausanias, 
i. 17. δ, i. 41. 8, ii. 22. 6, iii. 18. 4 8¢g., compare v. 19, 3; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 503; Hyginus, Fab 79. 
The story was told by the historian Hellanicus (Scholiast 
on Homer, 11. iii. 144), and in part by the poet Aleman 
(Scholiast on Homer, 71. iii. 242). 

8 ἄγουσιν αἰχμάλωτον. παρεγένοντο δὲ εἰς 
Σπάρτην ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελένης γάμον οἱ βασι 

φ 

λεύοντες “Ελλάδος. ἦσαν δὲ οἱ μνηστευόμενο 
οἶδε: ᾽Οδυσσεὺς Λαέρτου, Διομήδης Τυδέως, 
᾿Αντίλοχος Νέστορος, ᾿Αγαπήνωρ ᾿Αγκαίου, Σθέ- 
veros Καπανέως, ᾿Αμφίμαχος 1 Κτεάτου, Θάλπιος 
Εὐρύτου, Μέγης Φυλέως, ᾿Αμφίλοχος ᾿Αμφιαράου, 
Μενεσθεὺς Ἰ]ετεώ, Σχεδίος «καὶ; ᾿Επίστροφος 
«Ἰφίτου; 2 ἸΙολύξενος ᾿Αγασθένους, Ἰ]ηνέλεως 
«ἹἹππαλκίμου;», Anitos «᾿Αλέκτορος;»,5) Αἴας 
᾿Οιλέως, ᾿Ασκάλαφος καὶ ᾿Ιάλμενος “Apeos, ᾿Ελε- 
φήνωρ Χαλκώδοντος, Εὔμηλος ᾿Αδμήτον, ἸΠολυ- 
ποίτης Πειρίθου, Λεοντεὺς Κορώνου, Ποδαλείριος 
καὶ Μαχάων ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ, Φιλοκτήτης ἸΠοίαντος, 
Εὐρύπυλος Εὐαίμονος, Ipwreciraos [Ιφίκλου, 
Μενέλαος ᾿Ατρέως, Αἴας καὶ Τεῦκρος Τελαμῶνος, 

' *Augdluaxos Heyne: ἀμφίλοχος SA. The name ᾿Αμφί- 
Aoxos occurs below. 

2 Σχεδίος <xal> ᾿Ἐπίστροφος «- Ἰφίτου». Palmer, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner: Σχέδιος ᾿Ἐπιστρόφου A. 

3 Πηνέλεως « Ἱππαλκίμου καὶ» <Aniros <'AAexrpudvos> 
Heyne: Πηνέλεω: «Ἱππαλκίμου;»», Afiros «᾿Αλέκτορος > 
Bekker. 

1 For another list of the suitors of Helen, see Hyginus, 
Fab. 81. Hesiod in his Catalogues gave a list of the suitors 
of Helen, and of this list considerable fragments have been 
discovered in recent years. They include the names of 
Menelaus, the two sons of Amphiaraus (Alcmaeon and 
Amphilochus), Ulysses, Podarces, son of Iphiclus, Protesilaus, 
son of Actor, < Menestheus >, son of Peteos, Ajax of Salamis, 
Elephenor, son of Chalcodon, and Idomeneus, son of Minos. 
Thus the list only partially agrees with that of Apollodorus, 
for it comprises the names of Podarces and Idomeneus, 
which are omitted by Apollodorus, who also mentions only 
one son of Amphiaraus, namely Amphilochus. Hyginus 

x 

mother of Theseus, away captive. Now the kings 
of Greece repaired to Sparta to win the hand of 
Helen. The wooers were these: !— Ulysses, son of 
Laertes; Diomedes, son of Tydeus; Antilochus, son 
of Nestor; Agapenor, son of Ancaeus; Sthenelus, 
son of Capaneus; Amphimachus, son of Cteatus; 
Thalpius, son of Eurytus; Meges, son of Phyleus ; 
Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus; Menestheus, son 
of Peteos; Schedius and Epistrophus, sons of 
Iphitus; Polyxenus, son of Agasthenes; Peneleos, 
son of Hippalcimus; Leitus, son of Alector; Ajax, 
son of Oileus; Ascalaphus and Ialmenus, sons of 
Ares; Elephenor, son of Chalcodon; Eumelus, son 
of Adinetus; Polypoetes, son of Perithous ; Leonteus, 
son of Coronus; Podalirius and Machaon, sons of 
Aesculapius ; Philoctetes, son of Poeas; Eurypylus, 
son of Evaemon ; Protesilaus, son of [phiclus ; Mene- 
laus, son of Atreus; Ajax and Teucer, sons of 

includes Idomeneus, but not Fodarces, nor the sons of 
Amphiaraus. In these recently discovered fragments Hesiod 
does not confine himself to a bare list of names; he contrives 
to hit off the different characters of the suitors by describin 
the different manners of their wooing. Thus the canny an 
thrifty Ulysses brought no wedding presents, because he was 
quite sure he had no chance of winning the lady. On the 
other hand, the bold Ajax was extremely liberal with his 
offer of other people’s property ; he promised to give magni- 
ficent presents in the shape of sheep and oxen which he pro- 
sed to lift from the neighbouring coasts and islands. 
Faomeneus sent nobody to woo the lady, but came himself, 
trusting apparently to the strength of his personal attrac- 
tions to win her heart and carry her home with him 
a blooming bride. See Griechische Dichterfragmente, i., 
Epische und elegtsche Fragmente, bearbeitet von W. Schubart 
und U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (Berlin, 1907), pp. 28 
sqq. (Berliner Klassikertette, v. 1); Hesiod, ed. H. G. 
Evelyn-White (London, 1914), pp. 192 sqq. (Lhe Loeb Clas- 
stcal Library). 

9 Πάτροκλος Μενοιτίου. τούτων ὁρῶν τὸ πλῆθος 
Τυνδάρεως ἐδεδοίκει μὴ «προ; κριθέντος 1 ἑνὸς 
στασιάσωσιν οἱ λοιποί. ὑποσχομένου δὲ Ὀδυσ- 
σέως, ἐὰν συλλάβηται πρὸς τὸν Πηνελόπης αὐτῷ 
γάμον, ὑποθήσεσθαι τρόπον τινὰ δι᾽ οὗ μηδεμία 
γενήσεται στάσις, ὡς ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ συλλήψε- 
σθαι ὁ Τυνδάρεως, πάντας εἶπεν ἐξορκίσαι τοὺς 
μνηστῆρας βοηθήσειν, ἐὰν ὁ προκριθεὶς νυμφίος 
ὑπὸ ἄλλου τινὸς ἀδικῆται περὶ τὸν γάμον. ἀκούσας 
δὲ τοῦτο Τυνδάρεως τοὺς μνηστῆρας ἐξορκίζξει, καὶ 
Μενέλαον μὲν αὐτὸς αἱρεῖται νυμφίον, ᾿Οδυσσεῖ 
δὲ παρὰ Ἰκαρίου μνηστεύεται Πηνελόπην. 

ΧΙ. Μενέλαος μὲν οὖν ἐξ “Ἑλένης “Ερμιόνην 
ἐγέννησε καὶ κατά τινας Νικόστρατον, ἐκ δούλης 
«δὲ» ὃ Πιερίδος, γένος Αἰτωλίδος, ἢ καθάπερ 

1 «προ» κριθέντος Faber, Heyne, Hercher: κριθέντος SA, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Wagner. Compare ὁ προκριθεὶ ς 
a few lines below. 

2 δὲ inserted by Westermann, accepted by Bekker, Her- 
cher, Wagner. 

Compare Hesiod, in Epische und elegische Fragmente, 
ed. W. Schubart und U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, p. 
33; Hesiod, ed. H. G. Evelyn-White, p. 198; Euripides, 
Iphig. in Aulis, 57 sqq.; Thucydides, i. 9; Pausanias, iii. 
20. 9; Scholiast on Homer, 71. ii. 339; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 202. According to Pausanias (l.c.) the suitors 
took the oath standing on the severed pieces of a horse. As 
to the custom of standing on the pieces of a sacrificial victim 
or passing between them at the making of solemn covenants, 
see Folk-lore in the Old Testament, i. 392 sqq. 

2 Homer definitely affirms (Od. iv. 12-14; compare J1. iii. 
174 sq.) that Helen had only one child, her daughter Her- 
mione. But according to Hesiod, whose verses are quoted 
by the Scholiast on Sophocles, Electra, 539, Helen afterwards 
bore a son Nicostratus to Menelaus. Compare Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. iv. 11, who tells us further that according to © 

Telamon ; Patroclus, son of Menoetius. Seeing the 
multitude of them, Tyndareus feared that the pre- 
ference of one might set the others quarrelling; but 
Ulysses promised that, if he would help him to win 
the hand of Penelope, he would suggest a way by 
which there would be no quarrel. And when Tyn- 
dareus promised to help him, Ulysses told him to 
exact an oath from all the suitors that they would 
defend the favoured bridegroom against any wrong 
that might be done him in respect of his marriage. 
On hearing that, Tyndareus put the suitors on their 
oath,! and while he chose Menelaus to be the 
bridegroom of Helen, he solicited Icarius to bestow 
Penelope on Ulysses.

Now Menelaus had by Helen a daughter
Hermione and, according to some, a son Nico- 

stratus ;* and by a female slave Pieris, an Aetolian, 

more recent writers Helen had a son Corythus or Helenus 
by Alexander (Paris). According to Dictys Cretensis (Bell. 
Trojan. v. 5), Helen had three sons by Alexander, namely, 
Bunomus, Corythus, and Idaeus, who were accidentally 
killed at Troy through the collapse of a vaulted roof. The 
Scholiast on Homer, 11. iii. 175, says that the Lacedae- 
monians worshipped two sons of Helen, to wit, Nicostratus 
and Aethiolas. He further mentions, on the authority of 
Ariaethus, that Helen had by Menelaus a son Maraphius, 
from whom the Persian family of the Maraphions was 
descended. See Dindorf’s edition ef the Scholia on the 
Iliad, vol. i. pp. 147 eq., vol. iii. p. 171. According to one 
account, Helen had a daughter by Theseus before she was 
married to Menelaus; this daughter was Iphigenia ; Helen 
entrusted her to her sister Clytaemnestra, who reared the 
child and passed her off on her husband Agamemnon as her 
own offspring. This account of the parentage of Iphigenia 
was supported by the authority of Stesichorus and other 
poets. See Pausanias, ii. 22. 6 eg.; Antoninus Libera)lis, 
Transform. 27. Sophocles represents Menelaus as having 
two children before he sailed for Troy (Electra, 539 aq.). 

᾿Ακουσίλαός φησι Tnpnidos, Μεγαπένθη, ἐκ 
Κνωσσίας δὲ νύμφης κατὰ Εὔμηλον ἘΞενόδαμον. 
Τῶν δὲ ἐκ Λήδας γενομένων παίδων Κάστωρ 
μὲν ἤσκει τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον, Πολυδεύκης δὲ 
πυγμήν, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἐκλήθησαν ἀμφό- 
tepot Διόσκουροι. βουλόμενοι δὲ γῆμαι τὰς 
Δευκίππου θυγατέρας ἐκ Μεσσήνης ἁρπάσαντες 
éynuav: καὶ γίνεται μὲν Ἰ]ολυδεύκους καὶ Φοίβης 

1 Compare Homer, Od. iv. 10-12. 

2 Compare Homer, 17. iii. 237 ; Od. xi. 300. 

3 That is, ‘‘striplings of Zeus.” 

4 The usual tradition seems to have been that Idas and 
Lynceus, the sons of Aphareus, were engaged to be married 
to the daughters of Leucippus, who were their cousins, since 
Aphareus and Leucippus were brothers (see above, iii. 10. 3). 
They invited to their wedding Castor and Pollux, who were 
cousins both to the bridegrooms and the brides, since Tyn- 
dareus, the human father of Castor and Pollux (see above, 
iii. 10. 7), was a brother of Aphareus and Leucippus (see 
above, iii. 10. 3). But at the wedding Castor and Pollux 
carried off the brides, and being pursued by the bridegrooms, 
Idas and Lynceus, they turned on their pursuers. In the 
fight which ensued, Castor and Lynceus were slain, and Idas 
was killed by Zeus with a thunderbolt. See Theocritus, 
xxii. 137 sqg.; Scholiast on Homer, 11. iii. 243; Scholiast on 
Pindar, Nem. x. 60 (112); Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 546 ; 
td. Chiliades, ii. 686 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 80; Ovid, Fastt, v. 
699 sqg.; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. p. 27 (First Vatican Mythographer, 77). | Accord- 
ing to Apollodorus, however, the fight between the cousins 
was occasioned by a quarrel arising over the division of some 
cattle which they had lifted from Arcadia in a joint raid. 
This seems to have been the version of the story which 
Pindar followed; for in his description of the fatal affray 
between the cousins (Nem. x. 60 (112) egg.) he speaks onby of 
anger about cattle as the motive that led Idas to attack 
Castor. The rape of+the daughters of Leucippus by Castor 
and Pollux was ἃ favourite subject in art. See Pausanias, 
i. 18. 1, iii. 17. 3 iii, 18. 11, iv. 31. 9. The names of the 

or, according to Acusilaus, by Tereis, he had a son 
Megapenthes ;! and by a nymph Cnossia, according 
to Eumelus, he had a son Xenodamus. 

Of the sons born to Leda Castor practised the art 
of war, and Pollux the art of boxing ; 5 and on account 
of their manliness they were both called Dioscuri.® 
And wishing to marry the daughters of Leucippus, 
they carried them off from Messene and wedded 
them;‘ and Pollux had Mnesileus by Phoebe, and 

damsels, as we learn from Apollodorus, were Phoebe and 
Hilaira. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, 4.v. “Agidva; Pro- 
pertius, i. 2. 15 δᾳ.; Hyginus, Fab. 80. At Sparta they had 
a sanctuary, in which young maidens officiated as priestesses 
and were called Leucippides after the goddesses. See Pau- 
sanias, iii. 16. 1. From an obscure gloss of Hesychius (8.v. 
πωλία) we may perhaps infer that these maiden priestesses, 
like the goddesses, were two in number, and that they were 
called ‘‘the colts of the Leucippides.” Further, since the 
name of Leucippus, the legendary father of the goddesses, 
means simply ‘‘ White Horse,” it is tempting to suppose that 
the Leucippides, like their priestesses, were spoken of and 
perhaps conceived as white horses. More than that, Castor 
and Pollux, who carried off these white-horse maidens, if we 
may call them so, were not only constantly associated with 
horses, but were themselves called White Horses (λευκόπωλοι) 
by Pindar, Pyth. i. 66 (126) and ‘‘ White Colts of Zeus” by 
Euripides in a fragment of his lost play the Anttope. See 
S. Wide, Lakonische Kulte (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 331 sq. ; 
A. B. Cook, Zeus, i. 442. These coincidences can hardly be 
accidental. They point to the worship of a pair of brother 
deities conceived as white horses, and married to a pair of 
sister deities conceived as white mares, who were served by 
a pair of maiden priestesses called White Colts, assisted 
apparently by a boy priest or priests ; for a Laconian inscrip- 
‘tion describes a certain youthful Marcus Aurelius Zeuxippus 
as ‘‘ Priest of the Leucippides and neatherd (? βοναγόρ) of the 
'Tyndarids,” that is, of Castor and Pollux. See P. Cauer, 
Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum me- 
morabilium?, p. 17, No. 36; H. Collitz und F. Bechtel, 
Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, iii. 2, pp. 
40 sq., No. 4499. 

Μνησίλεως, Κάστορος δὲ καὶ Ἱλαείρας ᾿Ανώγων. 
ἐλάσαντες δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας βοῶν λείαν μετὰ 
τῶν ᾿Αφαρέως παίδων Ἴδα καὶ Λυγκέως, ἐ ἐπιτρέ- 
πουσιν Ἴδᾳ διελεῖν" ὁ δὲ τεμὼν βοῦν εἰς μέρη 
τέσσαρα, τοῦ πρώτου καταφαγόντος εἶπε τῆς 
λείας τὸ ἥμισυ ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τοῦ δευτέρου τὸ 
λοιπόν. καὶ φθάσας κατηνάλωσε τὸ μέρος τὸ 
ἴδιον πρῶτος * Ἴδας, καὶ τὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, καὶ 
μετ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν λείαν εἰς Μεσσήνην ἤλασε. 
στρατεύσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην οἱ Διόσκουροι 
τήν τε λείαν ἐκείνην καὶ πολλὴν ἄλλην συνε- 
λαύνουσι. καὶ τὸν Ἴδαν ἐλό ων καὶ τὸν Λυγκέα. 
Λυγκεὺς δὲ ἰδὼν Κάστορα ἐμηνυσεν "Ἰδᾷᾳ, κἀκεῖνος 
αὐτὸν κτείνει. Πολυδεύκης δὲ ἐδίωξεν αὐτούς, 
καὶ τὸν μὲν Λυγκέα κτείνει τὸ δόρυ προέμενος, 
τὸν δὲ Ἴδαν διώκων, βληθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου πέτρᾳ 
κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς, πίπτει σκοτωθείς. καὶ Ζεὺς 
ἴδαν κεραυνοῖ, ἸΤολυδεύκην δὲ εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀνάγει. 
μὴ δεχομένου δὲ Πολυδεύκους τὴν ἀθανασίαν 
ὄντος νεκροῦ Κάστορος, Ζεὺς ἀμφοτέροις παρ᾽ 
ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν θεοῖς εἶναι καὶ ἐν θνητοῖς ὃ ἔδωκε. 

ΠΣ διελεῖν Commelinus: διελθεῖν A. 
2 πρῶτος RR® BV: πρῶτον LT. Hercher omits the word. 
ὃ θνητοῖς. Hercher conjectured νεκροῖς. Perhaps we 
should read τεθνηκόσιν. We can hardly suppose that Apollo- 
dorus used θνητοὶ in the sense in which John Wilson Croker 
used it and was scarified by Macaulay for so doing. 

1 Compare Homer, Od. xi. 298-301; Pindar, Nem. x. 55 
(101) sqg., 75 (141) sqg.; td. Pyth. xi. 61 (93) sqgqg.; Schol. on 
Homer, Od. xi. 302; Lucian, Dialog. deorum, xxvi.; Virgil, 
Aen. vi. 19] sg. ; Hyginus, Fab. 80; τά. Astronom. ii. 22; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
p. 120 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 132). The last of 

Castor had Anogon by Hilaira. And having driven 
booty of cattle from Arcadia, in company with Idas 
and Lynceus, sons of Aphareus, they allowed Idas to 
divide the spoil. He cut a cow in four and said that 
one half of the booty should be his who ate his share 
first, and that the rest should be his who ate his 
share second. And before they knew where they 
were, Idas had swallowed his own share first and 
likewise his brother's, and with him had driven οὔ 
the captured cattle to Messene. But the Dioscuri 
marched against Messene, and drove away that 
cattle and much else besides. And they lay in wait 
for Idas and Lynceus. But Lynceus spied Castor 
and discovered him to Idas, who killed him. Pollux 
chased them and slew Lynceus by throwing his spear, 
but in pursuing Lynceus he was wounded in the head 
with a stone thrown by him, and fell down in a swoon. 
And Zeus smote Idas with a thunderbolt, but Pollux 
he carried up to heaven. Nevertheless, as Pollux 
refused to accept immortality while his brother 
Castor was dead, Zeus permitted them both to be 
every other day among the gods and among mortals.! 

these writers explains the myth to mean that when the star 
of the one twin is setting, the star of the other is rising. It 
has been plausibly argued that in one of their aspects the 
twins were identified with the Morning and Evening Stars 
respectively, the immortal twin (Pollux) being conceived as 
the Morning Star, which is seen at dawn rising up in the sky 
till it is lost in the light of heaven, while the mortal twin 
(Castor) was identified with the Evening Star, which is seen 
at dusk sinking into its earthy bed. See J. G. Welcker, 
Griechische Gétterlehre, i. 606 sqq.; J. Rendel Harris, The 
Dioscurt tn the Christian Legends (London, 1903), pp. 11 egg. 
It would seem that this view of the Spartan twins was 
favoured by the Spartans themselves, for after their great 
haval victory of Aegospotami, at which Castor and Pollux 

VOL, 11. D 

μεταστάντων δὲ eis θεοὺς τῶν Διοσκούρων, Tuv- 
δάρεως μεταπεμψάμενος Μενέλαον εἰς Σπάρτην 
τούτῳ τὴν βασιλείαν παρέδωκεν. 

XII. Ἠλέκτρας δὲ τῆς ἼΑτλαντος καὶ Διὸς 

᾿Ιασίων καὶ Δάρδανος ἐγένοντο. “laciwy μὲν οὖν 
ρδανος ἐγέν μ 

ἐρασθεὶς Δήμητρος καὶ θέλων καταισχῦναι τὴν 
θεὸν κεραυνοῦται, Δάρδανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ 
τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ λυπούμενος, Σαμοθράκην ἀπολιπὼν 
εἰς τὴν ἀντίπερα ἤπειρον ἦλθε. ταύτης δὲ ἐβασί- 
λευε Τεῦκρος ποταμοῦ Σκαμάνδρου καὶ νύμφης 
᾿Ιδαίας. ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ οἱ τὴν χώραν νεμόμενοι 
Τεῦκροι προσηγορεύοντο. ὑποδεχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ 
βασιλέως, καὶ λαβὼν μέρος τῆς γῆς καὶ τὴν 
ἐκείνου θυγατέρα Βάτειαν, Δάρδανον ἔκτισε πόλεν' 
τελευτήσαντος δὲ Τεύκρου τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν 
2 Δαρδανίαν ἐκάλεσε. γενομένων & αὐτῷ παίδων 

1 χεύκρου S: τεῦκρος A. 

were said to have appeared visibly in or hovering over the 
Spartan fleet, the victors dedicated at Delphi the symbols of 
their divine champions in the shape of two golden stars, which 
shortly before the fatal battle of Leuctra fell down and dis- 
appeared, as if to announce that the star of Sparta’s fortune 
was about to set for ever. See Cicero, De divinatione, i. 34. 
75, li, 32. 68. The same interpretation of the twins would 
accord well with their white horses (see the preceding note), 
on which the starry brethren might be thought to ride through 
the blue sky. 

1 This account of the parentage of Iasion had the authority 
of Hellanicus (Scholiast on Homer, Od. v. 125). Compare 
Diodorus Siculus, v. 48. 2. 

* Compare Conon, Narrat. 21; Strabo, vii. p. 331, frag. 50, 
ed. Meineke ; Hyginus, Astronom.ii.4. A different turn is 
given to the story by Homer, who represents the lovers 
meeting in a thrice-ploughed field (Od. v. 125-128). To the 

And when the Dioscuri were translated to the gods, 
Tyndareus sent for Menelaus to Sparta and handed 
over the kingdom to him.

Electra, daughter of Atlas, had two sons,
Iasion and Dardanus, by Zeus.! Now Iasion loved 
Demeter, ahd in an attempt to defile the goddess 
he was killed by a thunderbolt.2 Grieved at his 
brother’s death, Dardanus left Samothrace and came 
to the opposite mainland. That country was ruled 
by a king, Teucer, son of the river Scamander and 
of a nymph Idaea, and the inhabitants of the coun- 
try were called Teucrians after Teucer. Being wel- 
comed by. the king, and having received a share 
of the land and the king’s daughter Batia, he built 
a city Dardanus, and when Teucer died he called 
the whole country Dardania.* And he had sons born 

same effect Hesiod (Theog. 969-974) says that the thrice- 
ploughed field where they met was in a fertile district 
of Crete, and that Wealth was born as the fruit of their love. 
Compare Diodorus Siculus, v. 77. 1 eg.; Hyginus, Fab. 270. 
The Scholiast on Homer, Od. v. 125, attempts to rationalize 
the myth by saying that Iasion was the only man who pre- 
served seed-corn after the deluge. 

8. As to the migration of Dardanus from Samothrace to Asia 
and his foundation of Dardania or Dardanus, see Diodorus 
Siculus, v. 48. 2 84. ; Conon, Narrat. 21; Stephanus By- 
zantius, 8.0. Δάρδανος; compare Homer, 7]. xx. 215 eqy. 
According to one account he was driven from Samothrace by 
a flood and floated to the coast of the Troad ona raft. See 
Lycophron, Cassandra, {2 sqq., with the scholia of Tzetzes ; 
Scholia on Homer, Jl. xx. 215. As to his marriage with 
Batia, daughter of Teucer, and his succession to the kingdom, 
compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 75. 1. According to Stephanus 
Byzantius (8.v. Adp3aves), Batia, the wife of Dardanus, was 
a daughter of Tros, not of Teucer. 

Ὦ 2 

oo 

ἽἼλον καὶ ᾿Εριχθονίον, "IXos μὲν ἄπαις ἀπέθανεν, 
᾿Εριχθόνιος δὲ διαδεξάμενος τὴν βασιλείαν, γήμας 
᾿Αστυόχην᾽ τὴν Σιμόεντος, τεκνοῖ Τρῶα. οὗτος 
παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν μὲν χώραν ἀφ᾽ 
ἑαυτοῦ Τροίαν ἐκάλεσε, καὶ γήμας Καλλερρόην 
τὴν Σκαμάνδρου γεννᾷ θυγατέρα μὲν Κλεοπάτραν, 
παῖδας δὲ Ἶλον καὶ ᾿Ασσάρακον καὶ Τανυμήδην. 
τοῦτον μὲν οὖν διὰ κάλλος ἀναρπάσας Ζεὺς δι᾽ 
ἀετοῦ θεῶν οἰνοχόον ἐν οὐρανῷ κατέστησεν" ᾿Ασ- 
σαράκου δὲ καὶ ‘lepopynuns τῆς Σιμόεντος Κάπυς, 
τοῦ δὲ καὶ Θεμίστης τῆς Ἴλου ᾿Αγχίσης, ᾧ Se 
ἐρωτικὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ᾿Αφροδίτη συνελθοῦσα Αἰ- 
νείαν ἐγέννησε καὶ Λύρον, ὃς ἄπαις ἀπέθανεν. 
Ἶλος δὲ εἰς Φρυγίαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ καταλαβὼν 
ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτόθε τεθειμένον ἀγῶνα νικᾷ 
πάλην' καὶ λαβὼν ἄθλον πεντήκοντα κόρους 5 
καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσας, δόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως 
κατὰ χρησμὸν καὶ βοῦν ποικίλην, καὶ φράσαντος 

1 ἸΑστυόχην SRA: ἀστρόχην A. 
3. κόρους S: κούρους A. 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 29. As to 
Erichthonius, son of Dardanu’, see Homer, Jl. xx. 219 sqq. ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 75.2. According to Dionysius of Hali- 
carnassus (Antiquit. Rom., i. 50. 3) the names of the two 
sons whom Dardanus had by his wife Batia were Erichthonius 
and Zacynthus. 

® Compare Homer, Jl. xx. 230, who does not mention th 
mother of Tros. She is named Astyoche, daughter of Simoeis, 
by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 29) in agreement with 
Apollodorus. 

Compare Homer, 11. xx. 231 sg.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
76.8. The name of the wife of Tros is not mentioned by 
Homer and Diodorus. She is called Callirrhoe, daughter of 
Soamander, by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 29) and the 

to him, Ilus and Erichthonius, of whom Ilus died 
childless,! and Erichthonius succeeded to the king- 
dom and marrying Astyoche, daughter of Simoeis, 
begat Tros.2 On succeeding to the kingdom, Tros 
called the country Troy after himself, and marrying 
Callirrhoe, daughter of Scamander, he begat a 
daughter Cleopatra, and sons, Ilus, Assaracus, and 
Ganymede. This Ganymede, for the sake of his 
beauty, Zeus caught up on an eagle and appointed him 
cupbearer of the gods in heaven; ‘ and Assaracus had 
by his wife Hieromneme, daughter of Simoeis, a son 
Capys; and Capys had by his wife Themiste, daughter 
of Ilus, a son Anchises, whom Aphrodite met in love’s 
dalliance, and to whom she bore Aeneas ὃ and Lyrus, 
who died childless. But Ilus went to Phrygia, and 
finding games held there by the king, he was vic- 
torious in wrestling. As a prize he received fifty 
youths and as many maidens, and the king, in 
obedience to an oracle, gave him also a dappled 

Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xx. 231, who refers to Hellanicus as 
his authority. See Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem 
Townleyana, ed. Εἰ, Maass, vol. ii. p. 321. 

4 Compare Homer, Jl. xx. 232-235; Homeric Hymn to 
Aphrodite, 202 δηᾳ. These early versions of the myth do 
not mention the eagle as the agent which transported Gany- 
mede to heaven. The bird figures conspicuously in later 
versions of the myth and its representation in art. Compare 
Lucian, Dialog. deorum,iv.1; Virgil, Aen. v. 252 sqq.; Ovid, 
Metamorph. x. 155 sqq.; Scriptorea rerum mythicarum 
Latium, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 56, 139, 162, 256 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 184, Second Vatican Mythographer, 
198, Third Vatican Mythographer, 3. 5 and 15. 11). 

5 Compare Homer, Il. xx. 239 sg.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
75. 5. Neither writer names the wives of Assaracus and 
Capys. As to the love of Aphrodite for Anchises, and the 
birth of Aeneas, see Homer, Ji. ii. 819-821, v. 311-313; 
Hesiod, Theog. 1008-1010. 

ἐν ᾧπερ ἂν αὐτὴ κλιθῇ τόπῳ πόλεν κτίζειν, εἴπετο 
τῇ Bot. ἡ δὲ ἀφικομένη ἐπὶ τὸν λεγόμενον τῆς 
Φρυγίας Ατης λόφον κλίνεται" ἔνθα πόλιν κτίσας 
Ἶλος ταύτην μὲν Ἴλιον ἐκάλεσε, τῷ δὲ Act 
σημεῖον εὐξάμενος αὐτῷ τι φανῆναι, μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν 
τὸ διιπετὲς παλλάδιον πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς κείμενον 
ἐθεάσατο. ἦν δὲ τῷ μεγέθει τρίπηχν, τοῖς δὲ 
ποσὶ συμβεβηκός, καὶ τῇ μὲν δεξιᾷ δόρυ διηρ- 
μένον ' ἔχον τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ ἠλακάτην καὶ ἄτρακτον. 

1 διηρμένον Heyne: διηρτημένον A, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 355. 

1 This legend of the foundation of Llium by 11ὺ8 is repeated 
by Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 29. The site of Thebes 
is said to have been chosen in obedience to a similar oracle. 
See above, iii. 4. 1. Homer tells us (Ji. xx. 215 sgq.) that 
the foundation of Dardania on Mount Ida preceded the 
foundation of Ilium in the plain. As to the hill of Ate, com- 
pare Stephanus Byzantius, 8ιυ. Ἴλιον. 

® As tothe antique image of Pallas, known as the Palladium, 
see Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 68 sq., ii. 
66. 5; Conon, Narrationes, 34; Pausanias, i. 28. 9, ii. 23.5; 
Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iv. 47, p. 42, ed. Potter ; 
J. Malalas, Ohronogr. v. pp. 108 sg., ed. L. Dindorf ; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 355; Suidas, 8.v. Παλλάδιον ; 
Etymologicum Magnum, 8.0. Παλλάδιον, p. 649. 50; Scholiast 
on Homer, Ji. vi. 311; Virgil, Aen. ii. 162 δᾳᾳ. ; Ovid, Fast, 
‘vi, 417-436 ; td. Metamorph. xiii. 337-349; Silius ltalicus, 
Punic. xiii. 30 sqgq.; Dictys Cretensis, Bell. Trojan. v. 5; 
Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 166; Scriptores rerum mythi- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 14 ag., 45 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 40 and 142). The traditions con- 
cerning the Palladium which have come down to us are all 
comparatively late, and they differ from each other on various 
points; but the most commonly received account seems to 
have been that the image was a small wooden one, that it 
had fallen from heaven, and that so long as it remained in 
Troy the city could not be taken. The (ireek tradition was 

cow and bade him found a city wherever the animal 
should lie down; so he followed the cow. And when 
she was come to what was called the hill of the 
Phrygian Ate, she lay down; there Ilus built a 
city and called it Ilium. And having prayed to 
Zeus that a sign might be shown to him, he beheld 
by day the Palladium, fallen from heaven, lying be- 
fore his tent. It was three cubits in height, its feet 
joined together; in its right hand it held a spear 
aloft, and in the other hand a distaff and spindle.? 

that the Palladium was stolen and carried off to the Greek 
camp by Ulysses and Diomedes (see Apollodorus, Epitome, 
v. 10 and 13), and that its capture by the Greeks ensured the 
fall of Troy. The Roman tradition was that the. image re- 
mained in Troy till the city was taken by the Greeks, when 
Aeneas succeeded in rescuing it and conveying it away with 
him to Italy, where it was finally deposited in the temple of 
Vesta at Rome. These two traditions are clearly inconsistent 
with each other, and the Roman tradition further conflicts 
with the belief that the city which possessed the sacred image 
could not be captured by an enemy. Hence in order to 
maintain the genuineness of the image in the temple of Vesta, 
patriotic Roman antiquaries were driven to various expedients. 
They said, for example, that an exact copy of the Palladium 
had been publicly exposed at Troy, while the true one was 
carefully concealed in a sanctuary, and that the unsuspicious 
Greeks had‘pounced on the spurious image, while the knowing 
Aeneas smuggled away the genuine one packed up with 
the rest of his sacred luggage (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, 
Antiquit. Rom. i. 68 sq.). Or they affirmed that the thief Dio- 
medes had been constrained to restore the stolen image to its 
proper owners (First Vatican Mythographer, Jl.cc.) ; or that, 
warned by Athena in a dream, he afterwards made it over to 
Aeneas in Italy (Silius Italicus, 2c.). But the Romans were 
not the only people who claimed to possess the true Palladium ; 
the Argives maintained that it was with them (Pausanias, 11, 
23. 5), and the Athenians asserted that it was to be seen in 
their ancient court of justice which bore the very name of 
Palladium. See Pausanias, i. 28. 8 sg. ; Harpocration, s.vv. 

Ἱστορία δὲϊ ἡ περὶ τοῦ παλλαδίου τοιάδε 
φέρεται" φασὶ γεννηθεῖσαν τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν παρὰ 
Τρίτωνι τρέφεσθαι, ᾧ θυγάτηρ ἦν Παλλάς" ἀμφο- 
τέρας δὲ ἀσκούσας τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον εἰς φιλονεικίαν 

A a 4 \ V4 A 
ποτὲ προελθεῖν. μελλούσης δὲ πλήττειν τῆς Παλ- 
λάδος τὸν Δία φοβηθέντα τὴν αἰγίδα προτεῖναι,3 
τὴν δὲ εὐλαβηθεῖσαν ἀναβλέψαι, καὶ οὕτως ὑπὸ 
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τρωθεῖσαν πεσεῖν. ᾿Αθηνᾶν δὲ περί- 
λυπον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ γενομένην, ξόανον ἐκείνης ὅμοιον 
κατασκευάσαι, καὶ περιθεῖναι τοῖς στέρνοις ἣν 
ἔδεισεν αἰγίδα, καὶ τιμᾶν ἱδρυσαμένην παρὰ τῷ 
Διί.. ὕστερον δὲ λέκτρας κατὰ“ τὴν φθορὰν 

a ᾽ 
τούτῳ προσφυγούσης, Δία ῥῖψαι δ [per “Arns 

1 Heyne thought that the whole of this paragraph, relating 
to the Palladium, has been interpolated from an ancient 
author. It is omitted from the text by Hercher and 
bracketed as spurious by Wagner. 

2 προτεῖναι Faber: προθεῖναι R: προσθεῖναι R*: προσθῆ- 
var A. 

3 κατασκευάσαι R: κατασκευάσασα A, 

4 κατὰ SA: μετὰ Bekker. 

5 Δία ῥῖψαι Gale, Bekker, Wagner: διαρρίψαι SA, Tzetzes 
Schol. on Lycophron, 355, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller. 

βουλεύσεως and ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ; Suidas, διυ. ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ ; 
Julius Pollux, viii. 118 584. ; Scholiast on Aeschines, ii. 87, 
P. 298, ed. Schultz; Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca, i. p. 311, 
ines 3 sqgg. The most exact description of the appearance of 
the Palladium is the one given by Apollodorus in the present 
passage, which is quoted, with the author’s name, by 
Tzetzes (Schol. on Tycophron, 355). According to Dictys 
Cretensis (l.c.), the image fell from heaven at the time when 
Tlus was building the temple of Athena; the structure was 
nearly completed, but the roof was not yet on, 80 the Palla- 
dium dropped straight into its proper place in the sacred 
edifice. lement of Alexandria (J.c.) mentions a strange 
opinion that the Palladium ‘‘ was made out of the bones of 
Pelops, just as the Olympian (image of Zeus was made) out 

The story told about the Palladium is as follows: ' 
They say that when Athena was born she was brought 
up by Triton,? who had a daughter Pallas; and that 
both girls practised the arts of war, but that once on 
a time they fell out; and when Pallas was about 
to strike a blow, Zeus in fear interposed the aegis, 
and Pallas, being startled, looked up, and so fell 
wounded by Athena. And being exceedingly grieved 
for her, Athena made a wooden image in her like- 
ness, and wrapped the aegis, which she had feared, 
about the breast of it, and set it up beside Zeus and 
honoured it. But afterwards Electra, at the time of 
her violation,® took refuge at the image, and Zeus 
threw the Palladium along with Ate‘ into the [lian 

of other bones of an Indian beast,” that is, out of ivory. 
Pherecydes discussed the subject of palladia in general ; he 
described them as ‘‘shapes not made with hands,” and de- 
rived the name from πάλλειν, which he considered to be equi- 
valent to βάλλειν, ‘‘to throw, cast,” because these objects 
were cast down from heaven. See Tzetzes, Schol. on Ly- 
cophron, 355; Etymologicum Magnum, 3.v. Παλλάδιον, 
Pp. 649. 50. Apollodorus as usual confines himself to the 

reek tradition ; he completely ignores the Romans and their 
claim to possess the Palladium. 

1 The following account of the origin of the Palladium ᾿ 
was regarded as an interpolation by Heyne, and his view has 
been accepted by Hercher and Wagner. But the passage 
was known to Tzetzes, who quotes it (Schol. on Lycophron, 
355) immediately after his description of the image, which 
he expressly borrowed from Apollodorus. 

2 Apparently the god of the river Triton, which was com- 
monly supposed to be in Libya, though some people identified 
it with a small stream in Boeotia See Herodotus, iv. 180 ; 
Pausanias, ix. 838. 7; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 519; 
compare Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 109. 

3 See above, iii. 12. 1. 

4 Homer tells (Ji. xix. 126-131) how Zeus in anger swore 
that Ate should never again come to Olympus, and how he 
seized her by the head and flung her from heaven. 

cai]! τὸ παλλάδιον εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα χώραν, "Tov 
δὲ τούτῳ * ναὸν κατασκευάσαντα τιμᾶν. καὶ περὶ 
μὲν τοῦ παλλαδίον ταῦτα λέγεται. 

Ἶλος δὲ γήμας Εὐρυδίκην τὴν ᾿Αδράστου 
Λαομέδοντα ἐγέννησεν, ὃς γαμεῖ Στρυμὼ τὴν 
Σκαμάνδρου, κατὰ δέ τινας Πλακίαν τὴν ᾿Οτρέως,5 
κατ᾽ ἐνίους δὲ Λευκίππην," καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδας μὲν 
Τιθωνὸν Λάμπον ὅ Κλυτίον ‘Ixetdova ἸΠοδάρκην, 
θυγατέρας δὲ Ἡσιόνην καὶ Κίλλαν καὶ ᾿Αστυόχην, 
ἐκ δὲ νύμφης Καλύβης Βουκολίωνα. 

Τιθωνὸν μὲν οὖν ᾿Ηὼς ἁρπάσασα δι᾽ ἔρωτα εἰς 
Αἰθιοπίαν κομίζει, κἀκεῖ συνελθοῦσα γεννᾷ παῖδας 
᾿Ημαθίωνα καὶ Μέμνονα. μετὰ δὲ τὸ αἱρεθῆναι 

1 μετ᾽ “Arns καὶ. Heyne was probably right in regarding 
these words as an interpolation introduced by a scribe who 
remembered that Ate was flung from heaven by Zeus 
(Homer, Jl. xix. 131 eq.). For "Ατης, which is a conjecture 
of Gale’s, the MSS. (SA) read αὐτῆς, which is retained by 
Miiller, Bekker, and Wagner. The words μετ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ are 
not bracketed by Wagner. 

3 τούτῳ S: τούτου A, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 355: 
τοῦτο Heyne. 8 *Orpéws Hercher: ἀτρέως A. 

4 Λευκίππην Heyne (conjecture), Bekker, Hercher, Wag- 
ner: Λευκίππου A, Heyne (in text), Westermann, Miiller. 
The reading Λευκίππην is supported by Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 18, who says that the mother of Priam (Po- 
darces) was Leucippe. . 

δ Λάμπον R, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner (compare Homer, 
Il. iii. 147, xix. 238): λάμπωνα A, Westermann, Miiller. 

2 Compare Homer, Jl. xx. 236. Homer does not mention 
the mother of Laomedon. According to one Scholiast on the 

assage she was Eurydice, daughter of Adrastus, as Apollo- 
Horus has it; according to another she was Batia, daughter 
of Teucer. But if the family tree recorded by Apollodorus 
is correct, Batia could hardly have been the wife of Ilus, 
since she was his great-grandmother. 

country ; and Ilus built a temple for it, and honoured 
it. Such is the legend of the Palladium. 

And Ilus married Eurydice, daughter of Adrastus, 
and begat Laomedon,! who married Strymo, daughter 
of Scamander; but according to some his wife was 
Placia, daughter of Otreus, and according to others 
she was Leucippe; and he begat five sons, Tithonus, 
Lampus, Clytius, Hicetaon, Podarces,? and three 
daughters, Hesione, Cilla, and Astyoche; and by a 
nymph Calybe he had a son Bucolion.?® 

Now the Dawn snatched away Tithonus for love 
and brought him to Ethiopia, and there consorting 
with him she bore two sons, Emathion and Memnon.*‘ 

2 Compare Homer, Jl. xx. 237 sg., with whom Apollodorus 
agrees as to Laomedon’s five sons. Homer does not mention 
Laomedon’s wife nor his daughters. According to a Scholiast 
on Homer, Jl. iii. 250, his wife’s name was Zeuxippe or 
Strymo ; for the former name he cites the authority of the 
poet Alcman, for the latter the authority of the historian 
Hellanicus. Apollodorus may have followed Hellanicus, 
though he was acquainted with other traditions. According 
to Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 18), Priam and Tithonus 
were sons of Laomedon by different mothers ; the mother of 
Priam was Leucippe, the mother of Tithonus was Strymo or 
Rhoeo, daughter of Scamander. The Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. xi. 1, speaks of Tithonus as a son of Laomedon by Strymo, 
daughter of Scamander. 

8 Compare Homer, 171. vi. 23 sqq., who says that Bucolion 
was the eldest son of Laomedon, but illegitimate and one of 
twins. 

‘ As to the love of Dawn (Kos) for Tithonus, see the 
Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, 218 sqq.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 18. Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xi. 1; Propertius, ii. 18. 
7-18, ed. Butler. Homer speaks of Dawn (Aurora) rising from 
the bed of Tithonus (JI. xi. 1 δᾳ.; Od. v. 1 sq.). According to 
the author of the Homeric hymn, Dawn obtained from 
Zeus for her lover the boon of immortality ; according to the 
Scholiast on Homer, it was Tithonus himself who asked and 

Ιλιον ὑπὸ “Hpardéous, ὡς μικρὸν πρόσθεν ἡμῖν 
λέλεκται, ἐβασίλευσε Ποδάρκης ὁ κληθεὶς ΤΙ|ρί- 
αμος'" καὶ γαμεῖ πρώτην ᾿Αρίσβην τὴν Μέροπος, 
ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖς Αἴσακος γίνεται, ὃς ἔγημεν 
᾿Αστερόπην' τὴν Κεβρῆνος θυγατέρα, ἣν πενθῶν 
ἀποθανοῦσαν ἀπωρνεώθη. ἸΠρίαμος δὲ ᾿Αρίσβην 
ἐκδοὺς Ὕρτάκῳ δευτέραν ἔγημεν κάβην τὴν 
Δύμαντος, ἢ ὥς τινές φασι Κισσέως, ἢ ὡς ἕτεροι 
λέγουσι Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ καὶ Μετώπης. γεν- 
νᾶται δὲ αὐτῇ ὃ πρῶτος μὲν Εκτωρ" δευτέρου δὲ 

1 ῬΑστερόπην Commelinus: στερόπην SA. 
2 αὐτῇ A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher : 
αὐτῷ S, Wagner. 

obtained the boon from the loving goddess. But the boon 
turned to be a bane; for neither he nor she had remembered 
to ask for freedom from the infirmities of age. So when he 
was old and white-headed and could not stir hand or foot, he 
prayed for death as a release from his sufferings ; but die he 
could not, for he was immortal. Hence the goddess in pity 
either shut him up in his chamber and closed the shining 
doors on him, leaving him to lisp and babble there eternally, 
or she turned him into a grasshopper, the most musical of 
insects, that she might have the joy of hearing her lover’s 
voice sounding for ever in her ears. The former and sadder 
fate is vouched for by the hymn writer, the latter by the 
Scholiast. Tzetzes perhaps lets us into the secret of the 
transformation when he tells us (/.c.) that ‘‘the grasshoppers, 
like the snakes, when they are old, slough their old age” (7d 
γῆρας, literally ‘‘old age,” but applied by the Greeks to the 
cast skins of serpents). It is a widespread notion among 
savages, which the ancestors of the Greeks apparently shared, 
that creatures which cast their skins, thereby renew their 
youth and live for ever. See Folk-lore in the Old Testament, 
1. 66 sqg. The ancient Latins seem also to have cherished 
the same illusion, for they applied the same name (senecta or 
senectus) to old age and to the cast skins of serpents. 
1 See above, ii. 6. 4. 

But after that [lium wags captured by Hercules, as 
we have related a little before,! Podarces, who was 
called Priam, came to the throne, and he married 
first Arisbe, daughter of Merops, by whom he had a 
son Aesacus, who married Asterope, daughtet of 
Cebren, and when she died he mourned for her and 
was turned into a bird.2, But Priam handed over 
Arisbe to Hyrtacus and married a second wife Hecuba, 
daughter of Dymas, or, as some say, of Cisseus, or, as 
others say, of the river Sangarius and Metope.? The 
first son born to her was Hector; and when a second 

2 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 224, who seems 
to follow Apollodorus. The bird into which the mourner 
was transformed appears to have been a species of diver. 
See Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 749-795 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 
iv. 254, v. 128. 

3 According to Homer (J/. xvi. 718 eg.) Hecuba was a 
daughter of Dymas, “ who dwelt in Phrygia by the streams 
of Sangarius.”” But Euripides (Hecuba, 3) represents her as 
a daughter of Cisseus, and herein he is followed by Virgil, 
(Aen. vii. 320, x. 705). The mythographers Hyginus and 
Tzetzes leave it an open question whether Hecuba was a 
daughter of Cisseus or of Dymas. See Hyginus, Fab. 91, 
111, 249; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, Introd. p. 266, 
ed. Miiller. Compare the Scholiast on Euripides, Hecuba, 3: 
‘*Pherecydes writes thus: And Priam, son of Laomedon, 
marries Hecuba, daughter of Dymas, son of Eioneus, son of 
Proteus, or of the river Sangarius, by a Naiad nymph Eva- 
gora. But some have recorded that Hecuba’s mother was 
Glaucippe, daughter of Xanthus. But Nicander, in agree- 
ment with Euripides, says that Hecuba was a daughter of © 
Cisseus.” The Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xvi. 718, says that 
according to Pherecydes the father of Hecuba was Dymas 
and her mother was a nymph Eunoe, but that according to 
Athenion her father was Cisseus and her mother Teleclia. 
Thus it would appear that after all we cannot answer with 
any confidence the question with which the emperor Tiberius 
loved to pose the grammarians of his time, ‘‘Who was 
Hecuba’s mother?” See Suetonius, Tiberius, 70. 

γεννᾶσθαι μέλλοντος βρέφους ἔδοξεν ᾿Εκάβη καθ᾽ 
ὕπνους ! δαλὸν τεκεῖν διάπυρον, τοῦτον δὲ πᾶσαν 
ἐπινέμεσθαε τὴν πόλιν καὶ καίειν. μαθὼν δὲ 
Πρίαμος παρ᾽ Ἑκάβης τὸν ὄνειρον, Αἴσακον τὸν 
υἱὸν μετεπέμψατοΣ ἦν yap dvetpoxpitns παρὰ 
τοῦ μητροπάτορος Μέροπος διδαχθείς. οὗτος 
εἰπὼν τῆς πατρίδος γενέσθαι τὸν παῖδα ἀπώλειαν, 
4 a Ἁ / > + , ’ ς 3 
ἐκθεῖναι τὸ βρέφος ἐκέλευε. ἸΠρίαμος δέ, ws ἐγεν- 
νήθη τὸ βρέφος, δίδωσιν ἐκθεῖναι οἰκέτῃ κομί- 
8 939 ΜΝ e Ἁ > , 3 I 3 4 
σαντιὃ εἰς Ἴδην" ὁ δὲ οἰκέτης ᾿Αγέλαος ὠνομάζετο. 
\ \ 3 A e Ἁ [4 “ ’ 3 e f 
τὸ δὲ 'ἐκτεθὲν ὑπὸ τούτου βρέφος πένθ᾽ ἡμέρας 
ὑπὸ ἄρκτου ὁ ἐτράφη. ὁ δὲ σωζόμενον εὑρὼν avat- 
ρεῖται, καὶ κομίσας ἐπὶ τῶν χωρίων ὡς ἴδιον παῖδα 
ἔτρεφεν, ὀνομάσας Ἰ]άριν. γενόμενος δὲ νεανίσκος 
καὶ πολλῶν διαφέρων κάλλει τε καὶ ῥώμῃ αὖθις 
᾿Αλέξανδρος προσωνομάσθη, λῃστὰς ἀμυνόμενος ὅ 
καὶ τοῖς ποιμνίοις ἀλεξήσας [, ὅπερ ἐστὶ βοηθή- 
σας]. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τοὺς γονέας ἀνεῦρε. 
A ς 
Μετὰ τοῦτον ἐγέννησεν “Ἑκάβη θυγατέρας μὲν 

1 καθ᾽ ὕπνους SR: καθ᾽ ὕπαρ A. 

2 μετεπέμψατο S: κατεπέμψατο A. 

3 κομίσαντι SA, Wagner: κομίσοντι Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker: κομιοῦντι Hercher. 

4 ἄρκτου SR: ἄρτον A. 

5 ἀμυνόμενος SA, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Wagner: duuvyduevos Hercher. 

§ ὅπερ ἐστὶ βοηθήσας omitted as a gloss by Hercher and 
Wagner. “ 

1 For Hecuba’s dream and the exposure of the infant 
Paris, see Pindar, pp. 544, 546, ed. Sandys ; Scholiast on 
Homer, Il. iii. 325; Tzetzee, Schol. on Lycophron, 86; 
Cicero, De divinatione, i. 21. 42; Hyginus, Fab. 91; Scrip- 

babe was about to be born Hecuba dreamed she 
had brought forth a firebrand, and that the fire 
spread over the whole city and burned it.) When 
Priam learned of the dream from Hecuba, he sent for 
his son Aesacus, for he was an interpreter of dreams, 
having been taught by his mother’s father Merops. 
He declared that the child was begotten to be the 
ruin of his country and advised that the babe should 
be exposed. When the babe was born Priam gave 
it to a servant to take and expose on Ida; now the 
servant was named Agelaus. Exposed by him, the 
infant was nursed for five days by a bear; and, when 
he found it safe, he took it up, carried it away, brought 
it up as his own son on his farm, and named him 
Paris. When he grew to be a young man, Paris 
excelled many in beauty and strength, and was 
afterwards. surnamed Alexander, because he repelled 
robbers and defended the flocks.2 And not long 
afterwards he discovered his parents. 

After him Hecuba gave birth to daughters, Creusa, 

tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
139 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 197). The dream is 
alluded to, though not expressly mentioned, by Euripides 
(Troades, 919 sqq.) and Virgil (Aen. vii. 319 sqq.). The warn- 
ing given by the diviner Aesacus is recorded also by Tzetzes 
(Schol. on Lycophron, 224), according to whom the sage 
advised to put both mother and child to death. Euripides 
(Andromache, 293 sqq.) represents Cassandra shrieking in a 
prophetic frenzy to kill the ill-omened babe. The suckling 
of the infant Paris for five days by a she-bear seems to be 
mentioned only by Apollodorus. 

? Apollodorus apparently derives the name Alexander from 
ἀλέξω ‘to defend” and ἀνδρός, the genitive of ‘‘man.” As the 
verb was somewhat archaic, he explains it by the more famil- 
iar βοηθῶ, if indeed the explanation be not a marginal gloss. 
See the Critical Note. 

ἰμαω 

Κρέουσαν Λαοδίκην Πολυξένην Κασάνδραν, 7 
συνελθεῖν βουλόμενος ᾿Απόλλων τὴν μαντικὴν 
ὑπέσχετο διδάξειν. ἡ δὲ μαθοῦσα οὐ συνῆλθεν" 
ὅθεν ᾿Απόλλων ἀφείλετο τῆς μαντικῆς αὐτῆς τὸ 
πείθειν. αὖθις δὲ παῖδας ἐγέννησε Δηίφοβον 
Ἕλενον Πάμμονα ἸΠολίτην “Avtipov ἹἹππόνοον 
Πολύδωρον Τρωίλον' τοῦτον ἐξ᾿ Απόλλωνος λέγε- 
ται γεγεννηκέναι. 

Ἔκ δὲ ἄλλων γυναικῶν ἸΠριάμῳ παῖδες γίνον- 
ται Μελάνιππος Γοργυθίων Φιλαίμων [Ἱππόθοος 
Γλαῦκος, ᾿Αγάθων Χερσιδάμας Εὐαγόρας ἽἽππο- 
δάμας Μήστωρ,"Ατας Δόρυκλος Λυκάων Δρύοψ' 
Βίας, Χρομίος ᾿Αστύγονος Τελέστας Εἰὔανδρος 
Κεβριόνης, Mirsos? ᾿Αρχέμαχος Λαοδόκος ᾿Εχέ- 
φρων ᾿Ιδομενεύς, Ὑπερίων ᾿Ασκάνιος Δημοκόων 
“Apytos Δηιοπίτης, Κλονίος ᾿Εχέμμων “Treipoyos 
Αὐγεωνεὺς Λυσίθοος TloAupédwv, θυγατέρες δὲ 
Μέδουσα Μηδεσικάστη Λυσιμάχη ᾿Δριστοδήμη. 

1 Μύλιος R: μήλιος A. Wagner compares Stephanus 

Byzantius, Μύλιοι (Μύλισιν ed. Westermann), ἔθνος Φρνγίας. 
'Ἑκαταῖος ᾿Ασίᾳ. 

1 Laodice is mentioned by Homer as the fairest of Priam’s 
daughters and the wife of Helicaon (Iliad, iii. 122 sqq., 
vi. 252). . 

2 Compare Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1202-1212; Hyginus, 
Fab. 93; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 247; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 55, 139 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 180; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 196). According to Servius (i.c.), Apollo deprived 

assandra of the power of persuading men of the truth of 
her prophecies by spitting into her mouth. We have seen 
that by a similar procedure Glaucus was robbed of the faculty 
of divination. See above, iii. 3. 2, An entirely different 
account of the way in which Cassandra and her twin brother 

Laodice,! Polyxena, and Cassandra. Wishing to gain 
Cassandra's favours, Apollo promised to teach her 
the art of prophecy; she learned the art but refused 
her favours; hence Apollo deprived her prophecy of 
power to persuade.?, Afterwards Hecuba bore sons,?. 
Deiphobus, Helenus, Pammon, Polites, Antiphus, 
Hipponous, Polydorus, and Troilus: this last she is 
said to have had by Apollo. 

By other women Priam had sons, to wit, Melanip- 
pus, Gorgythion, Philaemon, Hippothous, Glaucus, 
Agathon, Chersidamas, Evagoras, Hippodamas, Mestor, 
Atas, Doryclus, Lycaon, Dryops, Bias, Chromius, 
Astygonus, Telestas, Evander, Cebriones, Mylius, 
Archemachus, Laodocus, Echephron, Idomeneus, 
Hyperion, Ascanius, Democoon, Aretus, Deiopites, 
Clonius, Echemmon, Hypirochus, Aegeoneus, Lysi- 
thous, Polymedon; and daughters, to wit, Medusa, 
Medesicaste, Lysimache, and Aristodeme. 

Helenus acquired the gift of prophecy is given by a Scholiast 
on Homer, 7]. vii. 44. He says that when the festival in 
honour of the birth of the twins was being held in the 
sanctuary of the Thymbraean Apollo, the two children 
Played with each other there and fell asleep in the temple. 
eantime the parents and their friends, flushed with wine, 
had gone home, forgetting all about the twins whose birth 
had given occasion to the festivity. Next morning, when 
they were sober, they returned to the temple and found the 
sacred serpente urging with their tongues the organs of 
sense of the children. Frightened by the cry which the 
women raised at the strange sight, the serpents disappeared 
among the laurel boughs which lay beside the infants on the 
floor ; but from that hour Cassandra and Helenus possessed 
the gift of prophecy. For this story the Scholiast refers to 
the authority of Anticlides. In hke manner Melampus is 
said to have acquired the art of soothsaying through the 
action of serpents which licked his ears. See above, i. 9. 11. 
3 Compare Homer, 71. xxiv. 248 sqq. ; Hyginus, Fab. 90. 

VOL, 11. E 

Ἕκτωρ μὲν οὖν ᾿Ανδρομάχην τὴν Ἠετίωνος 
γαμεῖ, ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ Οἰνώνην τὴν Κεβρῆνος τοῦ 
ποταμοῦ θυγατέρα. αὕτη παρὰ Ῥέας τὴν μαντι- 
κὴν μαθοῦσα προέλεγεν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ μὴ πλεῖν ἐπὶ 
Ἑλένην. μὴ πείθουσα δὲ εἶπεν, ἐὰν τρωθῇ, παρα- 
γενέσθαι πρὸς αὐτήν" μόνην! γὰρ θεραπεῦσαι 
δύνασθαι. τὸν δὲ ᾿Ελένην ἐκ Σπάρτης ἁρπάσαι, 

’ \ [4 lA e XN 

πολεμουμένης δὲ Τροίας τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ Φιλο- 

/ 4 e / \ > » 9 
κτήτου τόξοις Ἡρακλείοις πρὸς Οἰνώνην ἐπανελ- 
θεῖν εἰς Ἴδην. ἡ δὲ μνησικακοῦσα θεραπεύσειν οὐκ 
μή 3 ’ \ 4 3 / 
ἔφη. ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν εἰς Τροίαν κομιζόμενος 
ἐτελεύτα, Οἰνώνη δὲ μετανοήσασα τὰ πρὸς θερα- 
πείαν φάρμακα ἔφερε, καὶ καταλαβοῦσα αὐτὸν 
νεκρὸν ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησεν. 

Ὁ δὲ ᾿Ασωπὸς ποταμὸς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ καὶ Τηθύος, 
ὡς δὲ ᾿Ακουσίλαος λέγει, Πηροῦς καὶ ἸΤοσειδῶνος, 
ὡς δέ τινες, Διὸς καὶ Εὐρυνόμης. τούτῳ Μετώπη 
γημαμένη ὃ (Λάδωνος δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγάτηρ 
αὕτη) δύο μὲν παῖδας ἐγέννησεν, ᾿Ισμηνὸν καὶ 

, y \ ἢ Φ 4 ἢ 
Πελάγοντα, εἴκοσι δὲ θυγατέρας, ὧν μὲν ὁ μίαν 
Αἴγιναν ἥρπασε Ζεύς. ταύτην ᾿Ασωπὸς ξητῶν 

1 μόνην SR: μόνη A. 

3 θεραπεύσειν SR (compend.), Hercher, Wagner: θερα- 
wevoa: A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

8 rouTp Μετώπη γημαμένη R (compend.), Wagner: οὗτος 
Μετώπην ynuduevos A, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker : 
οὗτος Μετώπην γήμας Hercher. 

4 μὲν omitted by Hercher, perhaps rightly. 

1 See Homer, Jl. vi. 395 sqg., where it is said that Eetion 
was king of Thebe in Cilicia, 

59° 

-«-- .«---- eee - 

Now Hector married Andromache, daughter of 
Fetion,! and Alexander married Oenone, daughter 
of the river Cebren.2, She had learned from Rhea 
the art of prophecy, and warned Alexander not to 
sail to fetch Helen; but failing to persuade him, 
she told him to come to her if he were wounded, 
for she alone could heal him. When he had 
carried off Helen from Sparta and Troy was be- 
sieged, he was shot by Philoctetes with the bow 
of Hercules, and went back to Oenone on Ida. But 
she, nursing her grievance, refused to heal him. So 
Alexander was carried to Troy and died. But Oenone 
repented her, and brought the healing drugs; and 
finding him dead she hanged herself. 

The Asopus river was a son of Ocean and Tethys, 
or, as Acusilaus says, of Pero and Poseidon, or, 
according to some, of Zeus and Eurynome. Him 
Metope, herself a daughter of the river Ladon, 
married and bore two sons, Ismenus and Pelagon, 
and twenty daughters, of whom one, Aegina, was 
carried off by Zeus.5 In search of her Asopus came 

2 For the loves of Paris and Oenone, and their tragic end, 
compare Conon, Narrat. 23; Parthenius, Narrat. 4; Ovid, 
Heroides, v. 

3 As to the river-god Asopus and his family, see Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 72. 1-5; Pausanias, ii. 5. 1 eg., v. 22. 6. Accord- 
ing to Diodorus, Asopus was a son of Ocean and Tethys ; he 
married Metope, daughter of the Ladon, by whom he had 
two sons and twelve daughters. Asopus, the father of Aegina, 
is identified by Diodorus and Pausanias with the Phliasian 
or Sicyonian river of that name; but the patriotic Boeotian 
poet Pindar seems to claim the honour for the Boeotian Asopus 
(Isthm. viii. 16 (35) sqq.), and he is naturally supported by 
his Scholiast (on v. 17 (37) of that poem) as well as by Statius 

gE 2 

ἧκεν εἰς Κόρινθον, καὶ μανθάνεε παρὰ Σισύφου 
τὸν ἡρπακότα εἶναι Δία. Ζεὺς δὲ ᾿Ασωπὸν μὲν 
κεραυνώσας διώκοντα πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπέ- 
πεῤψε ῥεῖθρα (διὰ τοῦτο μέχρι καὶ νῦν ἐκ τῶν 
τούτου ῥείθρων ἄνθρακες φέρονται), Αἴγιναν δὲ 
κομίσας 1 εἰς τὴν τότε Οἰνώνην λεγομένην νῆσον, 
νῦν δὲ Αἴγιναν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης κληθεῖσαν, μίγνυται, 
καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς Αἰακόν. τούτῳ Ζεὺς 
ὄντι μόνῳ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τοὺς μύρμηκας ἀνθρώπους 
ἐποίησε. γαμεῖ δὲ Αἰακὸς ᾿Ενδηίδα τὴν Σκείρωνος, 
ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες ἐγένοντο Πηλεύς τε καὶ Te- 
λαμών. Φερεκύδης δέ φησι Τελαμῶνα φίλον, οὐκ 
ἀδελφὸν Πηλέως εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Ακταίον παῖδα καὶ 
Γλαύκης τῆς Κυχρέως. μίγνυται δὲ αὖθις Αἰακὸς 

1 κομίσας Hercher, Wagner: εἰσκομίσας A, Heyne, ‘Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker. 

(Theb. vii. 315 sqq.) and his Scholiast, Lactantius Placidus 
(on Dhedb. vii. 424). The Phliasians even went so far as to 
assert that their Asopus was the father of Thebe, who gave her 
name to the Boeotian Thebes; but this view the Thebans 
could not accept (Pausanias, ii. 5. 2). 

1 Compare above, i. 9. 3; Pausanias, ii. 5. 1. 

2 Compare Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 78 ; Scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 117. 

® According to Lactantius Placidus (on Statius, Theb. vii. 
315), live coals were to be found in the Asopus, and Statius, 
in his windy style (Theb. vii. 325 sqq.), talks of the ‘‘brave 
river blowing ashes of thunderbolts and Aetnaean vapours 
from its panting banks to the sky,” which may be a poetical 
description of river-mists. But both the poet and his dutiful 
commentator here refer to the Boeotian Asopus, whereas 
Apollodorus probably refers to the Phliasian river of that 
name, 

4 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72.5; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 52. As toOcenone, the ancient name of Aegina, 
compare Pindar, Nem. iv. 46 (75), v. 16 (29), viii. 7 (12), 

§2 

to Corinth, and learned from Sisyphus that the 
ravisher was Zeus.!_ Asopus pursued him, but Zeus, 
by hurling thunderbolts, sent him away back to his 
own streams ;” hence coals are fetched to this day 
from the streams of that river.’ And having con- 
veyed Aegina to the island then named Oenone, but 
now called Aegina after her, Zeus cohabited with her 
and begot a son Aeacus on her. As Aeacus was 
alone in the island, Zeus made the ants into men for 
him.5 And Aeacus married Endeis, daughter of 
Sciron, by whom he had two sons, Peleus and Tela- 
mon.® But Pherecydes says that Telamon was a 
friend, not a brother of Peleus, he being a son of 
Actaeus and Glauce, daughter of Cychreus.’ After- 

Isthm. v. 34 (44); Herodotus, viii. 46; Strabo, viii. 6. 16, 
p. 375; Hyginus, Fab. 52. Another old name for Aegina 
was Oenopia. See Pindar, Nem. viii. 21 (45); Ovid, Meta- 
morph. vii. 472 sqq. 

5 As to the transformation of the ants into men see Hesiod, 
quoted by the Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. iii. 13 (21), and by 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 176; Scholiast on Homer, 
Tl. i. 180; Strabo, viii. 6. 16, p. 375; Hyginus, Fab. 52; 
Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 614 eqq.; Scriptores rerum mythi- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 23, 142 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 67; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
204). The fable is clearly based on the false etymology which 
derived the name Myrmidons from μύρμηκες, ‘‘ants.” Strabo 
(i.c.) attempted to rationalize the myth. 

6 Compare Plutarch, Theseus, 10; Pausanias, ii. 29. 9; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Andromache, 687. According to 
another account, Endeis, the mother of Telamon and Peleus, 
was a daughter of Chiron. See Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. v. 
7 (12); Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xvi. 14; Hyginus, Fab. 14. 

7 This account of the parentage of Telamon, for which we 
have the authority of the old writer Pherecydes (about 480 
B.C.), is probably earlier than the one which represents him 
as a son of Aeacus. According to it, Telamon was a native, 
not of Aegina, but of Salamis, his mother Glauce heing a 

Ψαμάθῃ τῇ Νηρέως εἰς φώκην ἠλλαγμένῃ διὰ τὸ 
μὴ βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδᾳ Φῶκον. 

Ἦν δὲ εὐσεβέστατος πάντων 2 Αἰακός. διὸ καὶ 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατεχούσης ἀφορίας διὰ Πέλοπα, 
Ψ 4 A a “A 3 ’ nw 
ὅτι Στυμφάλῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων πολεμῶν 
καὶ τὴν ᾿Αρκαδίαν ἑλεῖν μὴ δυνάμενος, προσποιη- 
σάμενος φιλίαν ἔκτεινεν αὐτὸν καὶ διέσπειρε μελί- 
σας, χρησμοὶδ θεῶν ἔλεγον ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν 
3 a A. ¢ 4 2\ 2 ‘ eA 
ἐνεστώτων κακῶν τὴν Βλλάδα, ἐὰν Αἰακὸς ὕπερ 
αὐτῆς εὐχὰς ποιήσηται ποιησαμένου δὲ εὐχὰς 
Αἰακοῦ τῆς ἀκαρπίας ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς ἀπαλλάττεται. 

1 φώκην S, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: φύκην RORS, 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller: φύλην A. 

2 πάντων ES: ἁπάντων A. 
3 χρησμοὶ 8: χρησμοὶ δὲ A. 

daughter of Cychreus, king of Salamis (as to whom see below, 
iii, 12. 7). It is certain that the later life of Telamon was 
associated with Salamis, where, according to one account . 
(Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7), he married Glauce, daughter of 
Cychreus, king of Salamis, the very woman whom the other 
and perhaps later version of the legend represented as his 
mother. See Sir R. C. Jebb, Sophocles, Ajax (Cambridge, 
1896), Introduction, § 4, pp. xvii 84. 

1 Compare Hesiod, Theog. 1003 δᾳφ. ; Pindar, Nem. v. 12 
(21) sq.; Scholiast on Euripides, Andromache, 687, who 
mentions the transformation of the sea-nymph into a seal. 
The children of Phocus settled in Phocis and gave their name 
to the country. See Pausanias, ii. 29; 2, x. 1.1, x. 30. 4. 
Thus we have an instance of a Greek people, the Phocians, 
who traced their name and their lineage to an animal 
ancestress. But it would be rash to infer that the seal was 
the totem of the Phocians. There is no evidence that they 
regarded the seal with any superstitious respect, though the 
people of Phocaea, in Asia Minor, who were Phocians by 

escent (Pausanias, vii. 3. 10), put the figure of a seal on 
their earliest coins. But this was robably no more than a 
punning badge, like the rose of Rhodes and the wild celery 

wards Aeacus cohabited with Psamathe, daughter of 
Nereus, who turned herself into a seal to avoid his 
embraces, and he begot a son Phocus.} 

Now Aeacus was the most pious of men. Therefore,’ 
when Greece suffered from infertility on account of 
Pelops, because in a war with Stymphalus, king of 
the Arcadians, being unable to conquer Arcadia, he 
slew the king under a pretence of friendship, and 
scattered his mangled limbs, oracles of the gods 
declared that Greece would be rid of its present 
calamities if Aeacus would offer prayers on its be- 
half. So Aeacus did offer prayers, and Greece was 
delivered from the dearth.2 Even after his death 

(selinon) of Selinus. See George Macdonald, Qoin Types 
(Glasgow, 1905), pp. 17, 41, 50. 

2 Compare Isocrates, Evagoras, 14 8q.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 61. 1 sg. ; Pausanias, ii. 29. 7 sq. ; Clement of Alexandria, 
Strom. vi. 3. 28, p. 753; Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. v. 9 (17). 
Tradition ran that a prolonged drought had withered up the 
fruits of the earth all over Greece, and that Aeacus, as the 
son of the sky-god Zeus, was deemed the person most 
naturally fitted to obtain from his heavenly father the rain 
so urgently needed by the parched earth and the dying corn. 
So the Greeks sent envoys to him to request that he would 
intercede with Zeus to save the crops and the people. ‘‘Com- 
plying with their petition, Aeacus ascended the Hellenic 
mountain and stretching out pure hands to heaven he called 
on the common god, and prayed him to take pity on afflicted 
Greece. And even while he prayed a loud clap of thunder 
pealed, and all the surrounding sky was overcast, and furious 
and continuous showers of rain burst out and flooded the 
whole land. Thus was exuberant fertility procured for the 
fruits of the earth by the prayers of Aeacus” (Clement of 
Alexandria, i.c.). In gratitude for this timely answer to his 
prayers Aeacus is said to have built a sanctuary of Zeus on 
Mount Panhellenius in Aegina (Pausanias, ii. 30. 4). No 
place could well be more appropriate for a temple of the rain- 
god; for the sharp peak of Mount Panhellenius, the highest 
mountain of Aeyina, is a conspicuous landmark viewed from 

τιμᾶται δὲ καὶ παρὰ Πλούτωνι τελευτήσας Αἰακός, 
καὶ τὰς κλεῖς TOD” Acdov φυλάττει. 

Διαφέροντος δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι Φώκου, τοὺς 
ἀδελφοὺς ' Πηλέα καὶ Τελαμῶνα ἐπιβουλεῦσαι" 
καὶ λαχὼν κλήρῳ Τελαμὼν συγγυμναξόμενον av- 
τὸν βαλὼν δίσκῳ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς κτείνει, καὶ 
κομίσας μετὰ Πηλέως κρύπτει κατά τινος ὕλης. 
φωραθέντος δὲ τοῦ φόνου φυγάδες ἀπὸ Αἰγίνης ὑπὸ 
Αἰακοῦ ἐλαύνονται. καὶ Τελαμὼν μὲν εἰς Σαλα- 

1 ἀδελφούς «φασιν» Eberhard. 

all the neighbouring coasts of the gulf, and in antiquity a 
cloud settling on the mountain was regarded as a sign of rain 
(Theophrastus, De signis tempesiat. i. 24). According to 
Apollodorus, the cause of the dearth had been a crime of 
Pelops, who had treacherously murdered Stymphalus, king 
of Arcadia, and scattered the fragments of his mangled body 
abroad. This crime seems not to be mentioned by any other 
ancient writer; but Diodorus Siculus in like manner traces 
the calamity to a treacherous murder. He says (iv. 61. 1) 
that to punish the Athenians for the assassination of his son 
Androgeus, the Cretan king Minos prayed to Zeus that 
Athens might be afflicted with drought and famine, and that 
these evils soon spread over Attica and Greece. Similarly 
Alecmaeon’s matricide was believed to have entailed a failure 
of the crops. See above, iii. 7. 5 with the note. 

1 In some late Greek verses, inscribed on the tomb of a 
religious sceptic at Rome, Aeacus is spoken of as the warder 
or key-holder (κλειδοῦχος) of the infernal regions; but in the 
same breath the poet assures us that these regions, with all 
their inmates, were mere fables, and that of the dead there 
remained no more than the bones and ashes. See Corpus 
{necriptionum Graecarum, vol. iii. p. 933, No. 6298; G. 
Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lagidibus conlecta (Berlin, 
1878), pp. 262 sg., No. 646. Elsewhere Pluto himself was 
represented in art holding in his hand the key of Hades. 
See Pausanias, v. 20. 3. According to Isocrates (Hvaguras, 
15), Aeacus enjoyed the greatest honours after death, sitting 

Aeacus is honoured in the abode of Pluto, and keeps 
the keys of Hades.} 

As Phocus excelled in athletic sports, his brothers 
Peleus and Telamon plotted against him, and the lot 
falling on Telamon, he killed his brother in a match 
by throwing a quoit at his head, and with the help 
of Peleus carried the body and hid it in a wood. But 
the murder being detected, the two were driven 
fugitives from Aegina by Aeacus.2 And Telamon 

as assessor with Pluto and Proserpine. Plato represents him 
as judging the dead along with Minos, Rhadamanthys, and 
Triptolemus (Apology, 32, p. 41), it being his special duty 
to try the souls of those who came from Europe, while his 
colleague Rhadamanthys dealt with those that came from 
Asia (Gorgias, 79, p. 5244); apparently no provision was 
made for African ghosts. Lucian depicts Aeacus playing a 
less dignified part in the lower world as a sort of ticket- 
collector or customhouse officer (reAdvns), whose business it 
was to examine the ghostly passengers on landing from the 
ferry-boat, count them, and see that they had paid the fare. 
See Lucian, Cataplus, 4, Charon, 2. Elsewhere he speaks 
of Aeacus as keeping the gate of Hades (Dialog. Mort. xx. 1). 

2 As to the murder of Phocus and the exile of Peleus and 
Telamon, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 6 sg. (who represents 
the death as accidental) ; Pausanias, ii. 29. 9 sg. ; Scholia on 
Pindar, Nem. v. 14 (25) ; Scholia on Euripides, Andromache, 
687 (quoting verses from the Alcmaeonis); Scholiast on 
Homer, Jl. xvi. 14; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 38; 
Plutarch, Parallela, 25; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
175 (vol. i. pp. 444, 447, ed. Miiller); Hyginus, Fab. 14; 
Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 266 sqq.; Lactantius Placidus on 
Statius, Theb. ii. 113, vii. 344, xi. 281. Tradition differed 
on several points as to the murder. According to Apollo- 
dorus and Plutarch the murderer was Telamon ; but according 
to what seems to have been the more generally accepted view 
he was Peleus. (So Diodorus, Pausanias, the Scholiast on 
Homer, one of the Scholiasts on Euripides, /.c., Ovid, and in 
one passage Lactantius Placidus). 11 Pherecydes was right 
in denying any relationship between Telamon and Peleus, 

piva παραγίνεται πρὸς Kuypéa τὸν «Ποσειδῶνος 
καὶ; ῖ Σαλαμῖνος τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ. κτείνας δὲ ὄφιν 
οὗτος ἀδικοῦντα τὴν νῆσον αὐτῆς 5 ἐβασίλευε, καὶ 
τελευτῶν ἄπαις τὴν βασιλείαν παραδίδωσι Τελα- 

1 Ποσειδῶνος καὶ inserted by Aegius. 

2 αὐτῆς Heyne (conjecture) : ἢ αὐτὸς Heyne (in text), 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner, appa- 
rently following the MSS. Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 175 (vol. i. p. 444, ed. Miiller), Kuxpets yap 6 
Ποσειδῶνος καὶ Σαλαμῖνος τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ κτείνας Edw τὴν νῆσον 
λυμαινόμενον ἐβασίλευσεν αὐτῆς, ἅπαις δὲ τελευτῶν τὴν βασι- 
λείαν Τελαμῶνι κατέλειψε φυγόντι πρὸς αὐτόν. In writing 
thus, Tzetzes probably had the present passage οὗ Apollo- 
dorus before him. Accordingly in Apollodorus we should 
perhaps read ἐβασίλευσε for ἐβασίλευε. 

and in representing Telamon as a Salaminian rather than an 
Aeginetan (see above), it becomes probable that in the original, 
tradition Peleus, not Telamon, was described as the murderer 
of Phocus. Another version of the story was that both 
brothers had a hand in the murder, Telamon having banged 
him on the head with a quoit, while Peleus finished him off 
with the stroke of an axe in the middle of his back. This 
was the account given by the anonymous author of the old 
epic Alemaeonis; and the same division of labour between 
the brothers was recognized by the Scholiast on Pindar and 
Tzetzes, though according to them the quoit was handled by 
Peleus and the cold steel by Telamon. Other writers (An- 
toninus Liberalis and Hyginus) lay the murder at the door 
of both brothers without parcelling the guilt out exactly 
between them. There seems to be a general agreement that 
the crime was committed, or the accident happened, in the 
course of a match at quoits; but Dorotheus (quoted by Plu- 
tarch, 1.6.) alleged that the murder was perpetrated by 
Telamon at a boar hunt, and this view seems to have been 
accepted by Lactantius Placidus in one place (on Statius, 
Theb. ii. 113), though in other places (on vii. 344 and xi. 281) 
he speaks as if the brothers were equally guilty. But perhaps 
this version of the story originated in a confusion of ‘the 
murder of Phocus with the subsequent homicide of Eurytion, 

betook himself to Salamis, to the court of Cychreus, 
son of Poseidon and Salamis, daughter of Asopus. 
This Cychreus became king of Salamis through killing 
a snake which ravaged the island, and dying childless 
he bequeathed the kingdom to Telamon.! And 

which is said to have taken place at a boar-hunt, whether 
the hunting of the Calydonian boar or another. See below, 
iii, 13. 2 with the note. According to Pausanias the exiled Te- 
lamon afterwards returned and stood his trial, pleading his 
cause from the deck of a ship, because his father would not 
suffer him to set foot in the island. But being judged guilty 
by his stern sire he sailed away, to return to his native 
land no more. It may have been this verdict, delivered 
against his own son, which raised the reputation of Aeacus 
for rigid justice to the highest pitch, and won for him a 
place on the bench beside Minos and Rhadamanthys in the 
world of shades. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 4; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 110, 175, 451. In the second of these passages 
(on νυ. 175, vol. i. p. 444, ed. Miiller) Tzetzes agrees closely 
with Apollodorus and probably follows him. A somewhat 
different version of the legend was told by Hesiod. According 
to him the snake was reared by Cychreus, but expelled from 
Salamis by Eurylachue because of the ravages it committed 
in the island ; and after its expulsion it was received at 
Eleusis by Demeter, who made it one of her attendants. 
See Strabo, ix. 1. 9, p. 394. Others said that the snake was 
not a real snake, but a bad man nicknamed Snake on account 
of his cruelty, who was banished by Eurylochus and took 
refuge at Eleusis, where he was appointed to a minor office 
in the sanctuary of Demeter. See Stephanus Byzantius, 
8.0. Kuxpeios πάγος ; Kustathius, Commentary on Diony- 
situs Periegetes, 507 (Geographt Graect Minores, ed. C. 
Miller, vol. ii. p. 314). Cychreus was regarded as one of the 

ardian heroes of Salamis, where he was buried with his 
ace to the west. Sacrifices were regularly offered at his 
grave, and when Solon desired to establish the claim of 
Athens to the possession of the island, he sailed across by 
night and sacrificed to the dead man at his grave. See Plu- 
tarch, Solon, 9. Cychreus was worshipped also at Athens 

pave. ὁ δὲ γαμεῖ Περίβοιαν 1 τὴν ᾿Αλκάθου 5 τοῦ 
Πέλοπος" καὶ ποιησαμένου εὐχὰς Ἡρακλέους tha 
αὐτῷ παῖς ἄρρην γένηται, φανέντος δὲ μετὰ τὰς 
εὐχὰς αἰετοῦ, τὸν γεννηθέντα ἐκάλεσεν Αἴαντα. 
καὶ στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ Τροίαν σὺν “Ἡρακλεῖ 
λαμβάνει γέρας Ἡσιόνην τὴν Λαομέδοντος θυγα- 
τέρα, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ γίνεται Τεῦκρος. 

XIII. Πηλεὺς δὲ εἰς Φθίαν φυγὼν πρὸς Evpv- 
τίωνα ὃ τὸν ἽΑΛκτορος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καθαίρεται, καὶ 
λαμβάνει παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα ᾿Αντιγόνην καὶ 
τῆς χώρας τὴν τρίτην μοῖραν. καὶ γίνεται θυγάτηρ 

1 Περίβοιαν A: ᾿Ηερίβοια, Scholiast on Homer, 7. xvi. 14: 
Ἐρίβοια Pindar, Jsthm. vi. 45 (65), Diodorus Siculus, iv, 72. 7. 

3 ᾿Αλκάθον Aegius: ἀλκάνδρου A. 

8 Εὐρυτίωνα Aegius: Εὔρυτον A, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 175 (vol. i. p. 445, ed. Miiller). As to Εὐρυτίων, see 
a few lines below. . 

(Plutarch, Theseus, 10). It is said that at the battle of Sa- 
lamis a serpent appeared among the Greek ships, and God 
announced to the Athenians that this serpent was the hero 
Cychreus (Pausanias i. 36. 1). The story may preserve a 
reminiscence: of the belief that kings and heroes regularly 
turn into serpents after death. The same belief possibly 
explains the association of Erichthonius or Erechtheus and 
Cecrops with serpents at Athens. See The Dying God, 
pp. 86 sg. On account of this legendary serpent Lycophron 
called Salamis the Dragon Isle (Cassandra, 110). . 

1 Compare Xenophon, Cyneget. i. 9 ; Scholiast on Homer, 
11. xvi. 14, According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72. 7), Telamon 
first married Glauce, daughter of Cychreus, king of Salamis, 
and on her death he wedded the Athenian Eriboea, daughter 
of Alcathous, by whom he had Ajax. Pindar also mentions 
Eriboea as the wife of Telamon: see Isthm. vi. 45 (65). 

2 As to the prayer of Hercules and the appearance of the 
eagle in answer to the prayer, see Pindar, Isthm. vi. 35 
(51) sqg.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 455-461. Pindar, 
followed by Apollodorus and Tzetzes, derived the name Ajax 

Telamon married Periboea, daughter of Alcathus,! son 
of Pelops, and called his son Ajax, because when 
Hercules had prayed that he might have a male child, 
an eagle appeared after the prayer.2 And having 
gone with Hercules on his expedition against Troy, 
he received as a prize Hesione, daughter of Laomedon, 
by whom he had a son Teucer.®

Peleus fled to Phthia to the court of Eurytion,
son of Actor, and was purified by him, and he received 
from him his daughter Antigone and the third part 
of the country.4 And a daughter Polydora was born 

from atetos ‘‘an eagle.” A story ran that Hercules wrapt 
the infant Ajax in the lion’s skin which he himself wore, and 
that Ajax was thus made invulnerable except in the armpit, 
where the quiver had hung, or, according to others, at the 
neck. Hence, in describing the suicide of the hero, Aeschylus 
told how, when he tried to run himself through the body, 
the sword doubled back in the shape of a bow, till some 
spirit showed the desperate man the fatal point to which to 
apply the trenchant blade. See Scholiast on Sophocles, Ajaz, 
833; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 455-461; Scholiast on 
Homer, 11. xxiii. 821. Plato probably had this striking 
passage of the tragedy in his mind when he made Alcibiades 
speak of Socrates as more proof against vice than Ajax 
against steel (Sympos. 35, p. 219 Ε). 

5 See above, ii. 6. 4. As Hesione, the mother of Teucer, 
was not the lawful wife of Telamon, Homer speaks of Teucer 
as a bastard (Jl. viii. 283 sq., with the Scholiast on v. 284). 
According to another account, it was not Telamon but his 
brother Peleus who went with Hercules to the siege of Troy. 
The poets were not consistent on this point. Thus, while in two 
passages (Nem. iv. 25 (40) sq.; Isthm. vi. 27 (39) sqq.) Pindar 
assigns to Telamon the glory of the adventure, in another 
he transfers it to Peleus (quoted by the Scholiast on Euripides, 
Andromache, 796; Pindar, p. 604 ed. Sandys). Euripides was 
equally inconsistent. Sce his Troades 804 sqqg. (Telamon), 
contrasted with his Andromache, 796 sqq. (Peleus). 

“Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175 (vol. i. 
pp. 444 8q., 447, ed. Miiller) ; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 

αὐτῷ Πολυδώρα, ἣν ἔγημε Βῶρος ὁ Περιήρους. 
ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν τοῦ Καλυδωνίου κάπρου 
3 " ἴον 
pet Εὐρυτίωνος ἔλθών, προέμενος ἐπὶ τὸν σῦν 
ἀκόντιον Ἐὐρυτίωνος τυγχάνει καὶ κτείνει τοῦτον 
Μ A 4 3 ’ Ν 3 9 \ 
ἄκων. πάλιν οὖν ἐκ Φθίας φυγὼν εἰς ᾿Ιωλκὸν 
πρὸς “Axaotov ἀφικνεῖται καὶ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καθαΐί- 
3 ’ δὲ ὶ Ἁ Pb] . II ᾽ 1 9 fa) 
petat. ἀγωνίζεται δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ Iledia’ ἀγῶνα, 
\. » 4 rd 3 7 
πρὸς ᾿Αταλάντην διαπαλαίσας. καὶ ᾿Αστυδάμεια 
ἡ ᾿Ακάστου γυνή, Πηλέως ἐρασθεῖσα, περὶ συνου- 
σίας προσέπεμψεν αὐτῷ λόγους. μὴ δυναμένη 
1 πελίᾳ Aegius: μελίᾳ A. 

38 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 6; Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Clouds, 1063; EKustathius on Homer, 171. ii. 684, p. 321. 
There are some discrepancies in these accounts. According to 
Tzetzes and the Scholiast on Aristophanes, the man who 
purified Peleus for the murder of Phocus was Eurytus (not 
urytion), son of Actor. According to Antoninus Liberalis, 
he was Eurytion, son of Irus. According to Diodorus, he 
was Actor, king of the country, who died childless and left 
the kingdom to Peleus. Eustathius agrees that the host of 
Peleus was Actor, but says that he had a daughter Polymela, 
whom he bestowed in marriage on Peleus along with the 
kingdom. From Tzetzes (l.c., pp. 444 sg.) we learn that the 
purification of Peleus by Eurytus (Eurytion) was recorded by 
Pherecydes, whom Apollodorus may here be following. 

1 See Homer, 11. xvi. 173-178, who says that Polydora, 
daughter of Peleus, had a son Menesthius by the river 
Sperchius, though the child was nominally fathered on 
her human husband Borus, son of Perieres. Compare 
Heliodorus, Aethtop. ii. 34. Hesiod also recognized Poly- 
dora as the daughter of Peleus (Scholiast on Homer, 
11. xvi. 175). Homer does not mention the mother of 
Polydora, but according to Pherecydes she was Antigone, 
daughter of Eurytion (Scholiast on Homer, i.c.). Hence it 
is probable that here, as in so many places, Apollodorus 
followed Pherecydes. According to Staphylus, in the third 
book of his work on Thessaly, the wife of Peleus and mother 

to him, who was wedded by Borus, son of Perieres.! 
Thence he went with Eurytion to hunt the Calydonian 
boar, but in throwing a dart at the hog he involun- 
tarily struck and killed Eurytion. Therefore flying 
again from Phthia he betook him to Acastus at Iolcus 
and was purified by him.2, And at the games cele- 
brated in honour of Pelias he contended in wrestling 
with Atalanta. And Astydamia, wife of Acastus, 
fell in love with Peleus, and sent him a proposal for 
a meeting ;* and when she could not prevail on him 

of Polydora was Eurydice, daughter of Actor (Scholiast on 
Homer, i.c.). A little later on (8 4 of this chapter) Apollodorus 
says that Peleus himself married Polydora, daughter of 
Perieres, and that she had a son Menesthius by the river 
Sperchius, though the child was nominally fathered on Peleus. 
In this latter passage Apollodorus seems to have fallen into 
confusion in describing Polydora as the wife of Peleus, though 
in the present passage he had correctly described her as his 
daughter. Compare Hofer, in W. H. Roscher, Leztkon der 
griech. und rom. Mythologie, iii. 2641 sg. 

2 As to this involuntary homicide committed by Peleus 
and his purification by Acastus, see above, i. 8. 2; Scholiast 
on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1063 ; Antoninus Liberalis, Trans- 
form. 38; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 175 (vol. i. p. 447, 
ed. Miiller). The Scholiast on Aristophanes calls the slain 
man Eurytus, not Eurytion. Antoninus Liberalis and Tzetzes 
describe him as Eurytion, son of Irus, not of Actor. They 
do not mention the hunt of the Calydonian boar in particular, 
but speak of a boar-hunt or a hunt in general. 

® See above, iii. 9. 2. 

4 The following romantic story of the wicked wife, the 
virtuous hero, and his miraculous rescue from the perils of 
the forest, in which his treacherous host left bim sleeping 
alone and unarmed, is briefly alluded to by Pindar, Nem. iv. 
54 (88) sqqg., v. 25 (46) δᾳᾳ. It is told more explicitly by the 
Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. iv. 54 (88) and 59 (95); the Scho- 
liast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1063 ; and the Scholiast on Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 224. But the fullest and clearest 
version of the tale is given by Apollodorus in the present 

δὲ πεῖσαι, πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ πέμψασα ἔφη 
t , a ΄ ‘ a4 , 
μέλλειν Πηλέα γαμεῖν Στερόπην τὴν Ακάστου 
θυγατέρα' καὶ τοῦτο ἐκείνη ἀκούσασα ἀγχόνην 
ἀνάπτει. Πηλέως δὲ πρὸς “Axacroy καταψεύ- 
δεται, λέγουσα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ περὶ συνουσίας πεπει- 
a θ “A 1 δὲ 9) 4 a \ ἃ 
ρᾶσθαι. “Axaatos! «δὲ; ἀκούσας κτεῖναι μὲν ὃν 
? 10 > 2 10 # δὲ » \ | | θ ’ 8 
ἐκάθηρεν οὐκ ἠβουλήθη, ἄγει δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ θήραν 

εἰς τὸ Πήλιον. ἔνθα ἁμίλλης περὶ θήρας γενομέ-. 

νης, Πηλεὺς μὲν ὧν ἐχειροῦτο θηρίων τὰς γλώσσας 
τούτων ἐκτεμὼν“ εἰς πήραν ἐτίθει, οἱ δὲ μετὰ 
᾿Ακάστου ταῦτα χειρούμενοι κατεγέλων ὡς μηδὲν 
teOnpaxotos® τοῦ Πηλέως. ὁ δὲ τὰς γλώσσας 
παρασχόμενος ὅσας εἶχεν ἐκείνοις, τοσαῦτα ἔφη 
τεθηρευκέναι. ἀποκοιμηθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ 
Πηλίῳ, ἀπολιπὼν Ακᾳστος καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ἐν 
τῇ τῶν βοῶν κόπρῳ κρύψας ἐπανέρχεται. ὁ δὲ 
ἐξαναστὰς καὶ ζητῶν τὴν μάχαιραν, ὑπὸ TaA 
Κενταύρων καταληφθεὶς ἔμελλεν ἀπόλλυσθαι, 
σώζεται δὲ ὑπὸ Χείρωνος" οὗτος καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν 
αὐτοῦ ἐκξζητήσας δίδωσι. 

1 &“Axaocros Emperius, Westermann, Bekker. 

3 δὲ inserted by Hercher. 3 θήραν R: θήρας A. 

4 ἐκτεμὼν R®, Hercher: ἐκτέμνων Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Wagner, apparently following most MSS. 

5 χεθηρακότος RR*B, Westermann, Wagner: τεθηρευ- 
κότος C, Heyne, Miiller, Bekker. 

assage. Pindar calls the wicked wife Hippolyta or Hippo- 
yta Cretheis, that is, Hippolyta daughter of Cretheus. His 
Scholiast calls her Cretheis; the Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius calls her Cretheis or Hippolyte; and the Scholiast 
on Aristophanes calls her first Hippolyte and afterwards 
Astydamia. The sword of Peleus, which his faithless host 
hid in the cows’ dung while the hero lay sleeping in the 
wood, was a magic sword wrought by the divine smith 
Hephaestus and bestowed on Peleus by the pitying gods as a 

— “ae 

she sent word to his wife that Peleus was about to 
marry Sterope, daughter of Acastus ; on hearing which 
the wife of Peleus strung herself up. And the wife 

. of Acastus falsely accused Peleus to her husband, 

alleging that he had attempted her virtue. On hearing 
that, Acastus would not kill the man whom he had 
purified, but took him to hunt on Pelion. There a 
contest taking place in regard to the hunt, Peleus cut 
out and put in his pouch the tongues of the animals 
that fell to him, while the party of Acastus bagged 
his game and derided him as if he had taken nothing. 
But he produced them the tongues, and said that he 
had taken just as many animals as he had tongues.! 
When he had fallen asleep on Pelion, Acastus deserted 
him, and hiding his sword in the cows’ dung, returned. 
On arising and looking for his sword, Peleus was 
caught by the centaurs and would have perished, if 
he had not been saved by Chiron, who also restored 
him his sword, which he had sought and found. 

reward for his chastity. With this wondrous brand the chaste 
hero, like ἃ mediaeval knight, was everywhere victorious 
in the fight and successful in the chase. Compare Zenobius, 
Cent. v.20. The episode of the hiding of the sword was told 
by Hesiod, some of whose verses on the subject are quoted 
by the Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. iv. 59 (95). The whole 
story of the adventures of Peleus in the house of Acastus and 
in the forest reads like a fairy tale, and we can hardly doubt 
that it contains elements of. genuine folk-lore. These are 
well brought out by W. Mannhardt in his study of the story. 
See his Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), pp. 49 sqq. 
1 In fairy tales the hero often cuts out the tongues of a 
seven-headed dragon or other fearsome beast, and produces 
them as evidence of his prowess. See W. Mannhardt, Antike 
Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 53 δᾳᾳ. ; Spirits of the Corn and of 

the Wiid, ii. 269. 

VOL, IT. F 

Tape? δὲ ὁ Πηλεὺς Πολυδώραν τὴν Περιήρους, 
ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ γίνεται Μενέσθιος ἐπίκλην, ὁ Σπερ- 
χειοῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ. αὖθις δὲ γαμεῖ Θέτιν τὴν 
Νηρέως, περὶ ἧς τοῦ γάμου Ζεὺς καὶ Ποσειδῶν. 

1 A Ν 
ἤρισαν, Θέμιδος δὲ θεσπιῳδούσης ἔσεσθαι τὸν 
ἐκ ταύτης γεννηθέντα κρείττονα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπέ- 
σχοντο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι, Διὸς ὁρμῶντος ἐπὶ Thy 
ταύτης συνουσίαν, εἰρηκέναι ἸἹ]ρομηθέα τὸν ἐκ 
ταύτης αὐτῷ γεννηθέντα οὐρανοῦ δυναστεύσειν. 
τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι Θέτιν μὴ βουληθῆναι Aud συνελ- 
θεῖν ὡς ὃ ὑπὸ Ἥρας τραφεῖσαν, Δία δὲ ὀργισθέντα 
θνητῷ θέλειν αὐτὴν" συνοικίσαι. Xeipwvos οὖν 
ὑποθεμένου Πηλεῖ συλλαβεῖν καὶ κατασχεῖν ὃ 
αὐτὴν μεταμορφουμένην, ἐπιτηρήσας συναρπάζ, él, 
γινομένην δὲ ὁτὲ μὲν πῦρ ὁτὲ δὲ ὕδωρ ὁτὲ δὲ θηρίον 
οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν 

εἶδεν ἀπολαβοῦσαν. γαμεῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ Πηλίῳ, κἀκεῖ 

1 Θέμιδος ER: Θέτιδος A (also as a first-hand correction 
in E). 2 δυναστεύσειν Gale: δυναστεύειν A. 

3 ὡς E, but apparently wanting in A. 

4 αὐτὴν E: αὐτῇ A. 

5 συνοικίσαι Staverenus: συνοικίσειν E: συνοικῆσαι A. 

© κατασχεῖν ER: κατέχειν C. 

1 See above, note on iii. 13. 1. 

5 Compare Homer, 11. xviii. 83 sqq., 432 egg.; Pindar, 
Nem. iv. 61 (100) sgq.; Euripides, Iphigenia in Aul. 701 δᾳᾳ., 
1036 sgg.; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 805 sqq.; Catullus, 
lxiv.; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, . 
vol. i. B. 65, 142 eq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 207, 208 ; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 205). 

3 See Pindar, Isthm. viii. 27 (58) ϑᾳ. ; Apollonius Rhodius, 
Argon. iv. 790 sqg.; Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 217 sqq., who 
attributes the prophecy to Proteus. The present passage of 
Apollodorus is quoted, with the author’s name, by Tzetzes, 
(Schol. on Lycophron, 178). 

Peleus married Polydora, daughter of Perieres, by 
whom he had a putative son Menesthius, though in 
fact Menesthius was the son of the river Sperchius.! 
Afterwards he married Thetis, daughter of Nereus,? 
for whose hand Zeus and Poseidon had been rivals; 
but when Themis prophesied that the son born of 
Thetis would be mightier than his father, they 
withdrew.? But some say that when Zeus was 
bent on gratifying his passion for her, Prometheus 
declared that the son borne to him by her would 
be lord of heaven;* and others affirm that Thetis 
would not consort with Zeus because she had 
been brought up by Hera, and that Zeus in anger 
would marry her to a mortal.> Chiron, therefore, 
having advised Peleus to seize her and hold her fast 
in spite of her shape-shifting, he watched his chance 
and carried her off, and though she turned, now 
into fire, now into water, and now into a beast, he 
did not let her go till he saw that she had resumed 
her former shape. And he married her on Pelion, 

4 Compare Aeschylus, Prometheus, 908 δᾳᾳ. ; Scholiast on 
Homer, Ji. i. 519; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, v. 
338 eqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 54; td. Astronom.ii.15. According 
‘to Hyginus, Zeus released Prometheus from his fetters in 
gratitude for the warning which the sage had given him not 
to wed Thetis. 

5 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 790-798, a pas- 
sage which Apollodorus seems here to have had in mind. 

° As to the various shapes into which the reluctant Thetis 
turned herself in order to evade the grasp of her mortal 
lover, see Pindar, Nem. iv. 62 (101) sgg.; Scholiast on Pin- 
dar, Nem. iii. 35 (60), iv. 62 (101); Pausanias, v. 18. 5; 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, iii. 618-624; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 175, 178 (vol. i. pp. 446, 457, ed. Miiller) ; 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 582 ; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. xi. 235 eqg. She is said to have changed into fire, 
water, wind, a tree, a bird, a tiger, a lion, a serpent, anda 

F 2 

θεοὶ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. καὶ 
δίδωσι Χείρων Ἰ]ηλεῖ δόρυ μείλινον, Ποσειδῶν δὲ 
ἵππους Βαλίον καὶ RavOov. ἀθάνατοι δὲ ἧσαν 
οὗτοι. 

Ὡς δὲ ἐγέννησε Θέτις ἐκ Πηλέως βρέφος, ἀθά- 
νατον θέλουσα ποιῆσαι τοῦτο, κρύφα Πηλέως εἰς 
τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρύβουσαϊ τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὃ ἦν 
αὐτῷ θνητὸν πατρῷον, μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ ἔχριεν 
ἀμβροσίᾳ. ἸΙηλεὺς δὲ ἐπιτηρήσας καὶ σπαίροντα 

1 ἐγκρύβουσα SA: ἐγκρύπτουσα E. 

cuttle-fish. It was when she had assumed the form of a 
cuttle-fish (sepia) that Peleus at last succecded in seizing her 
and holding her fast (Tzetzes, Ul.cc.). With the trans- 
formations which Thetis underwent in order to escape from 
the arms of her lover we may compare the transformations 
which her father Nereus underwent in order to escape from 
Hercules (above, ii. 5. 11), the transformations which the 
river-god Achelous underwent in his tussle with the same 
doughty hero (above, ii. 7. 5, note), and the transformations 
which the sea-god Proteus underwent in order to give the 
slip to Menelaus (Homer, Od. iv. 354 sqq.). All these stories 
were appropriately told of water-spirits, their mutability 
reflecting as it were the instability of the fickle, inconstant 
element of which they were born. The place where Peleus 
caught and mastered his sea-bride was believed to be the 
south-eastern headland of Thessaly, which hence bore the 
name of Sepia or the Cuttle-fish. The whole coast of the Cape 
was sacred to Thetis and the other Nereids; and after their 
fleet had been wrecked on the headland, the Persians sacri- 
βορὰ to Thetis on the spot (Herodotus, vii. 191). See further, 
Appendix, “ς The Marriage of Peleus and Thetis.” 

The Muses sang at the wedding of Peleus and Thetis, 
according to Pindar (Pyth. iii. 89 (159) 844... Catullus 
describes the Fates singing on the same occasion, and he has 
recorded their magic song (Ixiv. 305 sqq.). 

3 Compare Homer, 1}. xvi. 140-144, with the Scholiast on 
v. 140, according to whom Chiron felled the ash-tree for the 

and there the gods celebrated the marriage with 
feast and song.! And Chiron gave Peleus an ashen 
spear,2:and Poseidon gave him horses, Balius and 
Xanthus, and these were immortal.® 

When Thetis had got a babe by Peleus, she wished 
to make it immortal, and unknown to Peleus she used 
to hide it in the fire by night in order to destroy the 
mortal element which the child inherited from its 
father, but by day she anointed him with ambrosia.‘ 
But Peleus watched her, and, seeing the child 

shaft, while Athena polished it, and Hephaestus wrought 
(the blade). For this account the Scholiast refers to the 
author of the epic Cypria. 

4 Compare Homer, JI. xvi. 148 sqq. 

4 This account of how Thetis attempted to render Achilles 
immortal, and how the attempt was frustrated by Peleus, is 
borrowed from Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 869 δᾳᾳ. 
Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 178 (vol. i. p. 458, 
ed. Miiller). According to another legend, Thetis bore seven 
sons, of whom Achilles was the seventh; she destroyed the 
first six by throwing them into the fire or into a kettle of 
boiling water to see whether they were mortal or to make 
them immortal by consuming the merely mortal portion cf 
their frame; and the seventh son, Achilles, would have 
perished in like manner, if his father Peleus had not snatched 
him from the fire at the moment when as yet only his ankle- 
bone was burnt. To supply this missing portion of his body, 
Peleus dug up the skeleton of the giant Damysus, the fleetest 
of all the giants, and, extracting from it the ankle-bone, 
fitted it neatly into the ankle of his little son Achilles, 
applying drugs which caused the new, or rather old, bone to 
coalesce perfectly with the rest. See Ptolemy Hephaestionis, 
vi. in Westermann’s Mythographt Graeci, p. 195; Lycophron, 
Cassandra, 178 sq., with scholium of Tzetzes on v. 178 
(vol. i. pp. 455 eg.) ; Scholiast on Homer, 1}. xvi. 37; Scho- 
liast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1068, p. 443, ed. Fr. Diibner ; 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 816. A similar 
story is told of Demeter and the infant son of Celeus. See 
above, i. 5. 1, with the note. 

Tov παῖδα ἰδὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐβόησε" καὶ Θέτις 
κωλυθεῖσα τὴν προαίρεσιν τελειῶσαι, νήπιον τὸν 
παῖδα ἀπολιποῦσα πρὸς Νηρηίδας ᾧχετο. κομέζει 
δὲ τὸν παῖδα πρὸς Χείρωνα Πηλεύς. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν 
αὐτὸν ἔτρεφε σπλάγχνοις λεόντων καὶ συῶν 
ἀγρίων καὶ ἄρκτων μυελοῖς, καὶ ὠνόμασεν ᾿Αχιλ- 
λέα (πρότερον δὲϊ ἦν ὄνομα αὐτῷ Λεγύρων) ὅτι 
τὰ χείλη μαστοῖς ov προσήνεγκε. 

Πηλεὺς δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα σὺν Ἰάσονι καὶ Διοσ- 

1 δὲ E: μὲν A. 

2 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 875 sqq., who 
says that when Thetis was interrupted by Peleus in her effort 
to make Achilles immortal, she threw the infant screaming 
on the floor, and rushing out of the house plunged angrily 
into the sea, and never returned again. In the Iliad Homer 
represents Thetis dwelling with her old father Nereus and 
the sea-nymphs in the depths of the sea (II. i. 357 sqq., xviii. 
35 sqq., xxiv. 83 agq.), while her forlorn husband dragged 
out a miserable and solitary old age in the halls (JJ. xviii. 
434 eq.). Thus the poet would seem to have been acquainted 
with the story of the quarrel and parting of the husband and 
wife, though ho nowhere alludes to it or to the painful mis- 
understanding which led to their separation. In this, as in 
many other places, Homer passes over in silence features of 
popular tradition which he either rejected as incredible or 
doemed below the dignity of the epic. Yet if we are right in 
clasuing the story of Peleus and Thetis with the similar tales 
of the marriage of a man to a mermaid or other marine 
creature, the narrative probably always ended in the usual 
sad way by telling how, after living happily together for a 
time, the two at last quarrelled and parted for ever. 

* Compare Scholiast on Homer, 7). xvi. 37. According to 
Statius (Achtll. ii. 382 sqq.), Chiron fed the youthful Achilles 
not on ordinary victuals, but on the flesh and marrows of lions. 
Philostratus says that his nourishment consisted of honey- 
combs and the marrows of fawns (Heroica, xx. 2), while the 
author of the Htymologicum Magnum (s.v. ᾿Αχιλλεύς, p. 181) 

7° 

writhing on the fire, he cried out; and Thetis, thus 
prevented from accomplishing her purpose, forsook 
her infant son and departed to the Nereids.!1_ Peleus 
brought the child to Chiron, who received him and 
fed him on the inwards of lions and wild swine and 
the marrows of bears,? and named him Achilles, be- 
cause he had not put his lips to the breast ;* but 
before that time his name was Ligyron. 

After that Peleus, with Jason and the Dioscuri, 

says that he was nurtured on the marrows of deer. Compare 
Eustathius, on Homer, 17. i. 1, p.14. The flesh and marrows 
of lions, wild boars, and bears were no doubt supposed to 
impart to the youthful hero who partook of them the strength 
and courage of these animals, while the marrowsof fawns or 
deer may have been thought to ensure the fleetness of foot 
for which he was afterwards so conspicuous. It is thus that 
on the principle of sympathetic magic many races seek to 
acquire the qualities of certain animals by eating their flesh 
or drinking their blood ; whereas they abstain from eating 
the flesh of other animals lest they should, by partaking of it, 
be infected with the undesirable qualities which these crea- 
tures are believed to possess. For example, in various African 
tribes men eat the hearts of lions in order to become lion- 
hearted, while others will not eat the flesh of tortoises lest 
they should become slow-footed like these animals. See 
Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 138 sqqg. On the same 
principle the ancients believed that men could acquire the art 
of divination by eating the hearts of ravens, moles, or hawks, 
because these creatures were supposed to be endowed with 
prophetic powers. See Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 48; 

liny, Nat. Hist. xxx. 19. So Medea is said to have restored 
the aged Aeson to youth by infusing into his veins a decoction 
of the liver of a long-lived stag and of the head of a crow 
that had survived nine generations of men. See Ovid, Meia- 
morph. vii. 273 sqq. 

3 Apollodorus absurdly derives the name Achilles from 
a (privative) and χείλη, ‘‘ lips,” so that the word would mean 
““ποὺ lips.” Compare Ezymologicum Magnum, Ὁ. 181, s.v. 
- "AxiAAevs; Eustathius, on Homer, Jl. i. 1, p. 14. 

ἢ 

οὔ 

a > a 3 , \ 3 , A 
xoupots ἐπόρθησεν ᾿Ιωλκόν, καὶ ᾿Αστυδάμειαν τὴν 
᾿Ακάστου γυναῖκα φονεύει, καὶ διελὼν μεληδὸν 
διήγαγε δι’ αὐτῆς τὸν στρατὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. ᾿ 

€ \ 3 9 3 A 4 , , 

Ὡς δὲ ἐγένετο ἐνναετὴς ᾿Αχιλλεύς, Κάλχαντος 
λέγοντος οὐ δύνασθαι χωρὶς αὐτοῦ Τροίαν aipe- 
θῆναι, Θέτις προειδυῖα ὅτι δεῖ στρατευόμενον 
αὐτὸν ἀπολέσθαι, κρύψασα ἐσθῆτι γυναικείᾳ ὡς 
παρθένον Λυκομήδειϊ παρέθετο. κἀκεῖ τρεφό- 

1 Λυκομήδει ES, apparently wanting in A. 

1 As to the wicked behaviour of Astydamia to Peleus, see 
above, iii. 13. 3. But it is probable that the cutting of the 
bad woman in pieces and marching between the pieces into 
the city was more than a simple act of vengeance; it may 
have been a solemn sacrifice or purification designed to ensure 
the safety of the army in the inidst of a hostile people. In 
Boeotia a form of public purification was to cut a dog in two 
and pass between the pieces. See Plutarch, Quaestiones 
Romanae, 111. <A similar rite was observed at purifying a 
Macedonian army. A dog was cut in two: the head and 
fore part were placed dn the right, the hinder part, with the 
entrails, was placed on the left, and the troops in arms 
marched between the pieces. See Livy, xli. 6; Quintus 
Curtius, De gestts Alexandri Magni, x. 9. 28. For more 
examples of similar rites, and an attempt to explain them, 
see Folk-lore in the Old Testament, 1. 391 sqq. To the 
instances there cited may be added another. When the 
Algerine pirates were at sea and in extreme danger, it was: 
their custom to sacrifice a sheep, cut off its head, extract its 
entrails, and then throw them, together with the head, over- 
board ; afterwards “" with all the speed they can (without 
skinning) they cut the body in two parts by the middle, and 
then throw one part over the right side of the ship, and the 
other over the left, into the sea, as a kind of propitiation.” 
See Joseph Pitts, A true and faithful Account of ths Religion 
and Manners of the Mohammetans (Exon. 1704), p. 14. As 
to the capture of Iolcus by Peleus, see Pindar, Nem. iii. 34 
(59), iv. 54 (89) eg. In the former of these passages Pindar 
says that Peleus captured Iolcus single-handed; but the 

laid waste Ioleus; and he slaughtered Astydamia, 
wife of Acastus, and, having divided her limb from 
limb, he led the army through her into the city. 
When Achilles was nine years old, Calchas declared 
that Troy could not be taken without him ; so Thetis, 
foreseeing that it was fated he should perish if he 
went to the war, disguised him in female garb and 
entrusted him as a maiden to Lycomedes.? Bred at 

Scholiast on the passage affirms, on the authority of Phere- 
cydes, that he was accompanied by Jason and the Tyndarids 
(Castor and Pollux). As this statement tallies with the 
account given by Apollodorus, we may surmise that here, as 
often elsewhere, our author followed Pherecydes. According 
to the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. i. 224), Peleus 
on his return to Iolcus put to death Acastus himself as well 
as his wicked wife. 

2 As to Achilles disguised as a girl at the court of Lyco- 
medes in Scyros, see Bion, ii. 5 sgg.; Philostratus Junior, 
Imag. 1; Scholiast on Homer, 11. ix. 668 ; Hyginus, Fab. 96 ; 
Statius, Achill. i. 207 δᾳᾳ. The subject was painted by 
Polygnotus in a chamber at the entrance to the acropolis of 
Athens (Pausanias i. 22. 6). Euripides wrote a play called 
The Scyrians on the same theme. See Tragicorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta, ed. Nauck?, pp. 574 sq. “Sophocles com- 
posed a tragedy under the same title, which has sometimes 
been thought to have dealt with the same subject, but more 
probably it was concerned with Neoptolemus in Scyros and 
the mission of Ulysses and Phoenix to carry him off to Troy. 
See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. ὃ Pearson, vol. ii. 
pp. 191 sgg. The youthful Dionysus, like the youthful 
Achilles, is said to have been brought up as a maiden. See 
above, iii. 4. 3, with the note. One of the questions which 
the emperor Tiberius used solemnly to propound to the anti- 
quaries of his court was: What was the name of Achilles 
when he lived asa girl among girls? See Suetonius, Trberius, 
70. The question was solemnly answered by learned men in 
various ways: some said that the stripling’s female name 
was Cercysera, others that it was Issa, and others that it 
was Pyrrha. See Ptolemy Hephaestionis, Nov. Hirst. i. 
in Westermann’s Mythographt Graect, p. 183. 

μενος τῇ Λυκομήδους θυγατρὶ Δηιδαμείᾳ μίγννται, 
καὶ γίνεται παῖς Πύρρος αὐτῷ ὁ κληθεὶς Νεοπτό- 
λεμὸος αὖθις. ᾿Οδυσσεὺς δὲ μηνυθέντα παρὰ 
Λυκομήδειϊ ζητῶν ᾿Αχιλλέα, σάλπιγγι χρησά- 
μενος εὗρε. καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον εἰς Τροίαν 

ἦλθε. 

Συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῷ Φοῖνιξ ὁ ᾿Αμύντορος. οὗτος 
ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐτυφλώθη καταψευσαμένης 
φθορὰνξΞ Φθίας τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς παλλακῆς. 
Πηλεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς Χείρωνα κομίσας, ὑπ᾽ 
ἐκείνου θεραπευθέντα τὰς ὄψεις βασιλέα κατέ- 
στησε Δολόπων. 

Συνείπετο δὲ καὶ Ἰ]άτροκλος ὁ Μενοιτίου καὶ 

1 Λυκομήδει ES R (compend.): λυκομήδον A. 

2 φθορὰν ES: φθορᾷ A. 

3 παλλακῆς ES, Scholiast on Plato, Laws, xi. p. 9318: 
παλλακίδος A. 

1 The usual story was that the crafty Ulysses spread out 
baskets and women’s gear, mingled with arms, before the 
disguised Achilles and his girlish companions in Scyros ; and 
that while the real girls pounced eagerly on the feminine 

auds, Achilles betrayed his sex by snatching at the arms. 
Bee Philostratus Junior, Imagines, i; Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. xix. 326; Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 162 sgg. Apollodorus 
tells us that Achilles was detected by the sound of a trumpet. 
This is explained by Hyginus (Fab. 96), who says that while 
Achilles was surveying the mingled trumpery and weapons, 
Ulysses caused a bugle to sound and a clash of arms to be 
heard, whereupon Achilles, imagining that an enemy was at 
hand, tore off his maidenly attire and seized spear and shield. 
Statius gives a similar account of the detection (AchiU. ii. 
167 8qq.). 

2 See Homer, Ji. ix. 437-484, with the Scholiast on wv. 448. 
But Homer says nothing about the blinding of Phoenix by 
his angry father or his cure by Chiron; and according to 
Homer the accusation of having debauched his father’s con- 

“4 

his court, Achilles had an intrigue with Deidamia, 
daughter of Lycomedes, and a son Pyrrhus was born 
to him, who was afterwards called Neoptolemus. 
But the secret of Achilles was betrayed, and Ulysses, 
seeking him at the court of Lycomedes, discovered 
him by the blast of a trumpet.! And in that way 
Achilles went to Troy. 

He was accompanied by Phoenix, son of Amyntor. 
This Phoenix had been blinded by his father on 
the strength of a false accusation of seduction pre- 
ferred against him by his father’s concubine Phthia. 
But Peleus brought him to Chiron, who restored his 
sight, and thereupon Peleus made him king of the 
Dolopians.? : 

Achilles was also accompanied by Patroclus, son ot 

cubine was not false but true, Phoenix having been instigated 
to the deed by his mother, who was jealous of the concubine. 
But variations from the Homeric narrative were introduced 
into the story by the tragedians who handled the theme 
(Scholiast on Homer, l.c.). Sophocles and Euripides both 
wrote tragedies on the subject under the same title of Phoenix ; 
the tragedy of Euripides seems to have been famous. See 
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck®, pp. 286, 
621 sqq.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. 
ii. pp. 320 sgqg. The blinding of Phoenix by his father Amyntor 
is alluded to bya poet of the Greek anthology (Anthol. Palat. 
iii. 3). Both the poet and Apollodorus probably drew on 
Karipides, who from an allusion in Aristophanes (Acharn. 
421) is known to have represented Phoenix as blind. Both 
the blinding and the healing of Phoenix are related by Tzetzes 
(Schol. on Lycophron, 421), who may have followed Apollo- 
dorus. According to the Scholiast on Homer (i.c.), the name 
of the concubine was Clytia ; according to Tzetzes (J.c.), it 
was Clytia or Phthia. Apollodorus calls her Phthia. The 
Scholiast on Plato (Laws, xi. p. 93183), gives a version of the 
story which agrees entirely with that of Apollodorus, and 
may have been copied from it. The healing of Phoenix’s eyes 
by Chiron is mentioned by Propertius (ii. 1. 60). 

Σθενέλης τῆς Axdotov ἢ Περιώπιδος τῆς Pépn- 
τος, ἢ καθάπερ φησὶ Φιλοκράτης, ἸΠολυμήλης 
τῆς Πηλέως. οὗτος ἐν ᾿Οποῦντι διενεχθεὶς ἐν 
παιδιᾷ περὶ ἀστραγάλων: παῖδα λειτώνυμον 3 
τὸν ᾿Αμφιδάμαντος ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ φυγὼν μετὰ 
τοῦ πατρὸς παρὰ Πηλεῖ κατῴκει, καὶ ᾿Αχιλλέως 

ἐρώμενος γίνεται... .. 

XIV. K exo αὐτόχθων, συμφυὲς ἔχων σῶμα 
ἀνδρὸς καὶ δράκοντος, τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐβασίλευσε 
πρῶτος, καὶ τὴν γἣν πρότερον λεγομένην ᾿Ακτὴν 
ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ Κεκροπίαν ὠνόμασεν. ἐπὶ τούτου, 

, ΝΜ a 4 ἢ > 
φασίν, ἔδοξε τοῖς θεοῖς πόλεις καταλαβέσθαι, ἐν 

1 ἐν παιδιᾷ περὶ ἀστραγάλων παίζων A, Westermann, Miiller, 
Wagner. I follow Bekker in omitting παίζων, but Heyne 
may be right in proposing to strike out both ἐν παιδιᾷ and 
παίζων as independent glosses on περὶ ἀστραγάλων. Compare 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xii. 1, περὶ ἀστραγάλων ὀργισθεὶς 
ἀπέκτεινεν. Hercher changed παίζων into παῖς ὧν, but the 
Jingle παῖς ὧν παῖδα is not at all in the manner of Apollo- 

orus. 

2 κλειτώνυμον RO: κλυτώνυμον A: κλεισώνυμος Pherecydes 
(quoted by Scholiast on Homer, J/. xxiii. 87), Philostephanus 
(quoted by Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xvi. 14): κλισώνυμος 
Hellanicus (quoted by Scholiast on Homer, Ji. xii. 1). 

5. Heyne was probably right in marking a lacuna here. 

1 Compare Homer, Il. xi. 785 sgg. Homer does not mention 
the name of Patroclus’s mother. 

2 See Homer, Ji. xxiii. 84-90; compare Scholiast on 
Homer, 171. xii. 1; Strabo, ix. 4. 2, p. 425; Ovid, Hz Ponto, 
i. 3.73 eq. The name of the slain lad was variously given 
as Clisonymus (Scholiast, l.c.) or Aeanes (Strabo and Scho- 
liast, ll.cc.). 

3 According to the Parian Chronicle (Marmor Parium, 
lines 2-4), with which Apollodorus is in general agreement, 

Menoetius! and Sthenele, daughter of Acastus ; or 
the mother of Patroclus was Periopis, daughter of 
Pheres, or, as Philocrates says, she was Polymele, 
daughter of Peleus. At Opus, in a quarrel over a 
game of dice, Patroclus killed the boy Clitonymus, 
son of Amphidamas, and flying with his father he 
dwelt at the house of Peleus? and became a 
minion of Achilles.

Cecrops, a son of the soil, with a body
compounded of man and serpent, was the first king 
of Attica, and the country which was formerly called 
Acte he named Cecropia after himself.* In his time, | 
they say, the gods resolved to take possession of 

the first king of Attica was Cecrops, and the country was 
named Cecropia after him, whereas it had formerly been 
called Actice (sic) after an aboriginal named Actaeus. Pau- 
sanias (i. 2. 6) represents this Actaeus as the first king of 
Attica, and says that Cecrops succeeded him on the throne 
by marrying his daughter. But Pausanias, like Apollo- 
dorus (iii. 15. 5), distinguishes this first Cecrops from a 
lat@r Cecrops, son of Erechtheus (i. 5. 3). Apollodorus is 
at one with Pausanias in saying that the first Cecrops 
married the daughter of Actaeus, and he names her 
Agraulus (see below, iii. 14. 2. Philochorus said, with 
great probability, that there never was any such person as 
Actaeus; according to him, Attica lay waste and depopu- 
lated from the deluge in the time of Ogyges down to the 
reign of Cecrops. See Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelit, x. 10. 
J. Tzetzes (Chiliades, v. 637) and Hyginus (Fab. 48) agree 
in representing Cecrops as the first king of Attica ; Hyginus 
calls him a son of the earth. As to his double form, the 
upper part of him being human and the lower part serpen- 
tine, see Aristophanes, Wasps, 438, with the Scholiast ; 
Euripides, Jon, 1163 sg.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
111; td. Chiliades, v. 638 sqq.; Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Plutus, 773; Diodorus Siculus, i. 28. 7, who rationalizes the 
fable after his usual fashion. 

als ἔμελλον ἔχειν τιμὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστος. ἧκεν οὖν 
πρῶτος Ποσειδῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, καὶ πλήξας 
τῇ τριαίνῃ κατὰ μέσην τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀπέφηνε 
θάλασσαν, ἣν νῦν ᾿Ερεχθηίδα καλοῦσι. μετὰ δὲ 
τοῦτον ἧκεν ᾿Αθηνᾶ, καὶ ποιησαμένη τῆς κατα- 
λήψεως Κέκροπα μάρτυρα ἐφύτευσεν ἐλαίαν, ἣ 
νῦν ἐν τῷ ἸΠανδροσείῳ ' δείκνυται. γενομένης δὲ 
ἔριδος ἀμφοῖν περὶ τῆς χώρας, διαλύσας Ζεὺς 

1 Πανδροσείῳφ Bekker: πανδροσίῳ EA. 

1 As to the contest between Poseidon and Athena for 
possession of Attica, see Herodotus, viii. 55; Plutarch, 
Themistocles, 19; Pausanias, i. 24. 5, i. 26.5; Ovid, Meta- 
morph. vi. 70 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 164; Servius, on Virgil, 
Georg. i. 12; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. vii. 185; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
PP. 1, 115 (First Vatican Mythographer, 2; Second Vatican 

ythographer, 119). A rationalistic explanation of the fable 
was propounded by the eminent Roman antiquary Varro. 
According to him, the olive-tree suddenly appeared in Attica, 
and at, the same time there was an eruption of water in 
another part of the country. So king Cecrops sent to inqpire 
of Apollo at Delphi what these portents might signify. The 
oracle answered that the olive and the water were the 
symbols of Athena and Poseidon respectively, and that the 
people of Attica were free to choose which of these deities 
they would worship. Accordingly the question was sub- 
mitted to a general assembly of the citizens and citizenesses ; 
for in these days women had the vote as well as men. All 
the men voted for the god, and all the women voted for the 
goddess ; and as there was one more woman than there were 
men, the goddess appeared at the head of the poll. Chagrined 
at the loss of the election, the male candidate flooded the 
country with the water of the sea, and to appease his wrath 
it was decided to deprive women of the vote and to forbid 
children to bear their mother’s names for the future. See 
Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 9. The print of Poseidon’s 
trident on the rock of the acropolis at Athens was shown 

ὃ 

ων αὐ a ae 

cities in which each of them should receive his own 
peculiar worship. So Poseidon was the first that 
came to Attiea, and with a blow of his trident on 
the middle of the acropolis, he produced a sea which 
they now call Erechtheis.4_ After him came Athena, 
and, having called on Cecrops to witness her act of 
taking possession, she planted an olive-tree, which 
is still shown in the Pandrosium.? But when the 
two strove for possession of the country, Zeus parted 

down to late times. See Strabo, ix. 1. 16, p. 396; Pau- 
sanias, i. 26. 5. The ‘‘sea,” which the god was supposed 
to have produced as evidence of his right to the country 
was also to be seen within the Erechtheum on the acro- 
polis; Pausanias calls it a well of sea water, and says that, 
when the south wind blew, the well gave forth a sound of 
waves. See Herodotus, viii. 55; Pausanias, i. 26. 5, viii. 
10. 4. According to the late Latin mythographers (see the 
references above), Poseidon produced a horse from the rock 
in support of his claim, and this. version of the story seems 
to have been accepted by Virgil (Georg. i. 12 sgq.), but 
it is not countenanced by Greek writers. The Athenians 
said that the contest between Poseidon and Athena took 
place on the second of the month Boedromion, and hence 
they omitted that day from the calendar. See Plutarch, De 
fraterno amore, 11; 1d. Quaest. Conviv. ix. 6. The unlucky 
Poseidon also contested the possession of Argos with Hera, 
and when the judges gave a verdict against him and in favour 
of the goddess, he took his revenge, as in Attica, by flooding 
the country. See Pausanias, ii. 22. 4; compare 4d. ii. 15. 
5; Polemo, Greek History, cited by the Scholiast on Aris- 
tides, vol. iii. p. 322, ed. G. Dindorf. 

2 The olive-tree seems to have survived down to the 
second century of our era. See Herodotus, viii. 55; Diony- 
sius Halicarnasensis, De Dinarcho Judicium, 3; Pausanias, 
i. 27. 3; Cicero, De legibus, i. 1. 2; Hyginus, Fab. 164; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 240. Dionysius agrees with Apollo- 
dorus in representing the tree as growing in the Pandrosium, 
which is proved by inscriptions to have been an enclosure to 
the west of the Erechtheum. See my commentary on Pau- 
sanias, vol, ii. p. 337. 

κριτὰς ἔδωκεν, οὐχ ὡς εἶπόν τινες, Κέκροπα καὶ 
Kpavaov,? οὐδὲ Ἐρυσέχθονα, θεοὺς δὲ τοὺς δώδεκα. 
καὶ τούτων δικαζόντων ἡ χώρα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 
ἐκρίθη, Κέκροπος μαρτυρήσαντος ὅτι πρώτη ὃ τὴν 
ἐλαίαν ἐφύτευσεν. ᾿Αθηνᾶ μὲν οὖν ad’ ἑαυτῆς 
τὴν πόλιν ἐκάλεσεν ᾿Αθήνας, Ποσειδῶν δὲ θυμῷ 
ὀργισθεὶς τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον ἐπέκλυσε καὶ τὴν᾽ 
᾿Αττικὴν ὕφαλον ἐποίησε. 

Κέκροψ' δὲ γήμας τὴν ᾿Ακταίου κόρην ᾿Αγραυ- 
λον παῖδα μὲν ἔσχεν ᾿Ερυσίχθονα, ὃς ἄτεκνος 

/ ἢ Ν σ 

μετήλλαξε, θυγατέρας δὲ “Aypavrov “Epony 
Πάνδροσον. ᾿Αγραύλον μὲν οὖν καὶ “Apeos ᾿Αλ- 
κίππη γίνεται. ταύτην βιαζόμενος ᾿Αλιρρόθιος, 
e σὰ a, > a. e \ mM 
ὁ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ νύμφης Εὐρύτης, ὑπὸ “Apeos 
φωραθεὶς κτείνεται. Ἰ]οσειδῶνος δὲ «εἰσάγοντος» 
ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ κρίνεται δικαζόντων τῶν δώδεκα 
θεῶν “Apns* καὶ ἀπολύεται. 

1 ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ Ποσειδῶνι κριτὰς δέδωκεν ὁ Ζεὺς E: ᾿Αθηνᾶν καὶ 
Ποσειδῶνα διαλύσας Ζεὺς κριτὰς ἔδωκε Α : ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ Ποσειδῶνι 
διαλύσας Ζεὺς κριτὰς ἔδωκε Wagner. The words ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ 
Ποσειδῶνι (or ᾿Αθηνᾶν καὶ Ποσειδῶνα) appear to be a gloss on 
the preceding ἀμφοῖν, as Heyne perceived. Accordingly I 
have omitted them with Hercher. 

2 Kpavaby Aegius: Savady A. 

3 πρώτη ER (compend.), Hercher, Wagner: πρῶτον A, 
Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 

4 Ποσειδῶνος δὲ «εἰσάγοντος ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ κρίνεται δικα- 
ζόντων τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν "Αρης Scaliger: Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἐν *Apely 
πάγῳ κρίνεται, δικαζόντων τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν, “Apes Heyne, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. But the 
construction κρίνεσθαί τινι in the sense of ‘‘ bring a person to 
trial” is impossible, and the abrupt change of nominative 
from κρίνεται (Ποσειδῶν) to ἀπολύεται (Apns) is very harsh, if 
not intolerable. Sealiger's emendation certainly gives the 
right sense and may be verbally correct also. ‘The acci- 
dental omission of εἰσάγοντος would not be difficult. The 
emendation is recorded, but not accepted, by Heyne. 

them and appointed arbiters, not, as some have 
affirmed, Cecrops and Cranaus, nor yet Erysichthon, 
but the twelve gods.! And in accordance with their 
verdict the country was adjudged to Athena, because 
Cecrops bore witness that she had been the first to 
plant the olive. Athena, therefore, called the city 
Athens after herself, and Poseidon in hot anger 
flooded the Thriasian plain and laid Attica under 
the sea.? 

Cecrops married Agraulus, daughter of Actaeus, 
and had a son Erysichthon, who departed this life 
childless; and Cecrops had daughters, Agraulus, 
Herse, and Pandrosus.2 Agraulus had a daughter 
Alcippe by Ares, In attempting to violate Alcippe, 
Halirrhothius, son of Poseidon and a nymph Euryte, 
was detected and killed by Ares.4| Impeached by 
Poseidon, Ares was tried in the Areopagus before 
the twelve gods, and was acquitted.® 

1 Compare Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 72 aq. 

2 As to this flood, see Varro, in Augustine, De ctvitate 
Dei, xviii. 9; Hyginus, Fab. 164. The Thriasian plain is 
the plain in which Kleusis stands. See Strabo, ix. i. 6, p. 392, 
ix. i. 13, p. 395. 

3’ Compare Pausanias, i. 2. 6; Hyginus, Fab. 146; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ii. 737 sqq. All these writers call the first of 
the daughters Agiaurus instead of Agraulus, and the form 
Aglaurus is confirmed by inscriptions on two Greek vases 
(Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, vol. iv. p. 146, Nos. 
7716, 7718). 

4 Compare Pausanias, i. 21. 4; Stephanus Byzantius and 
Suidas, 8.v. “Apetos πάγος ; Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca, vol. i. 
p. 444, lines 8 8384. From the three latter writers we learn 
that the story was told by the historians Philochorus and 
Hellanicus, whom Apollodorus may here be following. 

’ See Euripides, fon, 1258 sqq., Iphigenia in Tauris, 
945 sqg.; Demosthenes, xxiii. 66, p. 641; Parian Chronicle 
(Marmor Parium), lines 5 84. ; Pausanias, i. 28. 5; Scholiast 
on Euripides, Orestes, 1648, 1651. The name Areopagus was 

VOL. II. G 

“Epons δὲ καὶ Ἑρμοῦ Κέφαλος, οὗ ἐρασθεῖσα 
᾿Ηὼς ἥρπασε καὶ μιγεῖσα ἐν Συρίᾳ παῖδα ἐγέννησε 
Τιθωνόν, οὗ παῖς ἐγένετο Φαέθων, τούτον δὲ 

» ’ \ 
᾿Αστύνοος, Tod δὲ Σάνδοκος, ὃς ἐκ Συρίας ἐλθὼν 
εἰς Κιλικίαν, πόλιν ἔκτισε Κελένδεριν, καὶ γήμας 
Φαρνάκην τὴν Μεγασσάρον τοῦ Ὑριέων βα- 

, 
σιλέως 8 ἐγέννησε Κινύραν. οὗτος ἐν Κύπρῳ, 

1 χΣάνδοκος RR®C: σάνδακος B. 

2 Φαρνάκη Muncker (on Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 
34, p. 277, ed. Koch, comparing Hesychius, 8.v. Κινύρας" 
᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Φαρνάκης mais): θαινάκην RRS: θανάκην A. 

ὃ τῶν «ὙὙριέων βασιλέως Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: τοῦ 

συρίων βασιλέως R: τῶν συρίων βασιλέα A. 
4 Κινύραν R: κινύρας A. 

commonly supposed to mean ‘‘the hill of Ares” and ex- 
lained by the tradition that Ares was the first to be tried 
or murder before the august tribunal. But more probably, 
perhaps, the name meant ‘“‘ the hill of curses.” See my note 
on Pausanias, i. 28. 5 (vol. ii. pp. 363 sqg.). For other legen- 
dary or mythical trials in the court of the Areopagus, see 
below, iii. 15. 1, iii. 15. 9. 

1 See above, i. 9. 4, note, where Cephalus is said to have 
been a son of Deion by Diomede; compare ii. 4. 7, iii. 15. 1. 
Pausanias also calls Cephalus a son of Deion (i. 37. 6, x. 29. 6), 
and so does Antoninus Liberalis (Transform. 41). The Scho- 
liast on Homer (Od. xi. 321) calls his father Deioneus. Hy- 
ginus in two passages (Fab. 189, 270) describes Cephalus as 
a son of Deion, and in another passage (Fab. 160) as a son of 
Hermes (Mercury) by Creusa, daughter of -Erechtheus. 
Euripides tells how ‘‘Dawn with her lovely light once 
snatched up Cephalus to the gods, all for love” (Hippolytus, 
454 sqq.). 

2 According to Hesiod (Theog. 986 sqq.) and Pausanias 
(i. 3. 1), Phaethon was a son of Cephalus and the Dawn or 
Day. According to another and seemingly more usual 
account the father of Phaethon was the Sun. See Diodorus 
Siculus, v. 23; Pausanias, i. 4. 1, ii. 3.2; Lucian, Dialog. 
deorum, xxv. 1; J. Tzetzes, Chtliades, iv. 357 sqq. ; Eusta- 
thius, on Homer, Od. xi. 325, p. 1689; Scholiast on Homer, 

Herse had by Hermes a son Cephalus, whom Dawn 
loved and carried off,! and consorting with him in 
Syria bore a son Tithonus, who had a son Phaethon,? 
who had a son Astynous, who had a son Sandocus, 
who passed from Syria to Cilicia and founded a city 
Celenderis, and having married Pharnace, daughter 
of Megassares, king of MHyria, begat Cinyras.® 
This Cinyras in Cyprus, whither he had come with 

Od. xvii. 208; Ovid, Metamorph. ii. 19 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 
152, 156; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Z'heb. i. 221; 
Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea, Ὁ. 421, ed. Fr. Eyssen- 
hardt, in his edition of Martianus Capella; Scripiores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. ἃ. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 37, 93, 208 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 118; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 57 ; Third Vatican Mythographer, iii. 8. 14) ; Servius 
on Virgil, Aen. x. 189. The mother who bore him to the 
Sun is usually called Clymene (so Lucian, Tzetzes, Eusta- 
thius, Ovid, Hyginus, Lactantius Placidus, the Vatican 
mythographers, and Servius); but the Scholiast on Homer 
(U.c.) calls her Rhode, daughter of Asopus. Clymene herself, 
the mother of Phaethon, is said to have been a daughter of 
Ocean and Tethys (J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, iv. 359; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ii. 156) or of Iphys or Minyas (Eustathius, .c.). 
Apollodorus passes over in silence the famous story how 
Phaethon borrowed the chariot of the Sun for a day, and 
driving too near the earth set it on fire, and how in his wild 
career he was struck dead by Zeus with a thunderbolt and 
fell into the river Eridanus, where his sisters mourned for 
him till they were turned into poplar trees, their tears being 
changed into drops of amber which exuded from the trees. 
The story is told at great length and with many picturesque 
details by Ovid (Metamorph. ii. 1 sqq.)._ Compare Lucretius, 
v. 396 sgg.; Diodorus Siculus, Lucian, the Scholiast on Homer, 
Hyginus, and the Latin Mythographers, W.cc. Euripides 
wrote a tragedy on the subject, of which some considerable 
fragments survive. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 599 sqg. For some similar stories, see 
Appendix, ‘‘ Phaethon and the Chariot of the Sun.” 
> According to Hyginus (Fab. 142), Cinyras was a son of 
Paphus. 

G 2 

, ‘ a Ν , ’ \ 
παραγενόμενος σὺν λαῷ, ἔκτισε IIddov, γήμας δὲ 
ἐκεῖ Μεθάρμην, κόρην Πυγμαλίωνος Κυπρίων 
βασιλέως, ᾿Οξύπορον ἐγέννησε καὶ “Adwviv, πρὸς 
δὲ τούτοις θυγατέρας ᾿Ορσεδίκην «καὶ» Λαογόρην 
καὶ Βραισίαν. αὗται δὲ διὰ μῆνιν ᾿Αφροδίτης 
ἀλλοτρίοις ἀνδράσι συνευναζόμεναι τὸν βίον ἐν 

4 Αἰγύπτῳ μετήλλαξαν. Αδωνις δὲ ἔτι παῖς ὧν 
᾿Αρτέμιδος χόλῳ πληγεὶς ἐν θήρᾳ" ὑπὸ συὸς 
ν s , > , Ὁ ν 
ἀπέθανεν. Ἡσίοδος δὲ αὐτὸν Φοίνικος καὶ ᾿Αλ- 
φεσιβοίας λέγει, Πανύασις 5 δέ φησι Θείαντος 

1 θήρᾳ Heyne (conjecture), Hercher, Wagner: θῆραι ΒΒ 8: 
θήραις A, Heyne (in text), Westermann, Miiller, Bekker. 
2 πανύασσος A. 

1 A different and apparently more prevalent tradition re- 
presented Adonis as the son of Cinyras by incestuous inter- 
course with his daughter Myrrha or Smyrna. See Scholiast 
on Theocritus, i. 107; Plutarch, Parallela, 22; Antoninus 
Liberalis, Transform. 34 (who, however, differs as to the 
name of Smyrna’s father); Ovid, Metamorph. x. 298 sqq. ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 58, 164; Fulgentivs, Mytholog. iii. 8; Lac- 
tantius Placidus, Narrat. Fabul. x. 9; Servius, on Virgil, 
Ecl. x. 18, and on Aen. v. 72; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 60 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 200). Similar cases of incest with a daughter are 
frequently reported of royal houses in antiquity. They per- 
haps originated in a rule of transmitting the crown through 

=>woinen instead of through men; for under such a rule a 
widowed king would be under a strong temptation to marry 
his own daughter as the only means of maintaining himself 
legitimately on the throne after the death of his wife. See 
Adonis, Altis, Osiris, 3rd ed., i. 43 sg. The legend of the 
incestuous origin of Adonis is mentioned, on the authority 
of Panyasis, by Apollodorus himself a little lower down. 

2 Compare Bion, Idyl.i.; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae 
Compendium, 28; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iv. 5. 3, § 8; 
Athenaeus, ii. 80, p. 698; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 

some people, founded Paphos; and having there 
married Metharme, daughter of Pygmalion, king of 
Cyprus, he begat Oxyporus and Adonis,! and besides 
them daughters, Orsedice, Laogore, and _ Braesia. 
These by reason of the wrath of Aphrodite cohabited 
with foreigners, and ended their life in Egypt. And 
Adonis, while still a boy, was wounded and killed in 
hunting by a boar through the anger of Artemis.? 
Hesiod, however, affirms that he was a son of Phoenix 
and Alphesiboea ; and Panyasis says that he was ἃ son 

831; Aristides, Apology, ed. J... Rendel Harris (Cambridge, 
1891), pp. 44, 106 84. ; Propertius, iii. 4 (5) 53 ag., ed. F. A. 
Paley ; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 710 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 248 ; 
Macrobius, Saturnal. i. 21.4; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 17; 
Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 9; 
Augustine, De civitate Det, vi. 7. There are some grounds 
for thinking that formerly Adonis and hie Babylonian proto- 
type Tammuz were conceived in the form of a boar, and that 
the story of his death by a boar was only a misinterpretation 
of this older conception. See Spirits of the Corn and of the 
Wild, ii. 22 sg.; C. F. Burney, The Book of Judges (London, 
1918), pp. xvii sqqg., who refers to ‘‘the brilliant discovery 
of Ball (PSBA. xvi. 1894, pp. 195 sqq.) that the Sumerian 
name of Tammuz, DUMU.ZT (Bab. Dw azu, Dizu) is iden- 
tical with the Turkish démiz ‘pig,’ and that there is thus 
an ‘original identity of the god with the wild boar that slays 
him in the developed legend.’” W. Robertson Smith, as 
Professor Burney points out, had many years ago expressed 
the view that ‘‘ the Cyprian Adonis was originally the Swine- 
god, and in this as in many other cases the sacred victim has 

en changed by false interpretation into the enemy of the 
god” (Religion of the Semites, New Edition, London, 1894, 
Ῥ. 411, note‘). The view is confirmed by the observation 
that the worshippers of Adonis would seem to have abstained 
from eating swine’s flesh. See W. W. Baudissin, Adonis 
und Eemun (Leipsic, 1911), p. 142, quoting SS. Cyre et 
Joannts Miracula, in Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, lxxxvii. 3, 
col. 3624. 

βασιλέως ᾿Ασσυρίων, ὃς ἔσχε θυγατέρα Σμύρναν. 
αὕτη κατὰ μῆνιν ᾿Αφροδίτης (οὐ γὰρ αὐτὴν ἐτίμα 
ἴσχει τοῦ πατρὸς ἔρωτα, καὶ συνεργὸν λαβοῦσα 
τὴν τροφὸν ἀγνοοῦντι τῷ πατρὶ νύκτας δώδεκα 
συνευνάσθη. ὁ δὲ ὡς ἤσθετο, σπασάμενος «τὸ; ὦ 
ξίφος ἐδίωκεν αὐτήν: ἡ δὲ περικαταλαμβανομένη 
θεοῖς ηὔξατο ἀφανὴς γενέσθαι. θεοὶ δὲ κατοικτεί- 
ρᾶντες αὐτὴν εἰς δένδρον μετήλλαξαν, ὃ καλοῦσι 
σμύρναν.2 δεκαμηνιαίῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ τοῦ 
δένδρου ῥαγέντος γεννηθῆναι τὸν λεγόμενον ᾿Αδω- 
νιν, ὃν ᾿Αφροδίτη διὰ κάλλος ἔτε νήπιον κρύφα 
θεῶν εἰς λάρνακα κρύψασα Iepcehovy παρί- 
στατο. ἐκείνη δὲ ὡς ἐθεάσατο, οὐκ ἀπεδίδου. 
κρίσεως δὲ ἐπὶ Διὸς γενομένης εἰς τρεῖς μοίρας 
διῃρέθη ὁ ἐνιαυτός, καὶ μίαν μὲν παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ 
μένειν τὸν Αδωνιν, μίαν δὲ παρὰ Περσεφόνῃ προσ- 
ἐταξε, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν παρ᾽ ᾿Αφροδίτη: ὁ δὲ 

1 τὸ added by Hercher. 

2 σμύρναν R®: μύρναν B, μύρνας C. 

1 According to Antoninus Liberalis (Transform. 34), 
Smyrna, the mother of Adonis, was a daughter of Belus by 
a nymph Orithyia. Tzetzes mentions, but afterwards rejects, 
the view that Myrrha, the mother of Adonis, was a daughter 
of Thias (Schol. on Lycophron, 829, 831). Hyginus says that 
Cinyras, the father of Adonis, was king of Assyria (Fab. 58). 
This traditional connexion of Adonis with Assyria may well 
be due to a well-founded belief that the religion of Adonis, 
though best known to the Greeks in Syria and Cyprus, had 
originated in Assyria or rather in Babylonia, where he was 
worshipped under the name of Dumuzi or Tammuz. See 
Adonia, Attis, Ostris, 3rd ed., i. 6 8qq. 

® As to the transformation of the mother of Adonis into a 
myrrh-tree, sce Scholiast on Theocritus, i. 107; Plutarch, 
Parallela, 22 ; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 34 ; Tzetzes, 

Ἂν» 

of Thias, king of Assyria.) who had a daughter 
Smyrna. In consequence of the wrath of Aphrodite, 
for she did not honour the goddess, this Smyrna con- 
ceived a passion for her father, and with the complicity 
of her nurse she shared her father’s bed without his 
knowledge for twelve nights. But when he was 
aware of it, he drew his sword and pursued her, and 
being overtaken she prayed to the gods that she 
might be invisible; so the gods in compassion turned 
her into the tree which they call smyrna (myrrh).? 
Ten months afterwards the tree burst and Adonis, as 
he is called, was born, whom for the sake of his 
beauty, while he was still an infant, Aphrodite hid in 
a chest unknown to the gods and entrusted to Per- 
sephone. But when Persephone beheld him, she 
would not give him back. The case being tried 
before Zeus, the year was divided into three parts, 
and the god ordained that Adonis should stay by 
himself for one part of the year, with Persephone for 
one part, and with Aphrodite for the remainder.® 

Schol. on Lycophron, 829; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 476 8qq.; 
Hyginus, Fab. 58, 164; Fulgentius, Mytholog. iii. 8; Lac- 
tantius Placidus, Narrat. Fabul. x. 9; Servius, on Virgil, 
Fcl. x. 18 and Aen. v. 72; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 60 (First Vatican Mytho- 

grapher, 200). The drops of gum which oozed from the 

myrrh-tree were thought to be the tears shed by the trans- 
formed Myrrha for her sad fate (Ovid, 1.6. 500 sqq.). 

8 According to another version of the story, Aphrodite and 
Persephone referred their dispute about Adonis to the judg- 
ment of Zeus, and he appointed the Muse Calliope to act as 
arbitrator between them. She decided that Adonis should 
spend half the year with each of them; but the decision so 
enraged Aphrodite that in revenge she instigated the Thracian 
women to rend in pieces Calliope’s son, the musician Orpheus. 
See Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 6. A Scholiast on Theocritus 
(Id. iii, 48) reports the common saying that the dead Adonis 

ow 

Αδωνις ταύτῃ προσένειμε καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν μοῖραν. 

ὕστερον δὲ θηρεύων “Adwus ὑπὸ συὸς πληγεὶς 
ἀπέθανε. : 

δ Κέκροπος δὲ ἀποθανόντος Κραναὸς «ἐβασί- 
λευσεν» αὐτόχθων ὦν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὸν ἐπὶ Δευκα- 
λίωνος λέγεταε κατακλυσμὸν γενέσθαι. οὗτος 
γήμας ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος Πεδιάδα τὴν Μύνητος ὅ 
ἐγέννησε Κρανάην καὶ Κραναίχμην καὶ ᾿Ατθίδα, 
ἧς ἀποθανούσης ἔτι παρθένου τὴν χώραν Κραναὸς 
᾿Ατθίδα προσηγόρευσε. 

6 ΚΚραναὸν δὲ ἐκβαλὼν ᾿Αμφικτύων ἐβασίλευσε: 
τοῦτον ἔνιοι μὲν Δευκαλίωνος, ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτόχθονα ὃ 
λέγουσι. βασιλεύσαντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἔτη" δώδεκα 
᾿Εριχθόνιος ἐκβάλλει. τοῦτον οἱ μὲν Ἡφαίστου 
καὶ τῆς Κραναοῦ θυγατρὸς ᾿Ατθίδος εἶναι λέ- 
γουσιν, οἱ δὲ ‘Hdaiorov καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς, οὕτως" 
᾿Αθηνᾶ παρεγένετο πρὸς “Ἥφαιατον, ὅπλα κατα- 
σκευάσαι θέλουσα. ὁ δὲ ἐγκαταλελειμμένος " ὑπὸ 
᾿Αφροδίτης εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν ὦλισθε τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς, 

1 βασίλευσεν conjecturally inserted by Gale. 
3 Méynros Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: μήνντος A. 
8 αὐτόχθονα ἘΔ: αὐτόχθονος: A. 

4 ἔτη Li: aw) A. 
δ᾽ ἐγκαταλελειμμένος E: ἐγκαταλελεγμένος A. 

spends six months of the year in the arms οὗ Persephone, and 
aix months in the arms of Aphrodite; and he explains the 
saying as ἃ mythical description of the corn, which after 
sowlng is six months in the earth and six months above 
ground, 

1 Compare Pausanias, i. 2. 6. 

* According to the Parian Chronicle (lines 4-7), Deucalion 
reigned at Lycorea on Mount Parnassus, and when the flood, 
following on heavy rains, took place in that district, he fled 
for safety to king Cranaus at Athens, where he founded a 

However Adonis made over to Aphrodite his own 
share in addition ; but afterwards in hunting he was 
gored and killed by a boar. 

When Cecrops died, Cranaus came to the throne!; 
he was a son of the soil, and it was in his time that 
the flood in the age of Deucalion is said to have taken 
place.2, He married,a Lacedaemonian wife, Pedias, 
daughter of .Mynes, and begat Cranae, Menaechme, 
and Atthis; and when Atthis died a maid, Cranaus 
called the country Atthis.® 

Cranaus was expelled by Amphictyon, who reigned 
in his stead ;4 some say that Amphictyon was a son of 
Deucalion, others that he was a son of the soil; and 
when he had reigned twelve years he was expelled 
by Erichthonius.> Some say that this Erichthonius was 
a son of Hephaestus and Atthis, daughter of Cranaus, 
and some that he was ason of Hephaestus and Athena, 
as follows: Athena came to Hephaestus, desirous of 
fashioning arms. But he, being forsaken by Aphro- 
dite, fell in love with Athena, and began to pursue 

sanctuary of Rainy Zeus and offered thank-offerings for his 
escape. Compare Eusebius, Chronic. vol. ii. p. 26, ed. A. 
Schoene. We have seen that, according to Apollodorus (iii. 
8. 2), the flood happened in the reign of Nyctimus, king of 
Arcadia. 

8 Compare Pausanias, i. 2.6; Eusebius, Chronic. vol. ii. 
p. 28, ed. A. Schoene. 

4 Compare the Parian Chronicle, lines 8-10; Pausanias, i. 
2.6; Eusebius, Chronic. vol. ii. p. 30, ed. A. Schoene. The 
Parian Chronicle represents Amphictyon as a son of Deucalion 
and as reigning, first at Thermopylae, and then at Athens; 
but it records nothing as to his revolt against Cranaus. Pau- 
sanias says that Amphictyon deposed Cranaus, although he 
had the daughter of Cranaus to wife. Eusebius says that 
Amphictyon was a son of Deucalion and son-in-law of 
Cranaus. 

5 Compare Pausanias, i. 2. 6. 

8. 

καὶ διώκειν αὐτὴν ἤρξατο' ἡ δὲ ἔφευγεν.. ὡς δὲ 
ἐγγὺς αὐτῆς ἐγένετο πολλῇ ἀνάγκῃ (ἦν γὰρ 
χωλός), ἐπειρᾶτο συνελθεῖν. ἡ δὲ ὡς σώφρων 
καὶ παρθένος οὗσα οὐκ ἠνέσχετο' ὁ δὲ ἀπεσπέρ- 
μῆνεν εἰς τὸ σκέλος τῆς θεᾶς. ἐκείνη δὲ μυσα- 
χθεῖσα ἐρίῳ ἀπομάξασα τὸν γόνον εἰς γῆν ἔρριψε. 
φευγούσης δὲ αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς γονῆς εἰς γῆν 
πεσούσης ᾿Ἐριχθόνιος γίνεται. τοῦτον ᾿Αθηνᾶ 
κρύφα τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν ἔτρεφεν, ἀθάνατον θέ- 
λουσα ποιῆσαι" καὶ καταθεῖσα αὐτὸν εἰς κίστην 
Πανδρόσῳ τῇ Κέκροπος παρακατέθετο, ἀπει- 
ποῦσα τὴν κίστην ἀνοίγειν. αἱ δὲ ἀδελφαὶ τῆς 
Πανδρόσου ἀνοίγουσιν ὑπὸ περιεργίας, καὶ θεῶν- 
tat τῷ βρέφει παρεσπειραμένον δράκοντα" καὶ 
ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διεφθάρησαν 
τοῦ δράκοντος, as δὲ ἔνιοι, δι’ ὀργὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶς 
ἐμμανεῖς γενόμεναι κατὰ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως αὑτὰς 
ἔρριψαν. ἐν δὲ τῷ τεμένει τραφεὶς ᾿Εριχθόνιος 

1 With this story of the birth of Erichthonius compare 
Scholiast on Homer, JI. ii. 547 (who agrees to a great extent 
verbally with Apollodorus) ; Euripides, Zon, 20 sqq., 266 sqq. ; 
Eratosthenes, Clataster. 13; Nonnus,.in Westermann’s My- 
thographi Graeci, Appendiz Narrationum, 3, pp. 359 sq. ;_ 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 111; Antigonus Carystius, 
Histor. Mtrab. 12; Htymologicum Magnum, 8.0. ᾿Ἐρεχθεύς, 
p. 371. 29; Hyginus, Fab. 166; td. Astronom. ii. 13; Ser- 
vius, on Virgil, Georg. iii. 113; Fulgentius, Mytholog. ii. 14; 
Lactantius, Divin. Inst. ii. 17; Augustine, De civitate Det, 
xviii. 12; Scholia tn Caesaris Germanici Aratea, Ὁ. 394, 
ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt (in his edition of Martianus Capella) ; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
PP. 41, 86 sq., 88 (First Vatican Mythographer, 128 ; Second 

atican Mythographer, 37, 40). The story of the birth of 
Erichthonius was told by Euripides, according to Eratosthe- 
nes (J.c.) and by Callimachus, according to the Scholiast on 

her; but she fled. When he got near her with much 
ado (for he was lame), he attempted to embrace her ; 
but she, being a chaste virgin, would not submit to 
him, and he dropped his seed on the leg of the 
goddess. In disgust, she wiped off the seed with 
wool and threw it on the ground; and as she fled 
and the seed fell on the ground, Erichthonius was 
produced,! Him Athena brought up unknown to the 
other gods, wishing to make him immortal; and having 
put him in a chest, she committed it to Pandrosus, 
daughter of Cecrops, forbidding her to open the chest. 
But the sisters of Pandrosus opened it out of curiosity, 
and beheld a serpent coiled about the babe; and, as 
some say, they were destroyed by the serpent, but ac- 
cording to others they were driven mad by reason of 
the anger of Athena and threw themselves down from 
the acropolis.2_ Having been brought up by Athena 

Homer (i.c.). Pausanias was plainly acquainted with the 
fable, though he contents himself with saying that Erichtho- 
nius was reported to be a son of Hephaestus and Earth (i, 2. 6, 
i. 14. 6). As C. G. Heyue long ago observed, the story is 
clearly an etymological myth invented to explain the meaning 
of the name Erichthonius, which some people derived from 
ἔρις, “strife,” and χθών, ‘‘the ground,” while others derived 
it from ἔριον, ‘‘ wool,” and χθών, ‘‘the ground,’”’ The former 
derivation of eri in Erichthonius seems to have been the more 
popular. Mythologists have perhaps not sufficiently reckoned 
with the extent to which false etymology has been operative 
in the creation of myths. ‘‘ Disease of language” is one 
source of myths, though it is very far from being the only 
one. 

2 With this story of the discovery of Erichthonius in the 
chest compare Euripides, Ion, 20 sqq., 266 sqg. ; Pausanias, 
i. 18.2; Antigonus Carystius, Hist. Mirab. 12; Ovid, Me- 
tamorph. ii. 552 sqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 166; 7d. Astronom. | 
ii. 13; Fulgentius, Mytholog. ii. 14; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. 
i. 17; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 41, 86 sqg., 88 (First Vatican Mythographer, 128 ; 

OI 

ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ἐκβαλὼν ᾿Αμφικτύονα ἐβασί- 
λευσεν ᾿Αθηνῶν, καὶ τὸ ἐν ἀκροπόλει ξόανον 
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἱδρύσατο, καὶ τῶν Παναθηναίων 
τὴν ἑορτὴν συνεστήσατο, καὶ Πραξιθέαν1 νηΐίδα 

1 Πραξιθέαν Heyne: πρασιθέαν A : Πασιθέαν Aegius. Tzetzes 
calls her Φρασιθέα (Chiltades, i. 174, v. 671), but mentions 

Πραξιθέα as the wife of Erechtheus and mother of Cecrops 
(Chiliades, i. 177, v. 674). 

Second Vatican Mythographer, 37, 40). Apollodorus appar- 
ently describes the infan$ Erichthonius in the chest asa purely 
human babe with a serpent coiled about him. The serpent 
was said to have been set by Athena to guard the infant ; 
according to Euripides (Zon, 20 sqq-), there were two such 
guardian serpents. But according to a common tradition 
Erichthonius was serpent-footed, that is, his legs ended in 
serpents. See Nonnus, in Westermann’s Mythographi Graect, 
Appendiz Narrationum, 3, p. 360; Htymologicum Magnum, 
8.v. Ἐρεχθεύς, p. 371. 47; Hyginus, Fab. 166; Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. iii. 113; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 41, 87 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 128, Second Vatican Mythographer 37). Indeed, 
in one passage (Astronom. ii. 13) Hyginus affirms that 
Erichthonius was born a serpent, and that when the 
box was opened and the maidens saw the serpent in it, 
they went mad and threw themselves from the acropolis, 
while the serpent took refuge under the shield of Athena 
and was reared by the goddess. This view of the identity 
of Erichthonius with the serpent was recognized, if not 
accepted, by Pausanias ; for in describing the famous statue 
of the Virgin Athena on the acropolis of Athens, he notices 
the serpent coiled at her feet behind the shield, and adds 
that the serpent ‘‘may be Erichthonius” (i. 24. 7). The 
sacred serpent which lived in the Erechtheum on the acro- 
polis of Athens and was fed with honey-cakes once a month, 
may have been Erichthonius himself in his original form of 
a worshipful serpent. See Herodotus, viii. 41 ; Aristophanes, 
Lysistrata, 758 sq., with the Scholiast; Plutarch, Themis- 
tocles, 10; Philostratus, Imagines, ii. 17.6; Hesychius, s.vv. 
δράκανλος and olxoupdy ὄφιν ; Suidas, s.v. Δράκαυλος ; Htymo- 

herself in the precinct,! Erichthonius expelled Am- 
phictyon and became king of Athens; and he set up 
the wooden image of Athena in the acropolis,? and 
instituted the festival of the Panathenaea,’? and 

logicum Magnum, s.v. δράκανλος, p. 287; Photius, Lexicon, 
8.v. οἰκουρὸν ὄφιν ; Eustathius on Homer, Od. i. 357, p. 1422, 
lines 7 sqgqg. According to some, there were two such sacred 
serpents in the Erechtheum (Hesychius, s.v. olxoupdy ὄφιν). 
When we remember that Cecrops, the ancestor of Eri- 
chthonius, was said, like his descendant, to be half-man, half- 
serpent (above, iii. 14. 1), we may conjecture that the old 
kings of Athens claimed kinship with the sacred serpents on 
the acropolis, into which they may have professed to trans- 
migrate at death. Compare The Dying God, pp. 86 84. ; and 
my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 2 (vol. ii. pp. 168 sgqg.). The 
Erechtheids, or descendants of Erechtheus, by whom are 
meant the Athenians in general, used to put golden serpents 
round the necks or bodies of their infants, nominally in 
memory of the serpents which guarded the infant Erich- 
thonius, but protably in reality as amulets to protect the 
children. See Euripides, Jon, 20-26, 1426-143]. Erechtheus 
and Erichthonius may have been originally identical. See 
Scholiast on Homer, Ji. ii. 547; Htymologicum Magnum, 
8.v. ᾿Ἐρεχθεύς, p. 371. 29; C. F. Clinton, Fastt Hellenict, 
vol. i. p. 61 note 5. 

1 phe precinct” is the Erechtheum on the acropolis of 
Athens. It was in the Krechtheum that the sacred serpent 
dwelt, which seems to have been originally identical with 
Erichthonius. See the preceding note. 

2 That is, the ancient image of Athena, made of olive- 
wood, which stood in the Erechtheum. See my note on 
Pausanias, i. 26. 6 (vol. ii. pp. 340 sq.). 

3 Compare the Partan Chronicle, line 18; Harpocration, 
8.0. Παναθήναια ; Eratosthenes, Cataster. 13; Hyginus, Astro- 
nom. ii. 13, who says that Erichthonius competed at the 
games in a four-horse car. Indeed, Erichthonius was re- 

uted to have invented the chariot, or, at all events, the 
our-horse chariot. See the Parian Chronicle, lines 18 and 
21; Eusebius, Chronic. vol. ii. p. 32, ed. A. Schoene; 
Virgil, Georg. iii. 113 sq.; Fulgentius, Mytholog. ii. 14. 
According to some, he invented the chariot for the purpose of 

Χ 

a] 

νύμφην ἔγημεν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖς Πανδίων 
ἐγεννήθη. . 

᾿Εριχθονίον δὲ ἀποθανόντος καὶ ταφέντος ἐν 
τῷ αὐτῷ τεμένει τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς Πανδίων ἐβασί- 
λευσεν, ἐφ᾽’ οὗ Δημήτηρ καὶ Διόνυσος εἰς τὴν 
᾿Αττικὴν ἦλθον. ἀλλὰ Δήμητρα μὲν Κελεὸς [εἰς 

1 τῷ αὐτῷ Scaliger, Wagner: τῷ a R®: τῷ ἃ τῷ A. 

concealing his-serpent feet. See Servius, on Virgil, Georg. 
iii. 113; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. pp. 41, 87 (First Vatican Mythographer, 127; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 37). The institution of the 
Panathenaic festival was by some attributed to Theseus 
(Plutarch, Theseus, 24), but the Partan Chronicle (line 18), 
in agreement with Apollodorus, ascribes it to Erichthonius ; 
and from Harpocration (/.c.) we learn that this ascription 
was supported by the authority of the historians Hellanicus 
and Androtion in their works on Attica. Here, therefore, 
as usual, Apollodorus seems to have drawn on the best 
cources. 

1 Compare Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iii. 45, p. 39, 
ed. Potter, who gives a list. of legendary or mythical per- 
sonages who were said to have been buried in sanctuaries or 
temples. Amongst the instances which he cites are the 
graves of Cinyras and his descendants in the sanctuary of 
Aphrodite at Paphus, and the grave of Acrisius in the 
temple of Athena on the acropolis of Larissa. To these 
examples C. G. Heyne, commenting on the present passage 
of Apollodorus, adds the tomb of Castor in a sanctuary at 
Sparta (Pausanias, iii. 13. 1), the tomb of Hyacinth under 
the image of Apollo at Amyclae (Pausanias, tii. 19. 3), and 
the grave of Arcas in a temple of Hera at Mantinea (Pau- 
sanias, viii. 9. 3). ‘‘ Arguing from these examples,” says 
Heyne, ‘‘some have tried to prove that the worship of the 
gods sprang from the honours paid to buried mortals.” 

2 Compare Pausanias, i. 5. 3, who distinguishes two kings 
named Pandion, first, the son of Erichthonius, and, second, 

married Praxithea, a Naiad nymph, by whom he had 
a son Pandion. 

When Erichthonius died and was buried in the 
same precinct of Athena,! Pandion? became king, in 
whose time Demeter and Dionysus came to Attica.* 
But Demeter was welcomed by Celeus at Eleusis,‘ and 

the son of Cecrops the Second. This distinction is accepted 
by Apollodorus (see below, iii. 15. 5), and it is supported by 
the Parian Chronicle (Marmor Partum, lines 22 and 30). 
Eusebius also recognizes Pandion the Second, but makes him 
a son of Erechtheus instead of a son of Cecrops the Second 
(Chronic. bk. i. vol. i. col. 185, ed. A. Schoene). But like 
Cecrops the Second, son of Erechtheus (below, iii. 15. 5), 
Pandion the Second is probably no more than a chronological 
stop-gap thrust into the broken framework of tradition by a 
comparatively late historian. Com R. D. Hicks, in 
Companion to Greek Studtes, ed. Whibley, 3rd._ ed. 
(Cambridge, 1916), p. 76. 

3 Here Apollodorus differs from the Parian Chronicle, 
which dates the advent of Demeter, not in the reign of 
Pandion, but in the reign of his son Erechtheus (Marmor 
Parium, lines 23 sq.). To the reign of Erechtheus the Partan 
Chronicle also refers the first sowing of corn by Triptolemus 
in the Rharian plain at Eleusis, and the first celebration of 
the mysteries by Eumolpus at Eleusis (Marmor Partum, 
lines 23-29). Herein the Parian Chronicle seems to be in 
accord with the received Athenian tradition which dated the 
advent of Demeter, the beginning of agriculture, and the 
institution of the Eleusinian mysteries in the reign of Ere- 
chtheus. See Diodorus Siculus, 1. 290. 1-3. On the other hand, 
the Parian Chronicler dates the discovery of iron on the 
Cretan Mount Ida in the reign of Pandion the First (Marmor 
Parium, lines 22 sq.). He says nothing of the coming of 
Dionysus to Attica. The advent of Demeter and Dionysus 
is a mythical expression for the first cultivation of corn and 
. Vines in Attica; these important discoveries Attic tradi- 
tion referred to the reigns either of Pandion the First or 
of his son Erechtheus. 

4 See above, i. 5. 1. 

τὴν ᾿Ελευσῖνα}" ὑπεδέξατο, Διόνυσον δὲ Ἰκάριος" 
Os? λαμβάνει Tap αὐτοῦ κλῆμα ἀμπέλου καὶ τὰ 
περὶ τὴν οἰνοποιίαν μανθάνει. καὶ τὰς τοῦ θεοῦ 
δωρήσασθαι θέλων χάριτας ἀνθρώποις, ἀφικνεῖται 
πρός τινας ποιμένας, οὗ γευσάμενοι τοῦ ποτοῦ 
καὶ χωρὶς ὕδατος δι’ ἡδονὴν ἀφειδῶς ἑλκύσαντες, 
πεφαρμάχθαι νομίξοντες ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν. μεθ᾽ 
ἡμέραν δὲ νοήσαντες ἔθαψαν αὐτόν. ᾿Ηριγόνῃ 
δὲ τῇ θυγατρὶ τὸν πατέρα μαστευούσῃ κύων 
συνήθης ὄνομα Μαῖρα, ἣ τῷ ᾿Ικαρίῳ συνείπετο, 
τὸν νεκρὸν ἐμήνυσε' κἀκείνη κατοδυραμένη * τὸν 
πατέρα ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησε. 

1 εἰς τὴν ᾿Ελευσῖνα. These words may be, as Heyne 
thought, a F088 on εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν. They are omitted by 
Hercher. agner keeps them unbracke 

2 Os... μανθάνει Εἰ : wal... μανθάνων A, 

3 νρήσαντες A: νήψαντες Valckenar. 

4 κατοδυραμένη Hercher: κατοδυρομένη Heyne, Wester- 
mann, Miiller, Bekker, Wagner. 

1 The implication is that their wassailing had taken place 
by night. The Greek μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν regularly means ‘‘ by day” 
as opposed to ‘‘by night”; it is not to be translated ‘‘the 
day after.” See Herodotus, ii. 150, οὐ νυκτὸς ἀλλὰ per’ ἡμέρην 
ποιεύμενον ; Plato, Phaedrus, Ὁ. 251 D, ἐμμανὴς οὖσα οὔτε νυκτὸς 
δύναται καθεύδειν οὔτε μεθ' ἡμέραν. Compare Apollodorus, i. 
9. 18, iii. δ. θ (νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν), iii. 12. 3, Ερίίοηιο, iv. 5, 
vii. 31 (μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν μὲν ὑφαίνουσα, νύκτωρ δὲ ἀναλύουσα). 

2 With this story of the first introduction of wine into 
Attica, and its fatal consequences, compare Scholiast on 
Homer, Jl. xxii. 29; Aelian, Var. Hist. vii. 28; Nonnus, 
Dionys. xlvii. 34-245; Hyginus, Fab. 130; td. Astronom. 
ii. 4; Statius, Theb. xi. 644-647, with the comment of Lac- 

tantius Placidus on v. 644; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. ii. . 

389; Probus, on Virgil, Georg. ii. 385; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 6, 94 ag. 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 19; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 61). The Athenians celebrated a curious festival of 

Dionysus by Icarius, who received from him a 
branch of a vine and learned the process of making 
wine. And wishing to bestow the god’s boons on 
men, Icarius went to some shepherds, who, having 
tasted the beverage and quaffed it copiously without 
water for the pleasure of it, imagined that they were 
bewitched and killed him; but by day ! they under- 
stood how it was and buried him. When his daughter 
Erigone was searching for her father, a domestic dog, 
named Maera, which had attended Icarius, discovered 
his dead body to her, and she bewailed her father 
and hanged herself.? 

swinging, which was supposed to be an expiation for the 
death of Erigone, who had hanged herself on the same tree 
at the foot of which she had discovered the dead body of her 
father Icarius (Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 4). See Hesychius 
and EKtymologicum Magnum, 8.v. Alépa; Athenaeus, xiv. 10, 
p. 618 er; Festus, ed. C. O. Miiller, p. 194, 9.v. ““ Oscillantes.”’ 
Compare The Dying God, pp. 281 sqg. However, some 
thought that the Erigone whose death was thus expiated 
was not the daughter of Icarius, but the daughter of Aegis- 
thus, who accused Orestes at Athens of the murder of her 
father and hanged herself when he was acquitted (so Hiymo- 
logicum -Magnum, I.c.; compare Apollodorus, Epitome, vi. 
25 with the note). Sophocles wrote a play Erigone, but it is 
doubtful to which of the two Erigones it referred. See The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C, Pearson, vol. i. pp. 173 sqq. 
The home of Icarius was at Icaria (Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 
Ἰκαρία). From the description of Statius (/.c.) we infer that 
the place was in the woods of Marathon, and in accordance 
with this description the site has been discovered in a 
beautiful wooded dell at the northern foot of the forest-clad 
slopes of Mount Pentelicus. The place is still appropriately 
named Dionysos. A rugged precipitous path leads down a 
wild romantic ravine froin the deserted village of Rapentosa 
to the plain of Marathon situated at a great depth below. 
Among the inscriptions found on the spot several refer to the 
worship of Dionysus. See my commentary on Pausanias, 
vol. ii. pp. 461 sqgqg., compare p. 442. 

ὃ Πανδίων δὲ γήμας Ζευξίππην τῆς μητρὸς τὴν 
ἀδελφὴν θυγατέρας μὲν ἐτέκνωσε Πρόκνην καὶ 
Φιλομήλαν, παῖδας δὲ διδύμους ᾿Βρεχθέα καὶ 
Βούτην. πολέμου δὲ ἐνστάντος πρὸς Λάβδακον 
περὶ γῆς ὅρων ἐπεκαλέσατο βοηθὸν ἐκ Θράκης 
Τηρέα τὸν “A peos, καὶ τὸν πόλεμον σὺν αὐτῷ 
κατορθώσας ἔδωκε Τηρεῖ πρὸς γάμον τὴν ἑαυτοῦ 
θυγατέρα ἹΠρόκνην. ὁ δὲ ἐκ ταύτης γεννήσας 

Δ ἀνστάντος Ei: ἐξαναστάντος A, Heyne, Westermann, 
Miiller, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner. But such a use of 
ἐξαναστὰς seems unparalleled, whereas ἐνστὰς is regularly 
applied to war breaking out or threatening. See below iil. 
15. 4, πολέμον ἐνστάντος πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους : Isocrates, Or. v. 2, 
τὸν πόλεμον τὸν dvatdyta σοὶ καὶ τῇ πόλει περὶ ᾿Αμφιπόλεω ; 
Demosthenes, Or. xviii. 89, ὁ γὰρ τότε ἐνστὰς πόλεμος, and 
139, οὐκέτ᾽ ἐν ἀμφισβητησίμῳ τὰ πράγματα ἦν, ἀλλ" ἐνειστήκει 
πόλεμος; Polybius, i. 71 4, μείζονος γὰρ ἐνίστατο πολέμου 
καταρχή. 

1 This tradition of marriage with a maternal aunt is re- 
markable. I do not remember to have met with another 
instance of such a marriage in Greek legend. 

2 For the tragic story of Procne and Philomela, and their 
transformation into birds, see Zenobius, Cent. iii. 14 (who, to 
a certain extent, agrees verbally with Apollodorus) ; Conon, 
Narrat. 31; Achilles Tatius, v. 3 and 5; J. Tzetzes, Chali- 
ades, vii. 459 sqq.; Pausanias, i. 5. 4, i. 41. 8 sq., x. 4. 8 8q.; 
Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xix. 518, p. 1875; Hyginus, Fab. 
45; Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 426-674; Servius, on Virgil, Hct. 
vi. 78; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. v. 120; Scrip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol..i. pp. 
2 and 147 (First Vatican Mythographer, 8; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 217). On this theme Sophocles composed a 
tragedy Tereue, from which most of the extant versions of 
the story are believed to be derived. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 221 egg. However, 
the version of Hyginus differs from the rest in a number of 
particulars. For example, he represents Tereus as trans- 
formed into a hawk instead of into a hoopoe; but for this 

Pandion married Zeuxippe, his mother’s sister,} 
and begat two daughters, Procne and Philomela, and 
twin sons, Erechtheus and Butes. But war having 
broken out with Labdacus on a question of boundaries, 
he called in the help of Tereus, son of Ares, from 
Thrace, and having with his help brought the war to 
a successful close, he gave Tereus his own daughter 
Procne in marriage. Tereus had by her a son Itys, 

transformation he had the authority of Aeschylus (Sup- 
pliants, 60 sqq.). Tereus is commonly said to have been a 
Thracian, and the scene of the tragedy is sometimes laid in 
Thrace. Ovid, who adopts this account, appears to have 
associated the murder of Itys with the frenzied rites of the 
Bacchanals, for he says that the crime was perpetrated at 
the time when the Thracian women were celebrating the 
biennial festival (sacra trieterica) of Dionysus, and that the 
two women disguised themselves as Bacchanals. On the 
other hand, Thucydides (ii. 29) definitely affirms that Tereus 
dwelt in Daulia, a district of Phocis, and that the tragedy 
took place in that country ; at the saine time he tells us that 
the population of the district was then Thracian. In this he 
is followed by Strabo (ix. 3. 13, p. 423), Zenobius, Conon, 
Pausanias, and Nonnus (Dionys. iv. 320 sqq.). Thucydides 
supports his view by a reference to Greek poets, who called 
the nightingale the Daulian bird. The Megarians maintained 
that Tereus reigned at Pagae in Megaris, and they showed 
his grave in the form of a barrow, at which they sacrificed to 
him every year, using gravel in the sacrifice instead of barley 
groats (Pausanias, i. 41. 8 eg.). But no one who has seen 
the grey ruined walls and towers of Daulis, thickly mantled 
in ivy and holly-oak, on the summit of precipices that 
overhang a deep romantic glen at the foot of the towering 
slopes of Parnassus, will willingly consent to divest them of 
the legendary charm which Greek poetry and history have 
combined to throw over the lovely scene. 

It is said that, after being turned into birds,° Procne and 
Tereus continued to utter the same cries which they had 
emitted at the moment of their transformation ; the nightin- 
gale still fled warbling plaintively the name of her dead son, 
πω! Itu! while the hoopoe still pursued his cruel wife 

H 2 

— 

\ rn 

παῖδα Ἴτυν, καὶ Φιλομήλας ἐρασθεὶς ἔφθειρε καὶ 
ταύτην, [εἰπὼν τεθνάναι Πρόκνην,}; κρύπτων ἐπὶ 
τῶν χωρίων. [αὖθις δὲ γήμας Φιλομήλαν συνηυ- 
νάξετο,] 3 καὶ τὴν γλῶσσαν ἐξέτεμεν αὐτῆς. ἡ δὲ 
ὑφήνασα ἐν πέπλῳ γράμματα διὰ τούτων ἐμήνυσε 
Πρόκνῃ τὰς ἰδίας συμφοράς. ἡ δὲ ἀναζητήσασα 
τὴν ἀδελφὴν κτείνει τὸν παῖδα Ἴτυν, καὶ καθε- 
ψήσασα. Τηρεῖ δεῖπνον ἀγνοοῦντι παρατίθησι" 8 
καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς διὰ τάχους" ἔφυγε. Τηρεὺς 
δὲ αἰσθόμενος, ἁρπάσας πέλεκυν ἐδίωκεν. αἱ δὲ ἐν 
Δαυλίᾳ τῆς Φωκίδος γινόμεναι περικατάληπτοι 
θεοῖς εὔχονταε ἀπορνεωθῆναι, καὶ Πρόκνη μὲν 
γίνεταε ἀηδών, Φιλομήλα δὲ χελεδών: ἀπορνε- 
οῦται δὲ καὶ Τηρεύς, καὶ γίνεται Ero. 

XV. Πανδίονος δὲ ἀποθανόντος οἱ παῖδες τὰ 
πατρῷα ἐμερίσαντο, καὶ τὴν «μὲν» βασιλείαν 
᾽ A 4 ἉἍ κε a na 3 “ 
Epey evs λαμβάνει, τὴν δὲ ἱερωσύνην τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 
καὶ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος τοῦ Ἐρεχθέως Βούτης. 

1 εἰπὼν τεθνάναι Πρόκνην omitted by Hercher. 

2 αὖθις δὲ γήμας Φιλομήλαν συνηυνάζετο omitted by Hercher. 
The narrative gains in clearness by the omission. 

3 παρατίθησι Zenobius, Cent. iii. 14, Bekker, Hercher, 
Wagner: προτίθησι EA, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller. 

4 διὰ τάχους E: διαταχέως A: διὰ ταχέος Miiller: διὰ 
ταχέων Westermann, Bekker, Hercher. 

5 ἔφυγε EA: ἔφευγε Hercher. 

6 μὲν inserted by Bekker. 

7 Ἐρεχθέως Heyne (conjecture), Hercher, Wagner: *Ep:- 
x9oviov A, Westermann, Miller, Bekker. 

crying, Poo! poo! (ποῦ, ποῦ, ‘‘Where? Where?”). The 
later Romari mythographers somewhat absurdly inverted the 
transformation of the two sisters, making Procne the swallow 
and the tongueless Philomela the songstress nightingale. 

1 Erechtheus is recognized as the son of Pandion by the 
Parian Chronicle (Marmor Parium, lines 28 4q.), Eusebius 

THE LIBRARY;:f4I. xiv. 8-xv. 1 

and having fallen in love with Phijomela, he seduced 
her also saying that Procne was dead, for he con- 
cealed her“in the country. Afterwards. he married 
Philomela and bedded with her, and; ‘cat, out her 
tongue. But by weaving characters in a robe she 
revealed thereby to Procne her own sorrows: And 
having sought out her sister, Procne killed hex stn 
Itys, boiled him, served him up for supper to the ust; 
witting Tereus, and fled with her sister in haste, 
When Tereus was aware of what had happened, he 
snatched up an axe and pursued them. And being 
overtaken at Daulia in Phocis, they prayed the 
gods to be turned into birds, and Procne became a 
nightingale, and Philomela a swallow. And Tereus 
also was changed into a bird and became a hoopoe.

When Pandion died, his sons divided their
father’s inheritance between them, and Erechtheus 
got the kingdom,! and Butes got the priesthood 
of Athena and Poseidon Erechtheus.? Erechtheus 

(Chronic. vol. i. p. 186, ed. A. Schoene), Hyginus (Fab. 48) 
and Ovid (Metamorph. vi. 675 sqq.). According to Ovid 
(.c.), Erechtheus had four sons and four daughters. 

2 Compare Harpocration, 3.v. Βούτης, who tells us that the 
families of the Butads and Eteobutads traced their origin to 
this Butes. There was an altar dedicated to him as to a 
hero in the Erechtheum on the acropolis of Athens (Pau- 
sanias, i. 26. 5). Compare J. Toepffer, Attische Genealogte 
(Berlin, 1889), pp. 113 sqgg. Erechtheus was identified with 
Poseidon at Athens (Hesychius, 8.v. ᾿Ερεχθεύς) The Athen- 
ians sacrificed to Erechtheus Poseidon (Athenagoras, Suppli- 
catio pro Christianis, 1). His priesthood was called the 
priesthood of Poseidon Erechtheus (Pseudo-Plutarch, x. Orat. 
Vit., Lycurgus, 30, Ὁ. 1027, ed. Diibner ; Corpus Inscrip- 
tionum Aiticarum, ili. No. 805; Dittenberger, Sylloge In- 
scriptionum Graecarum*, No. 790). An inscription found at 
the Erechtheum contains a dedication to Poseidon Erechtheus 

ΙΟῚ 

ν 

rv 

- ν 
.-» ν 
. 

». 
.υ 

ve 

a 
a 
e 

° 
e 

APOLEQDORUS 

γήμας δὲ ᾿Εροχβεὰ; Πραξιθέαν τὴν Φρασίμου 
καὶ Acoyeveias τῆς Κηφισοῦ, ἔσχε παῖδας Κέ- 
κροπα Παῤᾷωρον Μητίονα, θυγατέρας δὲ Ipoxpiw 
Κρέουσαν “Χθονίαν ᾿Ωρείθυιαν, ἣν ἥρπασε Βορέας. 

Χθονίαν᾽ μὲν οὖν ἔγημε Βούτης, Κρέουσαν δὲ 
Ἐϑῦθος, Ἰρόκριν δὲ Κέφαλος <o> Δηιόνος. ἡ δὲ 

Φ ΓΝ 

- -{Gérpus Inscriptionum Aiticarum, i. No. 387). Hence we 

may conclude with great probability that Heyne is right in 
restoring ’Epex@éws for ’Ep:x@oviov in the present passage of 
Apollodorus. See the Critical Note. 

1 Orithyia is said to have been carried off by Boreas from 
the banks of the Ilissus, where she was dancing or gathering 
flowers with her playmates. An altar to Boreas marked the 
spot. See below, iii. 15. 2; Plato, Phaedrus, p. 22980; 
Pausanias, i. 19.5; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 212 sqq., 

‘with the Scholiast on v. 212, from whom we learn that the 

story was told by the poet Simonides and the early historian 
Pherecydes. Compare Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 683 sqqg. Accord- 
ing to another account, Orithyia was seen and loved by 
Boreas as she was carrying a basket in a procession, which 
was winding up the slope of the acropolis to offer sacrifice to 
Athena Polias, the Guardian of the City; the impetuous 
lover whirled her away with him, invisible to the crowd 
and to the guards that surrounded the royal maidens. See 
Scholiast on Homer, Od. xiv. 533, who refers to Aculiaus as 
his authority. <A different tradition as to the parentage of 
Orithyia appears to be implied by ἃ vase-painting, which 
represents Boreas carrying off Orithyia in the presence of 
Cecrops, Erechtheus, Aglaurus, Herse, and Pandrosus, all of 
whom are identified by inscriptions (Corpus Inscriptionum 
Graecarum, vol. iv. p. 146, No. 7716). The painting is 
interpreted most naturally by the supposition that in the 
artist's opinion Aglaurus, Herse, and Pandrosus, the three 
daughters of Cecrops (see above, iii. 14. 2), were the sisters 
of Orithyia, and therefore that her father was Cecrops, and 
not Erechtheus, as Apollodorus, following the ordinary Greek 
tradition (Herodotus, vii. 189), assumes in the present pas- 
sage. This inference is confirmed by an express statement 
of the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. i. 212) that 

102 * 

married Praxithea, daughter of Phrasimus by Dio- 
genia, daughter of Cephisus, and had sons, to wit, 
Cecrops, Pandorus, and Metion; and daughters, to 
wit, Procris, Creusa, Chthonia, and Orithyia, who was 
carried off by Boreas.! 

Chthonia was married to Butes,? Creusa to Xuthus,3 
and Procris to Cephalus, son of Deion.‘ Bribed by 

Cecrops was the father of Orithyia. As to the vase-painting 
in question, see F. G. Welcker, Antike Denkmdler, iii. 144 
sqq.; A. Baumeister, Denkméler des_klassischen Altertums, 
i. 351 sqq. 

2 This is the third instance of marriage or betrothal with 
a niece, the daughter of a brother, which has met us in 
Apollodorus. See above, ii. 4. 3, ii. 4. 5. So many refer- 
ences to such a marriage seem to indicate a former practice 
of marrying a niece, the daughter of a brother. 

3 Compare Euripides, Ion, 57 sqg.; Pausanias, vii. 1, 2, 
where, however, Creusa is not named. 

4 The tragic story of Cephalus and Procris was told with 
variations in detail by ancient writers. See Scholiast on 
Homer, Od. xi. 321; Eustathius on Homer, l.c., p. 1688; 
Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 41; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 
i. 542 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 189; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 
670-862 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 445; Scriplores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 16 sq., 147 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 44; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 216). δι these writers, Tzetzes closely follows 
Apollodorus, whom he cites by name. They are the only . 
two authors who mention the intrigue of Procris with Pteleus 
and the bribe of the golden crown. The story was told by 
Pherecydes, as we learn from the Scholiast on Homer, l.c., 
who gives an abstract of the narrative. In it the test of his 
wife’s chastity is made by Cephalus himself in disguise; 
nothing is said of the flight of the abashed Procris to Minos, 
and nothing of the love of Dawn (Aurora) for Cephalus, 
which in several of the; versions figures conspicuously, since 
it is the jealous goddess who suggests to her human lover 
the idea of tempting his wife to her fall. The episode of 
Procris’s flight to Minos is told with some differences of 
detail by Antoninus Liberalis. As to the dog which Procris 

λαβοῦσα χρυσοῦν στέφανον IItedéovts συνευνά- 
ζεται, καὶ φωραθεῖσα ὑπὸ Κεφάλον πρὸς Μίνωα 
φεύγει. ὁ δὲ αὐτῆς ἐρᾷ καὶ πείθει συνελθεῖν. εἰ 
δὲ συνέλθοι γυνὴ Μίνωι, ἀδύνατον ἦν αὐτὴν 
σωθῆναι" Πασιφάη γάρ, ἐπειδὴ πολλαῖς Μίνως 
συνηνυνάξετο γυναιξίν, ἐφαρμάκευσεν αὐτόν, καὶ 
ὁπότε ἄλλῃ συνηυνάζετο, εἰς τὰ ἄρθρα ἀφίει 1 
θηρία, καὶ οὕτως ἀπώλλυντο. ἔχοντος οὖν αὐτοῦ 
κύνα ταχὺν «καὶ; ἀκόντιον ἰθυβόλον, ἐπὶ τούτοις 
Πρόκρις, δοῦσα τὴν Κιρκαίαν πιεῖν ῥίξαν πρὸς τὸ 
μηδὲν βλάψαι, συνευνάξεται. δείσασα δὲ αὖθις 
τὴν Μίνωος γυναῖκα ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ διαλ- 
λαγεῖσα Κεφάλῳ μετὰ τούτου παραγίνεται ἐπὶ 
θήραν: ἣν γὰρ θηρευτική. διωκούσης δὲ αὐτῆς 
ὧν τῇ λόχμῃ 3 ἀγνοήσας Κέφαλος ἀκοντίξει, καὶ 
τυχὼν ἀποκτείνει Πρόκριν. καὶ κριθεὶς ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ 
πάγῳ φυγὴν ἀΐδιον καταδικάξεται. 

Ὠρείθυιαν δὲ παίξουσαν 8 ἐπὶ Τλισσοῦ ποταμοῦ 
ἁρπάσας Βορέας συνῆλθεν" ἡ δὲ γεννᾷ θυγατέρας 
μὲν Κλεοπάτραν καὶ Χιόνην, viods δὲ Ζήτην καὶ 
Κάλαϊν πτερωτούς, of πλέοντες σὺν ᾿Ιάσονι καὶ 

1 ἀφίει Heyne (conjecture), Bekker, Hercher: ἐφίει, Wes- 
termann, Miiller, Wagner, following apparently the MSS. 

2 rAdxun O: λόγχῃ A. | 

3 παίζουσαν Staverenus, Hercher, Wagner (compare παί- 
(oveay in Plato, Phaedrus, Ὁ. 2296; Pausanias, i. 29. 5; 
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 212): περῶσαν A, 
Westermann, Bekker. 

received from Minos, see above, ii. 7. 1. The animal’s name 
was Laelaps (Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 771; Hyginus, Fab. 
189). According to Hyginus (J.c.), both the dog and the 
dart which could never miss were bestowed on Procris by 
Artemis (Diana). Sophocles wrote a tragedy Procris, of 

a golden crown, Procris admitted Pteleon to her 
bed, and being detected by Cephalus she fled to 
Minos. But he fell in love with her and tried to 
seduce her. Now if any woman had intercourse 
with Minos, it was impossible for her to escape with 
life ; for because Minos cohabited with many women, 
Pasiphae bewitched him, and whenever he_ took 
another woman to his bed, he discharged wild beasts 
at her joints, and so the women perished.! But 
Minos had a swift dog and a dart that flew straight ; 
and in return for these gifts Procris shared his bed, 
having first given him the Circaean root to drink 
that he might not harm her. But afterwards, fearing 
the wife of Minos, she came to Athens and being 
reconciled to Cephalus she went forth with him to 
the chase; for she was fond of hunting. As she was 
in pursuit of game in the thicket, Cephalus, not 
knowing she was there, threw a dart, hit and killed 
Procris, and, being tried in the Areopagus, was con- 
demned to perpetual! banishment.? 

While Orithyia was playing by the Ilissus river, 
Boreas carried her off and had intercourse with her ; 
and she bore daughters, Cleopatra and Chione, and 
winged sons, Zetes and Calais. These sons sailed 

which antiquity has bequeathed to us four words. See The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 170 aq. 
The accidental killing of Procris by her husband was a 
familiar, indeed trite, tale in Greece (Pausanias, x. 29. 6). 

1 The danger which the women incurred, and the device 
by which Procris contrived to counteract it, are clearly 
explained by Antoninus Liberalis (Transform. 41). According 
to him, the animals which Minos discharged from his body 
were snakes, scorpions, and millipeds. 

32 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 552. After the homi- 
cide of his wife, Cephalus is said to have dwelt as an exile in 
Thebes (Pausanias, i. 37. 6). 

Tas ἁρπυίας διώκοντες ἀπέθανον, ὡς δὲ ᾿Ακουσί- 
λαος λέγει, περὶ Τῆνον ὑφ᾽ Ηρακλέους ἀπώλοντο. 
Κλεοπάτραν δὲ ἔγημε Φινεύς, ᾧ γίνονται παῖδες 
<€E>! αὐτῆς ἸΠλήξιππος καὶ Τἰανδίων. ἔχων δὲ 
τούτους ἐκ Κλεοπάτρας παῖδας ᾿Ιδαίαν ἐγάμει 
τὴν Δαρδάνου. κἀκείνη τῶν προγόνων πρὸς Φινέα 
φθορὰν καταψεύδεται, καὶ πιστεύσας Φινεὺς 
ἀμφοτέρους τυφλοῖ. παραπλέοντες δὲ οἱ ᾽Αργο- 
ναῦται σὺν Βορέᾳ κολάξονται" αὐτόν. 

Χιόνη δὲ Ποσειδῶνι" μίγνυται. ἡ δὲ κρύφα 

1 δὲ inserted by Heyne. 

2 γαμεῖ Hercher. 

3 κολάζουσιν Bekker (conjecture), Hercher. 
4 Χιόνῃ δὲ Ποσειδῶν Hercher. 

1 See above, i. 9. 21; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 211 
8qq., ii. 273 sqg. ; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xiv. 533; Scholiast 
on Sophocles, Antigone, 981; Hyginus, Fab. 14, pp. 42 aq., 
ed. Bunte; Ovid, Metamorph. vi. 711 sqqg.; Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. iii. 209. According to Hyginus (/.c.), their wings 
were attached to their feet, and their hair was sky-blue. 
Elsewhere (fab. 19) he describes them with wings on their 
heads as well as on their feet. Ovid says that they were 
twins, and that they did not develop wings until their beards 
began to grow; according to him, the pinions sprouted from 
their sides in the usual way. 

2 This is the version adopted by Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. 
i. 1298-1308), who tells us that when Zetes and Calais were 
returning from the funeral games of Pelias, Hercules killed 
them in Tenos because they had persuaded the Argonauts to 
leave him behind in Mysia; over their grave he heaped a 
barrow, and on the barrow he set up two pillars, one of which 
shook at every breath of the North Wind, the father of the 
two dead men. The slaughter of Zetes and Calais by Her- 
cules is mentioned by Hyginus (Fab. 14, Ὁ. 43, ed. Bunte). 

5 See above, i. 9. 21. The story of Phineus and his sons is 
related by the Scholiast on Sophocles (Antigone, 981), referring 

with Jason! and met their end in chasing the Harpies; 
but according to Acusilaus, they were killed by Her- 
cules in Tenos.2 Cleopatra was married to Phineus, 
who had by her two sons, Plexippus and Pandion. 
When he had these sons by Cleopatra, he married 
Idaea, daughter of Dardanus. She falsely accused 
her stepsons to Phineus of corrupting her virtue, and 
Phineus, believing her, blinded them both.’ But 
when the Argonauts sailed past with Boreas, they 
punished him.‘ 

Chione had connexion with Poseidon, and having 

to the present passage of Apollodorus as his authority. The 
tale was told by the ancients with many variations, some of 
which are noticed by the Scholiast on Sophocles (.c.)_ Accord- 
ing to Sophocles (Antigone, 969 eqq.), it was not their father 
Phineus, but their cruel stepmother, who blinded the two 
young men, using her shuttle as a dagger. The names both 
of the stepmother and of her stepsons are variously given by 
our authorities. See further Diodorus Siculus, iv. 43 96. ; 
Scholiast on Homer, Od. xii. 69 (who refers to Asclepiades as 
his authority); Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 
178; Hyginus, Fab. 19; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 209; 
Scholiast on Ovid, Ibis, 265, 271; Scriptores rerum mythica- 
rum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 9, 124 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 27; Second Vatican Mythographer, 124). 
According to Phylarchus, Aesculapius restored the sight of 
the blinded youths for the sake of their mother Cleopatra, but 
was himself killed by Zeus with a thunderbolt for so doing. 
See Sextus Empiricus, Adversus mathematicos, i. 262, p. 658, 
ed. Bekker ; compare Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 54 (96) ; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Alcestis, 1. Both Aeschylus and 
Sophocles composed tragedies entitled Phineus. See T'ragi- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 83, 284 sqq.; 
The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 
311 eqq. 

4 Here Apollodorus departs from the usual tradition, 
followed by himself elsewhere (i. 9. 21), which affirmed that 
the Argonauts, instead of punishing Phineus, rendered him a 
great service by delivering him from the Harpies. 

τοῦ πατρὸς Εὔμολπον τεκοῦσα, iva μὴ γένηται 
καταφανής, εἰς τὸν βυθὸν ῥίπτει τὸ παιδίον. 
Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἀνελόμενος εἰς Αἰθιοπίαν κομίξει 
καὶ δίδωσι Βενθεσικύμῃ τρέφειν, αὐτοῦ θυγατρὶ 
καὶ ᾿Αμφιτρίτης. ὡς δὲ ἐτελειώθη, ὃ Βενθεσι- 
κύμης ἀνὴρ τὴν ἑτέραν αὐτῷ τῶν θυγατέρων 
δίδωσιν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τῆς γαμηθείσης 
3 , / \ \ a ‘\ 
ἐπεχείρησε βιάξεσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φυγαδευθεὶς 
“Ὁ Ἁ 

μετὰ Ἰσμάρου τοῦ παιδὸς πρὸς Τεγύριον ἧκε, 
Θρᾳκῶν βασιλέα, ὃς αὐτοῦ τῷ παιδὶ τὴν θυγατέρα 
συνῴκισεν. ἐπιβουλεύων δὲ ὕστερον Teyupio 
καταφανὴς γίνεται, καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ελευσινίους φεύγει 
καὶ φιλίαν ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτούς. αὖθις δὲ ᾽1σ- 
μάρου τελευτήσαντος μεταπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ Τεγυρίου 
παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν πρὸ τοῦ μάχην διαλυσά- 
μενος τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε. καὶ πολέμου 
9 UA Ν "AG / a) "EX ’ 8 
ἐνστάντος πρὸς ηναίους τοῖς ευσινίοις, 
3 e \ 9 / a 

ἐπικληθεὶς ὑπὸ ᾿Ελευσινίων peta πολλῆς συνε- 

1 After ἐτελειώθη some MSS. read ἔνδον or ἔνδον ἐν, which 
Bekker changed into "Ἔνδιος and Hercher into “Evados. It 
seems probable that the name of Benthesicyme’s husband is 
concealed under ἔνδον or ἔνδον ἐν. 

2 συνῴκισεν ἘΔ : συνῴκησεν A. 

8 γρῖς ᾿Ελευσινίοις Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, 
Hercher, Wagner: καὶ ’EAevowious A. 

1 With this account of the parentage of Eumolpus, compare 
Pausanias, i. 38. 2; Scholiast on Euripides, Phoentss. 854; 
Hyginus, Fab. 157. Isocrates (iv. 68) agrees with Apollodorus 
in describing Eumolpus as a son of Poseidon, but does not 
name his mother. On the other hand the Partan Chronicle 
(Marmor Parium, lines 27 eq.) represents Eumolpus as a son 
of Musaeus, and says that he founded the mysteries of Eleusis. 
Apollodorus does not expressly attribute the institution of the 

given birth to Eumolpus! unknown to her father, 
~in order not to be detected, she flung the child into 
the deep. But Poseidon picked him up and con- 
veyed him to Ethiopia, and gave him to Benthesicyme 
(a daughter of his own by Amphitrite) to bring up. 
When he was full grown, Benthesicyme’s husband 
gave him one of his two daughters. But he tried to 
force his wife’s sister, and being banished on that 
account, he went with his son Ismarus to Tegyrius, 
king of Thrace, who gave his daughter in marriage 
to Eumolpus’s son. But being afterwards detected 
in a plot against Tegyrius, he fled to the Eleusinians 
and made friends with them. Later, on the death of 
Ismarus, he was sent for by Tegyrius and went, com- 
posed his old feud with him, and succeeded to the 
kingdom. And war having broken out between the 
Athenians and the Eleusinians, he was called in by 
the Eleusinians and fought on their side with a large 

mysteries to Eumolpus, but perhaps he implies it. Compare 
ii. 5. 12. It seems to have been a common tradition that the 
mysteries of Eleusis were founded by the Thracian Eumolpus. 
See Plutarch, De exilio, 17; Lucian, Demonaz, 34; Photius, 
Lexicon, 8.v. Ἑὐμολπίδαι. But some people held that the 
Eumolpus who founded the mysteries was a different person 
from the Thracian Eumolpus ; his mother, according to them, 
was Deiope, daughter of Triptolemus. Some of the ancients 
supposed that there were as many as three different legendary 
personages of the name of Eumolpus, and that the one who 
instituted the Eleusinian mysteries was descended in the fifth 
generation from the first Eumolpus. See Scholiast on Sopho- 
cles, Oedipus Colon. 1053 ; Photius, Lexicon, 6.v. Εὐμολπίδαι. 
The story which Apollodorus here, tells of the casting of 
Eumolpus into the sea, his rescue by Poseidon, and his 
upbringing in Ethiopia, appears not to be noticed by any other 
ancient writer. 

A a 3 θ “ δὲ e Ν 1 
payer Θρᾳκῶν δυνάμεως. Ἐρεχθεῖ δὲ ὑπὲρ 
᾿Αθηναίων νίκης χρωμένῳ ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς κατορ- 
θώσειν τὸν πόλεμον, ἐὰν μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων 

4 \ 4 9 A \ lA N 
σφάξῃ. καὶ σφάξαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν νεωτάτην καὶ 
αἱ λοιπαὶ ἑαυτὰς κατέσφαξαν" ἐπεποίηντο γάρ, 
ὡς ἔφασάν τινες, συνωμοσίαν ἀλλήλαις συναπο- 
λέσθαι. γενομένης δὲ μετὰ «τὴν; ὃ σφαγὴν τῆς 
μάχης ᾿Ερεχθεὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν Εὔμολπον, Ποσειδῶ- 
νος δὲ καὶ τὸν ᾿Ἐ!ρεχθέα καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ κατα- 
λύσαντος, Κέκροψ ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν ᾿Ερεχθέως 
παίδων ἐβασίλευσεν, ὃς γήμας Μητιάδουσαν τὴν 
Εὐπαλάμον παῖδα ἐτέκνωσε Ἰ]Πανδίονα. οὗτος 

\ Ké 3 : , δ Χ a M f 
pera Κέκροπαϑ βασιλεύων ὑπὸ τῶν Μητίονος 

1 ὑπὲρ A: περὶ Hercher. 
2 τὴν inserted by Bekker. 
8 Κέκροπα Heyne: κέκροπος A. 

Δ. As to the war between the Athenians and the Eleusinians, 
see Pausanias, i. 5, 2, i. 27. 4, i. 31. 3, i. 36. 4, i. 38. 3, ii. 14. 
2, vii. 1. 5, ix. 9.1; Alcidamas, Odyss, 23, p. 182, ed. Blass; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Phoeniss. 854; Aristides, Or. xiii. 
vol. i. pp. 190 sg., ed. Dindorf. Pausanias differs from 
Apollodorus and our other authorities in saying that in the 
battle it was not Eumolpus, but his son Ismarus or, as 
Pausanias calls him, Immaradus who fell by the hand of 
Erechtheus (i. 5. 2, i. 27, 4). According to Pausanias (i. 38. 
3), Erechtheus was himself slain in the battle, but Eumolpus 
survived it and was allowed to remain in Eleusis (ii. 14. 2). 
Further, Pausanias relates that in the war with Eleusis the 
Athenians offered the supreme command of their forces to the 
exiled Ion, and that he accepted it (i. 31. 3, ii. 14. 2, vii. 1. 5); 
and with this account Strabo (viii. 7. 1, p. 383) substantially 
agrees. The war waged by Eumolpus on Athens is mentioned 
by Plato (Menexenus, p. 239 8), Isocrates (iv. 68, xii. 193), 
Demosthenes (Ix. 8. p.¢@391), and Plutarch (Parailela, 31). 
According to Isocrates, Eumolpus claimed the kingdom of 
Athens against Erechtheus on the ground that his father 
Poseidon had gained possession of the country before Athena. 

1[1ο 

force of Thracians.1. When Erechtheus inquired of 
the oracle how the Athenians might be victorious, 
the god answered that they would win the war if he 
would slaughter one of his daughters; and when he 
slaughtered his youngest, the others also slaughtered 
themselves; for, as some said, they had taken an oath 
‘among themselves to perish together.? In the battle 
which took place after the slaughter, Erechtheus killed 
Eumolpus. But Poseidon having destroyed Erech- 
theus* and his house, Cecrops, the eldest of the sons 
of Erechtheus, succeeded to the throne. He married 
Metiadusa, daughter of Eupalamus, and begat Pan- 
dion. This Pandion, reigning after Cecrops, was 

3 Compare Lycurgus, Contra Leocratem, 98 84., ed. C. 
Scheibe; Plutarch, Parallela, 20; Suidas, s.v. παρθένοι ; 
Apostolius, Cent. xiv. 7; Aristides, Or. xiii. vol. i. p. 191, 

ed. Dindorf; Cicero, Pro Sestio, xxi. 48; id. Tusculan, 
Disput. i. 48. 116; td. De natura deorum, iii. 19. 50; id. De 
jinibus, v. 22. 62; Hyginus, Fab. 46. According to Suidas 
and Apostolius, out of the six daughters of Erechtheus only 
the two eldest, Protogonia and Pandora, offered themselves 
for the sacrifice. According to Euripides (Ion, 277-280), the 
youngest of the sisters, Creusa, was spared because she was 
an infant in arms. Aristides speaks of the sacrifice of one 
daughter only. Cicero says (De natura deorum, iii. 19. 50) 
that on account of this sacrifice Erechtheus and his daughters 
were reckoned among the gods at Athens, ‘‘Sober,” that is, 
wineless, sacrifices were offered after their death to the 
daughters of Erechtheus. See Scholiast on Sophocles, 
Oedipus Coloneus, 100. The heroic sacrifice of the maidens 
was celebrated by Euripides in his tragedy Hrechtheus, from 
which a long passage is quoted by Lycurgus (op. ctt. 100). 
See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 
464 sqq. 

2 According to Hyginus (Fab. 46), Zeus killed Erechtheus 
with a thunderbolt at the request of Poseidon, who was 
enraged at the Athenians for killing his son Eumolpus. 

4 Compare Pausanias, i. 5. 3, vii. 1. ὦ. 

υἱῶν κατὰ στάσιν ἐξεβλήθη, καὶ παραγενόμενος 
εἰς Μέγαρα πρὸς Πύλαν τὴν ἐκείνον θυγατέρα 
Πυλίαν! γαμεῖ. αὖθις «δὲ;»" καὶ τῆς πόλεως 
βασιλεὺς ὃ καθίσταται" κτείνας γὰρ Πύλας τὸν 
τοῦ πατρὸς ἀδελφὸν Βίαντα τὴν βασιλείαν δίδωσι 
Πανδίονι, αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς Πελοπόννησον σὺν λαῷ 
παραγενόμενος κτίξει πόλιν Πύλον. 
Πανδίονι δὲ ἐν Μεγάροις ὄντι παῖδες ἐγένοντο 
Αἰγεὺς Πάλλας Nicos Λύκος. ἔνιοι δὲ Αἰγέα 
κυρίου εἶναι λέγουσιν, ὑποβληθῆναι δὲ ὑπὸ 
Πανδίονος. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Πανδίονος τελευτὴν οἱ 
παῖδες αὐτοῦ στρατεύσαντες ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἐξέ- 
βαλον τοὺς Μητιονίδας καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τετραχῇ 
διεῖλον" εἶχε δὲ τὸ πᾶν κράτος Αἰγεύς. γαμεῖ δὲ 
πρώτην“ μὲν Μήταν τὴν 'Οπλῆτος, δευτέραν δὲ 

Χαλκιόπην τὴν Ῥηξήνορος. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἐγένετο 

παῖς αὐτῷ, δεδοικὼς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς εἰς Πυθίαν ὃ 

1 Πυλίαν Faber, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner, preferred by 
Heyne: πελίαν A, Westermann, Miiller. 

2 δὲ conjectured by Heyne, accepted by Westermann, 
Hercher, and Wagner. 

3 βασιλεὺς. The MSS. (A) add ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς, which is kept by 
Westermann, Bekker, and Wagner, but altered into i 
αὐτοῦ by Miiller. I have followed Hercher in omitting the 
words as a gloss, which was the course preferred by Heyne. 

4 πρώτην Hercher, Wagner: πρῶτον AS. 

5 Πυθίαν a rare,-if not unexampled, form of the old name 
for Delphi. The usual form is Πυθώ, which is used by Apol- 
lodorus elsewhere (i. 4. 1) and should perhaps be restored 
here. 

1 Compare Pausanias, i. 5. 3, who tells us that the tomb 
of Pandion was in the land of Megara, on a bluff called the 
bluff of Diver-bird Athena. 

[12 

i cee neato | 

expelled by the sons of Metion in a sedition, and 
going to Pylas at Megara married his daughter Pylia.! 
And at a later time he was even appointed king of 
the city; for Pylas slew his father’s brother Bias and 
gave the kingdom to Pandion, while he himself 
repaired to Peloponnese with a body of people and 
founded the city of Pylus.? — 

While Pandion was at Megara, he had sons born to 
him, to wit, Aegeus, Pallas, Nisus, and Lycus. But 
some say that Aegeus was a son of Scyrius, but was 
passed off by Pandion as his own.’ After the death 
of Pandion his sons marched against Athens, ex- 
pelled the Metionids, and divided the government 
in four; but Aegeus had the whole power.* The 
first wife whom he married was Meta, daughter of 
Hoples, and the second was Chalciope, daughter of 
Rhexenor.® As no child was born to him, he feared 
his brothers, and went to Pythia and consulted the 

2 Compare Pausanias, i. 39. 4, iv. 36. 1, vi. 22. 5, who 
variously names this Megarian king Pylas, Pylus, and 

ylon. 

8 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 494, who may 
have copied Apollodorus. The sons of Pallas, the brother of 
Aegeus, alleged that Aegeus was not of the stock of the 
Erechtheids, since he was only an adopted son of Pandion. 
See Plutarch, Theseus, 13. 

* Compare Pausanias i. 5. 4, i. 39. 4, according to whom 
Aegeus, as the eldest of the sons of Pandion, obtained the 
sovereignty of Attica, while his brother Nisus, relinquishing 
his claim to his elder brother, was invested with the king- 
dom of Megara. As to the fourfold partition of Attica 
among the sons of Pandion, about which the ancients were 
not agreed, see Strabo, ix. i. 6, p. 392; Scholiast on Aris- 
tophanes, Lysistrata, 58, and on Wasps, 1223. 

δ Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 494, who may 
have copied Apollodorus. 

vol. II. . I 

ἦλθε καὶ περὶ παίδων γονῆς ἐμαντεύετο. ὁ δὲ 
θεὸς ἔχρησεν αὐτῷ" 

3 A Α ‘4 ὃ 1 4 A 
ἀσκοῦ τὸν προύχοντα Toddova,! φέρτατε λαῶν, 
μὴ λύσῃς, πρὶν ἐς ἄκρον ᾿Αθηναίων ἀφίκηαι. 

3 Ὁ Q ‘ 9 ’ UA > 5 4 
ἀπορῶν δὲ τὸν χρησμὸν ἀνήει πάλιν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας. 
καὶ Τροιζῆνα διοδεύων ἐπιξενοῦται Πιτθεῖ τῷ 
Πέλοπος, ὃς τὸν χρησμὸν συνείς, μεθύσας αὐτὸν 
τῇ θυγατρὶ συγκατέκλινεν Αἴθρᾳ. τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ 
νυκτὶ καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἐπλησίασεν αὐτῇ. Αἰγεὺς 
δὲ ἐντειλάμενος Αἴθρᾳ, ἐὰν ἄρρενα γεννήσῃ, τρέ- 
φειν, τίνος ἐστὶ μὴ λέγουσαν, ἀπέλιπεν ὑπό τινα 
πέτραν μάχαιραν καὶ πέδιλα, εἰπών, ὅταν ὁ 
παῖς δύνηται τὴν πέτραν ἀποκυλίσας ἀνελέσθαι 
ταῦτα, τότε μετ᾽ αὐτῶν αὐτὸν ἀποπέμπειν. 

Αὐτὸς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ τὸν τῶν Πανα- 
θηναίων ἀγῶνα ἐπετέλει, ἐν ᾧ ὁ Μίνωος παῖς 
᾿Ανδρόγεως ἐνίκησε πάντας. τοῦτον Αὐγεὺς * ἐπὶ 
τὸν Μαραθώνιον ἔπεμψε ταῦρον, ὑφ᾽ οὗ διεφθάρη. 
ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτὸν λέγουσι πορευόμενον εἰς Θήβας ὃ 

1 ποδάονα ES, Scholiast on Euripides, Medea, 679, Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 494 (where, however, the MSS. seem 
to vary), Heyne, Wagner: πόδα μέγα A, Plutarch, Theseus, 3, 
Westermann, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. The form ποδάων 
seems to be known only in these passages: elsewhere the 
word occurs in the form ποδεών. 

2 τίνος ἐστὶ ph λέγουσαν ES: καὶ τίνος ἔσται μὴ λέγειν A. 

8 twa πέτραν ESA, Westermann, Wagner: tit πέτρᾳ 
Heyne, Miiller, Bekker, Hercher. 

4 Αἰγεὺς S: ὁ Ceus A. 

5 Θήβας Meursius (compare Diodorus Siculus, iv, 60. 5; 
Scholiast on Plato, Minos, p. 3214): ἀθήνας A. 

1 As to the oracle, the begetting of Theseus, and the 
tokens of his human paternity, see Plutarch, Theseus, 3 and 

Φ 

\ 

oracle concerning the begetting of children. The 
god answered him :— 

“The bulging mouth of the wineskin, O best of men, 
Loose not until thou hast reached the height of 
Athens.’’! 

Not knowing what to make of the oracle, he set 
out on his return to Athens. And journeying by 
way of Troezen, he lodged with Pittheus, son of 
Pelops, who, understanding the oracle, made him 
drunk and caused him to lie with his daughter Aethra. ° 
But in the same night Poseidon also had connexion 
with her. Now Aegeus charged Aethra that, if she 
gave birth to a male child, she should rear it, without 
telling whose it was; and he left a sword and sandals 
under a certain rock, saying that when the boy could 
roll away the rock and take them up, she was then 
to send him away with them. 

But he himself came to Athens and celebrated 
the games of the Panathenian festival, in which An- 
drogeus, son of Minos, vanquished al] comers. Him 
Aegeus sent against the bull of Marathon, by which 
he was destroyed. But some say that as he journeyed 

6; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 494; Hyginus, Fab. 37 
As to the tokens, compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 59. 1 and 6; 
Pausanias, i. 27. 8, ii. 32.7. Theseus is said to have claimed 
to be a son of Poseidon, because the god had consorted with 
his mother; and in proof of his marine descent he dived into 
the sea and brought up a golden crown, the gift of Amphi- 
trite, together with a golden ring which Minos had thrown 
into the sea in order to test his claim to be a son of the sea- 
god. See Bacchylides, xvi. (xvii.) 33 sgqg.; Pausanias, i. 
17.3; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 5. The picturesque story was 
painted by Micon in the sanctuary of Theseus at Athens 
(Pausanias, J.c.), and is illustrated by some Greek vase- 
paintings. See my commentary on Pausanias, vol. ii. pp. 
157 eq. 

ἐπὶ τὸν Λαΐου ἀγῶνα πρὸς τῶν ἀγωνιστῶν ἐνε- 
δρευθέντα διὰ φθόνον ἀπολέσθαι. Μίνως δέ, 
3 λθέ 3 Ὁ A θ a 1 θ f 3 Π ’ 
ἀγγελθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ θανάτου, θύων ἐν Idp@ 
ταῖς χάρισι, τὸν μὲν στέφανον ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς 
ἔρριψε καὶ τὸν αὐλὸν κατέσχε, τὴν δὲ θυσίαν 
οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐπετέλεσεν" ὅθεν ἔτι καὶ δεῦρο χωρὶς 
αὐλῶν καὶ στεφάνων ἐν Ἰ]άρῳ θύουσι ταῖς χαρισι, 
μετ᾽ οὐ troxv δὲ θαλασσοκρατῶν ἐπολέμησε 
στόλῳ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ Μέγαρα εἷλε Νίσου 
᾿βασιλεύοντος τοῦ Πανδίονος, καὶ Μεγαρέα τὸν 
Ἱππομένους ἐξ Ογχηστοῦ Νίσῳ βοηθὸν ἐλθόντα 
ἀπέκτεινεν. ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ Νῖσος διὰ θυγατρὸς 
προδοσίαν. ἔχοντι γὰρ αὐτῷ πορφυρέαν ἐν μέσῃ 
τῇ κεφαλῇ τρίχα ταύτης ἀφαιρεθείσης ἦν χρη- 
σμὸς τελευτῆσαι" 5 ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτοῦ Σκύλλα 
ἐρασθεῖσα Μίνωος ἐξεῖλε τὴν τρίχα. Μίνως ὃ δὲ 
Μεγάρων κρατήσας καὶ τὴν κόρην τῆς πρύμνης 
τῶν ποδῶν ἐκδήσας ὑποβρύχιον ἐποίησε. 

Δ ἀγγελθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ θανάτου Wyttenbach (on Plutarch, 
Praecepta sanit, tuend., 132 8, vol. ii., p. 154, Leipsic, 1821), 
Westermann, Bekker, Hercher, Wagner: ἐπαγγελθέντος αὐτῷ 
τοῦ θανάτον Heyne ; ἐπελθόντος αὐτοῦ θανάτου A, Miiller. 

2 ἦν χρησμὸς τελευτῆσαι Εἰ: τελευτᾷ A (omitting ἦν χρη- 
ods). 8 Μίνως Εἰ : μόνον A. ᾿ 

1 This account of the murder of Androgeus is repeated. 
almost verbally by the Scholiast on Plato, Minos, p. 321 a. 
Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 60. 4 sg.; Zenobius, Cent. 
iv. 6; Scholiast on Homer, JJ. xviii. 590. All these writers 
mention the distinction won by Androgeus in the athletic 
contests of the Panathenian festival as the ultimate ground 
of his undoing. Servius (on Virgil, Aen. vi. 14) and Lactan- 
tius Placidus (on Statius, Achill. 192) say that, as an eminent 
athlete who beat all competitors in the games, Androgeus 
was murdered at Athens by Athenian and Megarian con- 
spirators. Pausanias (i. 27. 10) mentions the killing of Andro- 

to Thebes to take part in the games in honour of 
Laius, he was waylaid and murdered by the jealous 
competitors.! But when the tidings of his death were 
brought to Minos, as he was sacrificing to the Graces 
in Paros, he threw away the garland from his head 
and stopped the music of the flute, but nevertheless 
completed the sacrifice; hence down to this day they 
sacrifice to the Graces in Paros without flutes and 
garlands. But not long afterwards, being master of 
the sea, he attacked Athens with a fleet and captured 
Megara, then ruled by king Nisus, son of Pandion, 
and he slew Megareus, son of Hippomenes, who had 
come from Onchestus to the help of Nisus.2 Now 
Nisus perished through his daughter's treachery. 
For he had a purple hair on the middle of his head, 
and an oracle ran that when it was pulled out he 
should die; and his daughter Scylla fell in Jove with 
Minos and pulled out the hair. But when Minos had 
made himself master of Megara, he tied the damsel 
by the feet to the stern of the ship and drowned her. 

geus by the Marathonian bull. According to Hyginus (Fab. 
41), Androgeus was killed in battle during the war which his 
father Minos waged with the Athenians. 

2 Compare Pausanias, i. 39. 5, who calls Megareus a son of 
Poseidon, and says that Megara took its name from him. 

3 With this story of the death of Nisus through the 
treachery of his daughter Scylla, compare Aeschylus, 
Choephor. 612 sqq.; Pausanias, i. 19. 5, ii. 34. 7; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 650; Scholiast on Euripides, Hippo- 
lytus, 1200; Propertius, iv. 19 (18) 21 sgg. ; [Virgil,] Ciris, 
378 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 198; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 6 qq. ; 
Servius, on Virgil, Hcl. vi. 74; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Thebd. i. 333, vii. 261; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latum, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 2, 116 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 3; Second Vatican Mythographer, 121). . A 
similar tale is told of Pterelaus and his daughter Comaetho. 
See above, ii. 4. 5, ii. 4. 7. 

Xpovitopévou δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, μὴ δυνάμενος 
ἑλεῖν ᾿Αθήνας εὔχεται Διὶ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων λαβεῖν 
δίκας. γενομένου δὲ τῇ πόλει λιμοῦ τε καὶ λοιμοῦ. 
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κατὰ λόγιον ᾿Αθηναῖοι παλαιὸν 
τὰς “Τακίνθου κόρας, ᾿Ανθηίδα Αἰγληίδα Λυταίαν 
᾿Ὀρθαίαν, ἐπὶ τὸν Γεραίστου τοῦ Κύκλωπος τάφον 
κατέσφαξαν" τούτων δὲ ὁ πατὴρ Ὕάκινθος ἐλθὼν 
ἐκ Aaxedaipovos ᾿Αθήνας κατῴκει. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν 
ὄφελος ἦν τοῦτο, ἐχρῶντο περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς. ὁ 
δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλεν ' αὐτοῖς Μίνωι διδόναι δίκας ἃς 
ἂν αὐτὸς aipoito.2 πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς Μίνωα 
ἐπέτρεπον αἰτεῖν δίκας. Μίνως δὲ ἐκέλευσεν 
αὐτοῖς κόρους ὃ ἑπτὰ καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσὰς χωρὶς 
σ A 
ὅπλων πέμπειν τῷ Μινωταύρῳ βοράν. ἦν δὲ 

1 ἀνεῖλεν Faber, Hercher, Wagner: ἀνεῖπεν Scholiast on 
Plato, Minos, p. 3214, Heyne, Westermann, Miiller, Bekker: 
ἀπεῖπεν A. 

2 αἱροῖτο Εἰ, Wagner: αἱρεῖται A, Heyne, Miiller: αἱρῆται 
Scholiast on Plato, Minos, Ὁ. 3214, Westermann, Bekker, 
Hercher. . 

3 κόρους FE, Scholiast on Plato, Afinos, Ὁ. 321A: κούρους A. 

1 Compare Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 15. 2; Hyginus, Fad. 
238 (who seems to mention only one daughter ; but the passage 
is corrupt); Harpocration, 8.v. ‘faxiw6l5es, who says that the 
daughters of Hyacinth the Lacedaemonian were known as the 
Hyacinthides. The name of one of the daughters of Hyacinth 
is said to have been Lusia (Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Aovata). 
Some people, however, identified the Hyacinthides with the 
daughters of Erechtheus, who were similarly sacrificed for 
their country (above, iii. 15. 4). See Demosthenes, Ix. 27, p. 
1397 ; Suidas, 8.v. παρθένοι. According to Phanodemus in the 
fifth book of his Atthts (cited by Suidas, l.c.), the daughters 
of Erechtheus were called Hyacinthides because they were 
sacrificed at the hill named Hyacinth. Similarly, as Heyne 
pointed out in his note on the present passage, the three 

aughters of Leos, namely, Praxithea, Theope, and Eubule, 

When the war lingered on and he could not take 
Athens, he prayed to Zeus that he might be avenged 
on the Athenians. And the city being visited with 
a famine and a pestilence, the Athenians at first, in 
obedience to an ancient oracle, slaughtered the 
daughters of Hyacinth, to wit, Antheis, Aegleis, 
Lytaea, and Orthaea, on the grave of Geraestus, the 
Cyclops; now Hyacinth, the father of the damsels, had 
come from Lacedaemon and dwelt in Athens.! But 
when this was of no avail, they inquired of the oracle 
how they could be delivered ; and the god answered 
them that they should give Minos whatever satis- 
faction he might choose. So they sent to Minos and 
left it to him to claim satisfaction. And Minos 
ordered them to send seven youths and the same 
number of damsels without weapons to be fodder 
for the Minotaur.2, Now the Minotaur was confined 

are said to have sacrificed themselves voluntarily, or to have 
been freely sacrificed by their father, for the safety of Athens 
in obedience to an oracle. A precinct called the Leocorium 
was dedicated to their worship at Athens. See Aelian, Var. 
Hist. xii. 28 ; Demosthenes, lx. 28, p. 1398 ; Pausanias, i. 5. 2, 
with my note (vol. ii. p. 78); Apostolius, Cent. x. 53 ; Aristides, 
Or. xiil. vol. i. pp. 191 sq., ed. Dindorf; Cicero, De natura 
deorum, iii. 19. 50. So, too, in Boeotia the two maiden 
daughters of Orion are said to have sacrificed themselves freely 
to deliver their country from a fatal pestilence or dearth, 
which according to an oracle of the Gortynian Apollo could be 
remedied only by the voluntary sacrifice of two virgins. See 
Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 25 ; Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 
685-699. The frequency of such legends, among which the 
traditional sacrifice of Iphigenia at Aulis may e included, 
suggests that formerly the Greeks used actually to sacrifice 
maidens in great emergencies, such as plagues and prolonged 
droughts, when ordinary sacrifices had proved ineffectual. 

Ὁ Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 61. 1-4; Plutarch, Theseus, 
15; Pausanias, i. 27. 10; Scholiast on Plato, Minos, p. 321 4; 
Virgil, Aen. vi. 20 sgg.; Servius on Virgil, Aen. vi. 14; 

Hyginus, Fab. 41; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Achill. 192. 

Ir 

οὗτος ev λαβυρίνθῳ καθειργμένος, ἐν ῳ τὸν εἰσελ.- 
θόντα ἀδύνατον ἦν ἐξιέναι" πολυπλόκοις γὰρ 
καμπαῖς τὴν ἀγνοουμένην ἔξοδον ἀπέκλειε. κατε- 
σκευάκει δὲ αὐτὸν Δαίδαλος ὁ Εὐπαλάμου παῖς 
τοῦ Μητίονος καὶ ᾿Αλκίππης. ἦν yap! ἀρχι- 
τέκτων ἄριστος καὶ πρῶτος ἀγαλμάτων εὑρετής. 
οὗτος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν ἔφυγεν, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως 
βαλὼν τὸν τῆς ἀδελφῆς [Πέρδικος 5 υἱὸν Τάλω,8 
μαθητὴν ὄντα, δείσας μὴ διὰ τὴν εὐφυΐαν αὐτὸν 
ὑπερβάλῃ" σιαγόνα γὰρ ὄφεως εὑρὼν ξύλον λεπ- 

1 ἦν γὰρ E: οὗτος ἦν SA. ° 
2 πέρδικος A: wepdixas E, Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 493. 

ὃ τάλω Diodorus Siculus, iv. 76. 4: ἀτάλω AS (Rheinisches 
Museum, xivi. 1891, p. 618): arrdAw Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 
493: ἀτάλην E. 

1 As to the Minotaur and the Labyrinth, see above, iii. 1. 4. 

2 Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 490, and the Scholiast 
on Plato, Ion, p. 121 a, both of whom name the father and 
mother of Daedalus in agreement with Apollodorus. The 
father of Daedalus is called Eupalamus also by Suidas (8.v. 
Πέρδικος ἱερόν), the Scholiast on Plato (Republic, vii. p. 529 
vp), Hyginus (Fab. 39, 244, and 274), and Servius (on Virgil, 
vi. 14), He is called Palamaon by Pausanias (ix. 3. 2), and 
Metion, son of Eupalamus, son of Erechtheus, by Diodorus 
Siculus (iv. 76. 1). Our oldest authority for the parentage of 
Daedalus is Pherecydes, who says that the father of Daedalus 
was Metion, son of Erechtheus, and that his mother was 
Iphinoe (Scholiast on Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 472); and 
this tradition as to the father of Daedalus is supported by 
Plato (Ion, 4, p. 533 a). According to Clidemus, cited by 
Plutarch (Theseus, 19), Daedalus was a cousin of Theseus, his 
mother being Merope, daughter of Erechtheus. On the whole, 
tradition is in harmony with the statement of Pausanias (vii. 
4. δ) ‘* that Daedalus came of the royal house of Athens, the 
Metionids.” Compare J. Topffer, Atttsche Genealogie, pp. 
165 sqqg. Through the clouds of fable which gathered round 

in a labyrinth, in which he who entered could not 
find his way out; for many a winding turn shut off 
the secret outward way.! The labyrinth was con- 
structed by Daedalus, whose father was Eupalamus, 
son of Metion, and whose mother was Alcippe ;? for 
he was an excellent architect and the first inventor 
of images. He had fled from Athens, because he 
had thrown down from the acropolis Talos, the son 
of his sister Perdix;% for Talos was his pupil, and 
Daedalus feared that with his talents he might sur- 
pass himself, seeing that he had sawed a thin stick 

his life and adventures we may dimly discern the figure of a 
vagabond artist as versatile as Leonardo da Vinci and as 
unscrupulous as Benvenuto Cellini. 

᾿ 8. As to Daedalus’s murder of his nephew, his trial, and 
flight, compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 76. 4-7; Pausanias, i. 
21. 4, i. 26. 4, vii. 4.5; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 490 sqq. ; 
Suidas and Photius, Lexicon, s.v. Πέρδικος ἱερόν ; Apostolius, 
Cent. xiv. 17; Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 1648; Ovid, 
Metamorph. viii. 236-259; Hyginus, Fab. 39 and 244; 
Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 143 and on Aen. vi. 14; Isidore, 
Orig. xix. 19. 9. The name of the murdered nephew is 
commonly given as Talos, but according to Pausanias and 
Suidas (ll.cc.) it was Calos. On the other hand Sophocles, in 
his lost play The Camicians (cited by Suidas and Photius, 
U.cc.) called him Perdix, that is, Partridge ; and this name is 
accepted by Ovid, Hyginus, Servius, and Isidore. But accord- 
ing to a different tradition, here followed by Apollodorus, 
Perdix (‘‘ Partridge”) was the name, not of the murdered 
nephew, but of his mother, the sister of Daedalus, who hanged 
herself in grief at the death of her son; the Athenians 
worshipped her and dedicated a sanctuary to her beside the 
acropolis (so Apostolius, Suidas, and Photius, W.cc.). The 
grave of Talos or Calos was shown near the theatre, at the 
oot of the acropolis, probably on the spot where he was 
supposed to have fallen from the battlements (Pausanias, i. 
21. 4). The trial of Daedalus before the Areopagus is 
mentioned by Diodorus Siculus and the Scholiast on Euri- 
pides (W.cc.). 

12.1 

to 

τὸν Empice. φωραθέντος δὲ τοῦ νεκροῦ κριθεὶς 
ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ καὶ καταδικασθεὶς πρὸς Μίνωα 
ἔφυγε. [xaxet! ΠΠασιφάῃ ἐρασθείσῃ" τοῦ ΠΠοσει- 
δωνείουδ ταύρου συνήργησε“ τεχνησάμενος ξυλί- 
νην βοῦν, καὶ τὸν λαβύρινθον κατεσκεύασεν, εἰς 
ὃν κατὰ ἔτος ᾿Αθηναῖοι κόρους" ἑπτὰ καὶ κόρας 
τὰς ἴσας τῷ Μινωταύρῳ βορὰν ἔπεμπον. 

XVI. Θησεὺς δὲ γεννηθεὶς ἐξ Αἴθρας Αἰγεῖ 
παῖς, ὡς ἐγένετο τέλειος, ἀπωσάμενος τὴν πέτραν 
τὰ πέδιλα καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ἀναιρεῖται, καὶ πεζὸς 
ἠπείγετο εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. φρουρουμένην δὲ ὑπὸ 
ἀνδρῶν κακούργων τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμέρωσε. πρῶτον 
μὲν γὰρ Περιφήτην τὸν Ἡφαίστου καὶ ᾽Αντι- 
κλείας, ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς κορύνης ἣν ἐφόρει κορυνήτης 
ἐπεκαλεῖτο, ἔκτεινεν ἐν ᾿Επιδαύρῳ. πόδας δὲ 
ἀσθενεῖς ὃ ἔχων οὗτος ἐφόρει κορύνην σιδηρᾶν, 
δι’ ἧς τοὺς παριόντας ἔκτεινε. ταύτην ἀφελό- 
μενος Θησεὺς ἐφόρει. δεύτερον δὲ κτείνει Σίνιν 

1 The passage enclosed in square brackets (κἀκεῖ Πασιφάης 
... βορὰν ἔπεμπον) is found in ESA, but is probably an 
interpolation, as Heyne observed. It is merely a repetition 
of what the author has already said (iii. i. 4, iii. 15. 8). 

3 Πασιφάῃ ἐρασθείσῃ E: Πασιφάης ἐρασθείσης SA, Heyne, 
Miller, Westermann, Bekker, Wagner. 

3 Ποσειδωνείον Εἰ : Ποσειδῶνος Heyne, Miiller, Westermann, 
Bekker, Wagner, following apparently the other MSS. 

4 συνήργησε E: συνήρτησε ὃ: συνήρπασε A. 

5 κόρους ES: κούρους A. 6 ξγένετο Εἰ : ἐγεννήθη SA. 

Ἴ φρουρουμένην... τὴν ὁδὸν E: φρουρουμένης. .. ris ὁδοῦ A. 

8 ἀσθενεῖς A: βριαροὺς S. 

9 σιδηρᾶν. In §S there follow the words ἣν ἀπὸ τὸν ‘Hoal- 
στον Περιφήτην ἔλαβεν. 

1 He is said to have improved the discovery by inventing 
the iron saw in imitation of the teeth in a serpent’s jawbone. 
See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 76. 5; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 

with a jawbone of a snake which he had found.! 
But the corpse was discovered ; Daedalus was tried in 
the Areopagus, and being condemned fled to Minos. 
And there Pasiphae having fallen in love with the 
bull of Poseidon, Daedalus acted as her accomplice 
by contriving a wooden cow, and he constructed the 
labyrinth, to which the Athenians every year sent 
seven youths and as many damsels to be fodder for 
the Minotaur.

Aethra bore to Aegeus a son Theseus, and
when he was grown up, he pushed away the rock 
and took up the sandals and the sword,? and hastened 
on foot to Athens. And he cleared’ the road, which 
had been beset by evildoers. For first in Epidaurus 
he slew Periphetes, son of Hephaestus and Anticlia, 
who was surnamed the Clubman from the club which 
he carried. For being crazy on his legs he carried 
an iron club, with which he despatched the passers- 
by. That club Theseus wrested from him and 
continued to carry about. Second, he killed Sinis, 

494 sqq. Latin writers held that the invention was suggested 
to him by the backbone of a fish. See Ovid, Metamorph. 
viii. 244 8ηᾳ. ; Hyginus, Fab. 274; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 
vi. 14; Isidore, Orig., xix. 19. 9. According to these Latin 
writers, the ingenious artist invented the compass also. As 
to Talos or Perdix and his mechanical inventions, see A. B. 
Cook, Zeus, i. 724 sqgq. 

* The tokens of paternity left by his human father Aegeus. 
See above, iii. 15. 7. 

8 Literally, ‘‘tamed.” As to the adventures of Theseus 
on his road to Athens, see Bacchylides, xvii. .(xviii.) 16 qq. ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 59; Plutarch, Theseus, 8 sqq.; Pau- 
sanias, i. 44, 8, ii. 1. 3 8g.; Scholiast on Lucian, Jupiter 
Tragoedus, 2], pp. 64 sq., ed. H. Rabe; Ovid, Metamorph. 
vii. 433 eqq.; 1d. Lbis, 407 sqqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 38. 

4 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. ὅθ. 2; Plutarch, Theseus, 
8. 1; Pausanias, ii. 1. 4; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 436 sq. ; 

ea 

τὸν Πολυπήμονος καὶ Συλέας τῆς Κορίνθου. οὗτος 
πιτυοκάμπτης ἐπεκαλεῖτο' οἰκῶν γὰρ τὸν ΚΚοριν- 
Oiwv ἰσθμὸν ἠνάγκαζε τοὺς παριόντας πίτυς κάμ- 
πτοντας ἀνέχεσθαι" οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν οὐκ 
ἠδύναντο, 1 καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν δένδρων ἀναρριπτούμενοι 
πανωλέθρως ἀπώλλυντο. τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ 
Θησεὺς Σίνεν ἀπέκτεινεν. . 

1 ἠδύναντο. E and apparently A add κάμπτειν, which was 
rightly rejecteé as a gloss by Heyne and omitted by Her- 
cher. It is retained by Westermann, Bekker, and Wagner, 
and bracketed by Miller. 

Hyginus, Fab. 38. Periphetes dwelt in Epidaurus, which 
Theseus had to traverse on his way from Troezen to the Isth- 
mus of Corinth. No writer but Apollodorus mentions that 
this malefactor was weak on his legs; the infirmity suggests 
that he may have used his club as a crutch on which to hobble 
along like a poor cripple, till he was within striking distance 
of his unsuspecting victims, when he surprised them by 
suddenly lunging out and felling them to the ground. 

1 Compare Bacchylides, xvii. (xviii.) 19 sgqg.; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 59. 3; Plutarch, Theseus, 8. 2; Pausanias, ii. 
1. 4; Scholiast on Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus, 21 ; Scholiast 
on Pindar, Isthm., Argum. p. 514, ed. Boeckh; Ovid, 
Metamorph. vii. 440 eqqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 38. Bacchylides, 
the Scholiast on Pindar, and Hyginus call Sinis a son of 
Poseidon (Neptune). The ancients are not agreed as to the 
exact mode in which the ruffian Sinis despatched his victims. 
According to Diodorus, Pausanias, and the Scholiast on 
Pindar he bent two pine-trees to the ground, tied the extre- 
mities of his victim to both trees, and then let the trees go, 
which, springing up and separating, tore the wretch’s body 
in two. This atrocious form of murder was at a later time 
actually employed by the emperor Aurelian in a military exe- 
cution. See Vopiscus, Aurelian, 7.4. A Ruthenian pirate, 
named Botho, is said to have put men to death in similar 
fashion. See Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. vii. 

son of Polypemon and Sylea, daughter of Corinthus. 
This Sinis was surnamed the Pine-bender; for in- 
habiting the Isthmus of Corinth he used to force 
the passers-by to keep bending pine-trees; but they 
were too weak to do so, and being tossed up by the 
trees they perished miserably. In that way also 
Theseus killed Sinis.! 

vol. i. pp. 353 84., ed. P. E. Miller. According to Hyginus, 
Sinis, with the help of his victim, dragged down a pine-tree 
to the earth; then, when the man was struggling to keep 
the tree down, Sinis released it, and in the rebound the man 
was tossed up into the air and killed by falling heavily to 
the ground. Apollodorus seems to have contemplated a 
similar mode of death, except that he does not mention the 
co-operation of Sinis in bending the tree tothe earth. Accord- 
ing to the Parian Chronicle (Marmor Parium, lines 35 sq.) 
it was not on his journey from Troezen to Athens that Theseus 
killed Sinis, but at a later time, after he had come to the 
throne and united the whole of Attica under a single govern- 
ment; he then returned to the Isthmus of Corinth, killed 
Sinis, and celebrated the Isthmian games. This tradition 
seems to imply that Theseus held the games as a funeral 
honour paid to the dead man, or more probably as an 
expiation to appease the angry ghost of his victim. This 
implication is confirmed by the Scholiast on Pindar (i.c.), 
who says that according to some people Theseus held the 
Isthmian games in honour of Sinis, whom he had killed. 
Plutarch tells us (I.c.) that when Theseus had killed Sinis, 
the daughter of the dead man, by name Perigune, fled and 
hid herself in a bed of asparagus; that she bore a son Mela- 
nippus to Theseus, and that Melanippus had a son Ioxus, 
whose descendants, the Ioxids, both men and women, revered 
and honoured asparagus and would not burn it, because 
asparagus had once sheltered their ancestress. This heredi- 
tary respect shown by all the members of a family or clan for 
a particular species of plant is reminiscent of totemism, 
though it is not necessarily a proof of it. 

bo 

oo 

APOLLODORI BIBLIOTHECA

EPITOMA
EX EPITOMA VATICANA ET FRAGMENTIS 
SABBAITICIS COMPOSITA! 

I. Τρίτην ἔκτεινεν ἐν Κρομμνῶνι σῦν τὴν καλου- 
μένην Φαιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς θρεψάσης γραὸς αὐτήν' 
ταύτην τινὲς ᾿Εχίδνης καὶ Τυφῶνος λέγουσι. 
τέταρτον ἔκτεινε Σκείρωνα τὸν Κορίνθιον τοῦ 
Πέλοπος, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι Ποσειδῶνος. οὗτος ἐν τῇ 
Μεγαρικῇ κατέχων τὰς ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κληθείσας 
πέτρας Σκειρωνίδας, ἠνάγκαζε τοὺς παριόντας 
νίζειν αὐτοῦ τοὺς πόδας, καὶ νίζοντας εἰς τὸν 
βυθὸν αὐτοὺς ἔρριπτε βορὰν ὑπερμεγέθει χελώνῃ. 
Θησεὺς δὲ ἁρπάσας αὐτὸν τῶν ποδῶν ἔρριψεν 
«εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν;».8 πέμπτον ἔκτεινεν ἐν 

1 The passages derived from the Vatican and Sabbaitic 
manuscripts respectively are indicated in the margin by the 
letters E ( Vatican Epitome) and S ( Sabbaitic). The 
combination ES signifies that the passage is found in both 
manuscripts, though sometimes with variations, which are 
indicated in the Critical Notes. The point of transition from 
the one manuscript to the other, or from one to both, or 
from both to one, is marked by a vertical line in the Greek 
text. 

2 ἀπὸ Wagner: ὑπὸ E. 

8 εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν added by Wagner, comparing Scholiast 
on Euripides, Hippolytus, 979, ῥίψας els θάλασσαν, and Pau- 
sanias, i. 44. 8, ἀφεθέντα ἐς θάλασσαν. 

EPITOME OF THE LIBRARY OF 

COMPOUNDED OF THE VATICAN EPITOME 
AND THE SABBAITIC FRAGMENTS 

I. Tuirp, he slew at Crommyon the sow that was 
called Phaea after the old woman who bred it ;! that 
sow, some say, was the offspring of Echidna and 
Typhon. Fourth, he slew Sciron, the Corinthian, son 
of Pelops, or, as some say, of Poseidon. He in the 
Megarian territory held the rocks called after bim 
Scironian, and compelled passers-by to wash his feet, 
and in the act of washing he kicked them into the 
deep to be the prey of a huge turtle. But Theseus 
seized him by the feet and threw him into the sea.? 

1 Compare Bacchylides, xvii. (xviii. )23 δᾳ.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv.59.4; Plutarch, Theseus, 9; Pausanias, ii. 1.3; Hyginus, 
Fab. 38, who calls the animal a boar. Plutarch notices a 
rationalistic version of the story, which converted the sow 
Phaea into a female robber of that name. No ancient writer 
but Apollodorus mentions the old woman Phaea who nursed 
the sow, but she appears on vase-paintings which represent 
the slaughter of the sow by Theseus. See Baumeister, Denk- 
mdler des klassischen Altertums, iii. pp. 1787 sq., 1789, fig. 
1873; Hofer, in W. H. Roscher, Lezt der griech. und 
rom. Mythologie, ii. 1450 84: 

2 Compare Bacchylides, xvii. (xviii.) 24 sg. ; Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, iv. 59. 4; Plutarch, Theseus, 10; Pausanias, i. 44. 8; 
Scholiast on Euripides, Hippolytus, 979; Scholiast on Lucian, 
Jupiter Tragoedus, 21, p. 65, ed. H. Rabe ; Ovid, Metamorph. 

VOL. 11. K 

᾿Ελευσῖνε Kepxvova tov Βράγχου καὶ ᾿Αργιόπης 
νύμφης. οὗτος ἠνάγκαζε τοὺς παριόντας παλαίειν 
Kal παλαίων ἀνήρει' Θησεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν μετέωρον 
4 ἀράμενος ἤρραξεν εἰς γῆν. ἕκτον ἀπέκτεινε Δαμά- 
στην, ὃν ἔνιοι Πολυπήμονα λέγουσιν. οὗτος τὴν 

vii. 448 sqqg.; Hyginus, Fab. 38; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Theb. i. 333; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 52, 117 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 167 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 127). Curiously 
enough, the Second Vatican Mythographer attributes the 
despatching of Sciron, not to Theseus, but to theartist Daedalus. 
The Megarians, as we learn from Plutarch, indignantly 
denied the defamatory reports current as to the character 
and pursuits of their neighbour Sciron, whom they represented 
as ἃ most respectable man, the foe of robbers, the friend of 
the virtuous, and connected by marriage with families of the 
highest quality ; but their efforts to whitewash the blackguard 
appear to have been attended with little success. The 
Scironian Rocks, to which Sciron was supposed to have given 
his name, are a line of lofty cliffs rising sheer from the sea; 
a narrow, crumbling ledge about half way up their face 
afforded a perilous foothold, from which the adventurous 
traveller looked down with horror on the foam of the 
breakers far below. The dangers of the path were obviated 
about the middle of the nineteenth century by the construc- 
tion of a road and railway along the coast. See my note on 
Pausanias, i. 44. 6 (vol. ii. pp. 546 sqq.). 

1 Compare Bacchylides, xvii. (xviii. )26 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, 
iv. 59.5; Plutarch, Theseus, 11; Pausanias, i. 39. 3; Scho- 
liast on Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus, 21, p. 65, ed. H. Rabe ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 439; Hyginus, fab. 38, who calls 
Cercyon a son of Vulcan (Hephaestus). The place asso- 
ciated with the story, known as the wrestling-school of 
Cercyon, was near Eleusis, on the road to Megara (Pausanias, 
l.c.). The Scholiast on Lucian (i.c.) says that it was near 
Eleutherae, but he is probably in error; for if the place were 
near Eleutherae, it must have been on the road from Kleusis 
to Thebes, which is not the road that Theseus would take on 
his way from the Isthmus of Corinth to Athens. 

Fifth, in Eleusis he slew Cercyon, son of Branchus and 
a nymph Argiope. ,This Cercyon compelled, passers-by 
to wrestle, and in wrestling killed them. But Theseus 
lifted him up on high and dashed him to the ground.! 
Sixth, he slew Damastes, whom some call Polypemon.? 

3 More commonly known as Procrustes. See Bacchylides, 
xvii. (xviii.) 27 δᾳφ. ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 59. 5; Plutarch, 
Theseus, 11; Pausanias, i. 38. 5; Scholiast on Euripides, 
Hippolytus, 977; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 438; Hyginus, 
Fab. 38. Ancient authorities are not agreed as to the name 
of this malefactor. Apollodorus and Plutarch call him 
Damastes ; but Apollodorus says that some people called him 
Polypemon, and this latter name is supported by Pausanias, 
who adds that he was surnamed Procrustes. Ovid in two 

assages (Metam. vii. 438, Heroides, ii. 69) calls him simply 
Procrasten, but in a third passage (Ibts, 407) he seems to 
speak of him as the son of Polypemon. The Scholiast on 
Euripides (i.c.) wropgly names him Sinis. The reference of 
Bacchylides to him is difficult of interpretation. Jebb trans- 
lates the passage: ‘‘The mighty hammer of Polypemon has 
dropt from the hand of the Maimer [Prokoptes]; who has met 
with a stronger than himself.” Here Jebb understands Pro- 
koptes to be another name for Procrustes, who received the 
hammer and learned the use of it from Polypemon, his pre- 
decessor, perhaps his father. But other translations and 
explanations have been proposed. See the note in Jebh’s 
Appendix, pp. 490 sq.; ὟΝ. H. Roscher, Lexikon der grtech. 
und rom. Mythoiogie, iii. 2683, 2687 sqq. The hammer in 
question was the instrument with which Procrustes operated 
on the short men, beating them out till they fitted the long 
bed, as we learn from the Scholiast on Euripides as well as 
from Apollodorus ; a hand-saw was probably the instrument 
with which he curtailed the length of the tall men. Accord- 
ing to Apollodorus, with whom Hyginus agrees, Procrustes 
had two beds for the accommodation of his guests, a long one 
for the short men, and a short one for the long men. But 
according to Diodorus Siculus, with whom the Scholiast on 
Euripides agrees, he had only one bed for all comers, and ad- 
justed his visitors to it with the hammer or the hand-saw 
according to circumstances. 

K 2 

ES 6 

# ΝΜ) 9 @ AN 9 , 4 , , 
οἴκησιν ἔχων παρ᾽ ὁδὸν ἐστόρεσε δύο κλίνας, μίαν 
μὲν μικρών, ἑτέραν δὲ μεγάλην, wal τοὺς παριόντας 
ἐπὶ ξένιαϊ καλῶν τοὺς μὲν βραχεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς 
μεγάλης κατακλίνων σφύραις ἔτυπτεν, ἵν᾽ ἐξισω- 
θῶσι 3 τῇ κλίνῃ, τοὺς δὲ μεγάλους ἐπὶ τῆς μικρᾶς, 
καὶ τὰ ὑπερέχοντα τοῦ σώματος ἀπέπριξζε. 

Καθάρας οὖν Θησεὺς τὴν ὁδὸν ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας. 
[Μήδεια δὲ Αἰγεῖ τότε συνοικοῦσα" ἐπεβούλευσεν 
αὐτῷ, καὶ πείθει τὸν Αἰγέα φυλάττεσθαι ὡς ἐπί- 
βουλον αὐτῷ. Αἰγεὺς δὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγνοῶν παῖδα, 
δείσας ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὸν Μαραθώνιον ταῦρον 8 
e \. 3 “A 9 ἢ \ / \ > ΄ 
ὡς δὲ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτόν, παρὰ Μηδείας λαβὼν αὐὖθ΄- 
μερον 3 προσήνεγκεν αὐτῷ φάρμακον. ὁ δὲ μέλ- 
λοντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ποτοῦ προσφέρεσθαι ἐδωρήσατο 
τῷ πατρὶ τὸ ξίφος, ὅπερ ἐπιγνοὺς Αἰγεὺς 19 τὴν 
κύλικα ἐξέρριψε τῶν χειρῶν αὐτοῦ. Θησεὺς δὲ 

1 ξένια Wagner: ξενίαν E. Compare iii. 8. 1. 

2 ἐξισωθῶσι Wagner: ἐξισωθῇ Ε΄. 

3 τῇ κλίνῃ Frazer: ταῖς κλίναις EK, Wagner. 

4 καθάρας οὖν Θησεὺς τὴν ὁδὸν ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας E. The 
whole opening passage, down to and inclusive of this 
sentence, is wanting in δ, which substitutes the following : 
ἔκτεινε δὲ πάντας καὶ κατετροπώσατο τοὺς ἀντιπράττοντας 
ἥρωας καὶ πάντας τοὺς ληστρικὸν μετιόντας βίον. ““Απὰ he 
slew all and put to flight the heroes that withstood him 
and all that pursued a robber life.” But the verb κατα- 
τροπόομαι is late, the use of ἥρως is suspicious, and the 
whole sentence is probably an independent concoction of 
the abbreviator. 

5 συνοικοῦσα E: συνοικοῦσα ᾿Αθήναις 8. 

ὁ αὐτῷ Frazer: αὐτοῦ ES, Wagner: αὐτόν Biicheler. For 
the dative, compare Plato, Symposium, Ὁ. 203 D, ἐπίβουλός 
ἐστι τοῖς καλοῖς. 

7 δείσας E: δείσας αὐτὸν ὡς βριαρὺν ὄντα S. The rare epic 
adjective βριαρὸς, ‘‘strong,” seems to be rather a favourite 

with S, for he goes out of his way to apply it absurdly to 
the crazy legs of Periphetes. See Critical Note on iii. 16. 1. 

He had his dwelling .beside the road, and made up 
two beds, one small and the other big; and offering 
hospitality to the passers-by, he laid the short 
men on the big bed and hammered them, to make 
them fit the bed; but the tall men he laid on the 
little bed and sawed off the portions of the body that 
projected beyond it. 

So, having cleared the road, Theseus came to 
Athens, But Medea, being then wedded to Aegeus, 
plotted against him ! and persuaded Aegeus to beware 
of him as a traitor. And Aegeus, not knowing his 
“own son, was afraid and sent him against the Mara- 
thonian bull. And when Theseus had killed it, 
Aegeus presented to him a poison which he had 
received the selfsame day from Medea. But just as 
the draught was about to be administered to him, 
he gave his father the sword, and on recognizing it 
Aegeus dashed the cup from his hands.2— And when 

1 That Theseus was sent against the Marathonian bull at 
the instigation of Medea is affirmed also by the First Vatican 
Mythographer. See Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 18, Fab. 48. Compare Plutarch, 
Theseus, 14; Pausanias, i. 27. 10; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 
433 sq. As to Medea at Athens, see above, i. 9. 28. 

2 Compare Plutarch, Theseus, 12; Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. xi. 741; Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 404-424. According to 
Ovid, the poison by which Medea attempted the life of 
Theseus was aconite, which she had brought with her from 
Scythia. The incident seems to have been narrated by 
Sophocles in his tragedy Aegeus. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 15 sq. 

8 ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὸν Μαραθώνιον ταῦρον Ei: ἐπὶ τὸν Μαραθώνιον 
ἔπεμψε ταῦρον ἀναλωθῆναι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ S. 

9 αὐθήμερον S: αὐθημερινὸν E. 

W ἐπιγνοὺς Αἰγεὺς Εἰ : Αἰγεὺς ἐπιγνοὺς S. 

=) 

ἀναγνωρισθεὶς τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν μαθὼν 
ἐξέβαλε τὴν Μήδειαν. 

Καὶ εἰς τὸν τρίτον δασμὸν τῷ Μινωταύρῳ συγ- 
καταλέγεταιϊ 1} ὡς δέ τινες λέγουσιν, ἑκὼν ἑαυτὸν 
ἔδωκεν. ἐχούσης δὲ τῆς νεὼς μέλαν ἱστίον Αἰγεὺς 
τῷ παιδὶ ἐνετείλατο, ἐὰν ὑποστρέφῃ ζῶν, λευκοῖς 
πετάσαι τὴν ναῦν ἱστίοις. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Κρήτην, 
᾿Αριάδνη θυγάτηρ Μίψωος ἐρωτικῶς διατεθεῖσα 
πρὸς αὐτὸν ὃ συμπράσσειν' ἐπαγγέλλεται," ἐὰν 
ὁμολογήσῃ γυναῖκα αὐτὴν ἕξειν ἀπαγαγὼν εἰς 
᾿Αθήνας. ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ σὺν ὅρκοις Θησέως 
δεῖται Δαιδάλου μηνῦσαι. τοῦ λαβυρίνθου τὴν 
ἔξοδον. ὑποθεμένου δὲ ἐκείνου, λίνον εἰσιόντι 
Θησεῖ δίδωσι" τοῦτο ἐξάψας Θησεὺς τῆς θύρας ὃ 
ἐφελκόμενος εἰσήει. καταλαβὼν δὲ Μινώταυρον 

1 συγκαταλέγεται E: συγκαταλέγει βοράν S. 

2 ὡς δὲ ἧκεν els Κρήτην E: ἐξέπλει δ᾽ els Κρήτην καὶ ἧκεν S. 

8 ᾿Αριάδνη θυγάτηρ Μίνωος ἐρωτικῶς διατεθεῖσα πρὸς αὐτὸν E: 
᾿Αριάδνη γοῦν ἡ Μίνωος θυγάτηρ ἐρωτικῶς τῷ Θησεῖ διατεθεῖσα S. 

4 συμπράσσειν ὃ : συμπεράσειν EK. 

5 ἐπαγγέλλεται Εἰ : ἐπαγγέλλεται πρὸς τὴν Μινωταύρονυ εἰσέ- 
λευσιν λαβυρίνθου ὃ. 

6 Θησεὺς τῆς θύρας E: τῆς θύρας Θησεὺς S. 

1 Compare Plutarch, Theseus, 17; Eustathius, on Homer, 
Od. xi. 320, p. 1688 ; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 322, and on 
Il. xviii. 590 ; Hyginus, Fab. 41; Lactantius Placidus, on 
Statius, Achill. 192. The usual tradition seems to have been 
that he volunteered for the dangerous service ; but a Scholiast 
on Homer (17. xviii. 590) speaks as if the lot had fallen on 
him with the other victims. According to Hellanicus, cited 
by Plutarch (i.c.), the victims were not chosen by lot, but 

inos came to Athens and picked them for himself, and on 
this particular occasion Theseus was the first on whom his 
choice fell. 

2 As to the black and white sails, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 

Theseus was thus made known to his father and 
informed of the plot, he expelled®Medea. 

And he was numbered among those who were to 
be sent as the third tribute to the Minotaur; or, as 
some affirm, he offered himself voluntarily.1. And as 
the ship had a black sail, Aegeus charged his son, 
if he returned alive, to spread white sails on the 
ship.2 And when he came to Crete, Ariadne, 
daughter of Minos, being amorously disposed to 
him, offered to help him if he would agree to 
carry her away to Athens and have her to wife. 
Theseus having agreed on oath to do so, she besought 
Daedalus to disclose the way out of the labyrinth. 
And at his suggestion she gave Theseus a clue when 
he went in; Theseus fastened it to the door, and, 
drawing it after him, entered in. And having found 

61. 4; Plutarch, Theseus, 17 and 22; Pausanias, i. 22. 5; 
Catullus, lxiv. 215-245; Hyginus, Fab. 41 and 43; Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. iii. 74. According to Simonides, quoted by 
Plutarch (J.c.), the sail that was to be the sign of safety was 
not white but scarlet, which, by contrast with the blue sea, 
would have caught the eye almost as easily as a white sail at 
a great distance. 

Compare Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 322, and on 11. xviii. 
590; Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xi. 320, p. 1688; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 61. 4; Plutarch, Theseus, 19; Hyginus, Fab. 42; 
Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 14, and on Georg. i. 222; Lac- 
tantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. xii. 676; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 16, 116 sq. 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 43; Second Vatican Mitho- 
grapher, 124). The clearest description of the clue, with 
which the amorous Ariadne furnished Theseus, is given by 
the Scholiasts and Eustathius on Homer (ii.cc.). From them 
we learn that it was a ball of thread which Ariadne had 
begged of Daedalus for the use of her lover. He was to fasten 
one end of the thread to the lintel of the door on entering 
into the labyrinth, and holding the ball in his hand to un- 
wind the skein while he penetrated deeper and deeper into 

13' 

ἐν ἐσχάτῳ μέρει τοῦ λαβυρίνθου παίων πυγμαῖς 
ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐφελξόμενος δὲ τὸ λίνον πάλιν ἐξήει. 
καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς μετὰ ᾿Αριάδνης καὶ τῶν παίδων 
εἰς Νάξον ἀφικνεῖται. ἔνθα Διόνυσος ἐρασθεὶς 
᾿Αριάδνης ἥρπασε, καὶ κομίσας εἰς Λῆμνον ἐμίγη. 

5΄ [καὶ γεννᾷ Θόαντα Στάφυλον Οἰνοπίωνα καὶ 
Πεπάρηθον. 

E10 | Λυπούμενος δὲ Θησεὺς ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αριάδνῃ καταπλέων 
ἐπελάθετο πετάσαι τὴν ναῦν λευκοῖς ἱστίοις. 
Αἰγεὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως τὴν ναῦν ἰδὼν 

. ἔχουσαν μέλαν ἱστίον, Θησέα νομίσας ἀπολω- 

ES 11 λέναε ῥίψας ἑαντὸν μετήλλαξε. Θησεὺς δὲ παρέ- 

1 ἀπέκτεινεν Εἰ : ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν S. 
2 Πεπάρηθον Biicheler: πάρηθον S. 

the maze, till he found the Minotaur asleep in the inmost 
recess; then he was to catch the monster by the hair and 
sacrifice him to Poseidon; after which he was to retrace his 
steps, gathering up the thread behind him as he went. 
According to the Scholiast on the Odyssey (l.c.), the story 
was told by Pherecydes, whom later authors may have 
copied. 

I That is, the boys and girls whom he had rescued from 
the Minotaur. 

2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 61. 5; Plutarch, Theseus, 
20; Pausanias, i. 20. 3, x. 29. 4; Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius, Argon. iii. 997; Scholiast on Theocritus, ii. 45; . 
Catullus, lxiv. 116 egg.; Ovid, Heroides, x.; td. Ars amat. 
i. 527 qq. ; id. Metamorph. viii. 174 s8qq.; Hyginus, Fab. 43 ; 
Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 222; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 116 8g. (Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 124). Homer’s account of the fate of Ariadne 
is different. He says (Od. xi. 321-325) that when Theseus 
was carrying off Ariadne from Crete to Athens she was 
slain by Artemis in the island of Dia at the instigation of 
Dionysus. Later writers, such as Diodorus Siculus, identified 
Dia with Naxos, but it is rather ‘‘the little island, now 

1 36 

the Minotaur in the last part of the labyrinth, he 
killed him by smiting him with his fists; and drawing 
the clue after him made his way out again. And by 
night he arrived with Ariadne and the children! at 
Naxos. There Dionysus fell in love with Ariadne 
and carried her off;? and having brought her to 
Lemnos he enjoyed her, and begat Thoas, Staphylus, 
Oenopion, and Peparethus.® 

In his grief on account of Ariadne, Theseus forgot 
to spread white sails on his ship when he stood for 
port; and Aegeus, seeing from the acropolis the ship 
with a black sail, supposed that Theseus had perished; 
so he cast himself down and died.4 But Theseus 

Standia, just off Heraclaion, on the north coast of Crete, 
Theseus would pass the island in sailing for Athens” (W. W. 
Merry on Homer, Od. xi. 322). Apollodorus seems to be the 
only extant ancient author who mentions that Dionysus 
carried off Ariadne from Naxos to Lemnos and had inter- 
course with her there. 

5 Compare Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 
997. Others said that Ariadne bore Staphylus and Oenopion 
to Theseus (Plutarch, Theseus, 20). 

4 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 61. 6 sg.; Plutarch, The- 
seus, 22 ; Pausanias, j. 22.5; Hyginus, Fab. 43; Servius, on 
Virgil, Aen. iii. 74; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 117 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 
125). The three Latin writers say that Aegeus threw himself 
into the sea, which was hence called the Aegean after him. 
The Greek writers say that he cast himself down from the 
rock of the acropolis. Pausanius describes the exact point 
from which he fell, to wit the lofty bastion at the western 
end of the acropolis, on which in after ages the elegant little 
temple of Wingless Victory stood and still stands. It com- 
mands a wonderful view over the ports of Athens and away 
across the sea to Aegina and the coast of Peloponnese, looming 
clear and blue through the diaphanous Attic air in the far 
distance. A better look-out the old man could not have 
chosen from which to watch, with straining eyes, for the 
white or scarlet sail of his returning son. 

S  nraBe! τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων δυναστείαν, «καὶ; 5 τοὺς 
μὲν Πάλλαντος παῖδας πεντήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν 
ἀπέκτεινεν" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὅσοι ἀντᾶραι ἤθελον 
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀπεκτάνθησαν, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἅπασαν 
ἔσχε μόνος. 

E12 [ὍὋτι Mivas, αἰσθόμενος τοῦ φεύγειν τοὺς μετὰ 
Θησέως, Δαίδαλον αἴτιον ἐν τῷ λαβυρίνθῳ μετὰ 
τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Ικάρου καθεῖρξεν, ὃς ἐγεγέννητο αὐτῷ 
ἐκ δούλης Μίνωος Ναυκράτης. ὁ δὲ πτερὰ κατα- 
σκευάσας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῷ παιδὶ ἀναπτάντι ἐνετεί- 
λατο μήτε εἰς ὕψος πέτεσθαι, μὴ τακείσης τῆς 
κόλλης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου αἱ πτέρυγες λυθῶσι, μήτε 
ἐγγὺς θαλάσσης, ἵνα μὴ τὰ πτερὰ ὑπὸ τῆς νοτί- 

13 δος λυθῇ. Ἴκαρος δὲ ἀμελήσας τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς 
ἐντολῶν ψυχαγωγούμενος ἀεὶ μετέωρος ἐφέρετο" 
τακείσης δὲ τῆς κόλλης πεσὼν εἰς τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου 
κληθεῖσαν ‘Ikapiay θάλασσαν ἀπέθανε. <Aai- 

12 Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92:8 Δαίδαλον γὰρ σὺν Ἰκάρῳ 
τῷ παιδὶ καθεῖρξε Μίνως ἐν τῷ λαβυρίνθῳ, δι’ ὅπερ εἰργά- 
σατο μύσος ἐπὶ τῷ τῆς Πασιφάης ἔρωτι τῷ πρὸς τὸν 
ταῦρον. ὁ δὲ πτερὰ κατασκευάσας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῷ παιδὶ 
ἐξῆλθε τοῦ λαβυρίνθου καὶ ἀναπτάμενος ἔφυγε σὺν Ἰκάρῳ. 

13 ᾿Ικάρου μὲν οὖν μετεωρότερον φερομένον καὶ τῆς κόλλης 
ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου τακείσης, αἱ πτέρυγες διελύθησαν. καὶ. 
οὗτος μὲν εἰς τὸ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου κληθὲν ᾿Ικάριον πέλαγος κατα- 

1 Θησεὺς δὲ παρέλαβε E: Θησεὺς παραλαβὼν S. 
2 καὶ τοὺς μὲν Frazer: τοὺς μὲν S, Wagner. 

3 The version οὗ Zenobius, which is probably based on 
that of Apollodorus, is here printed for comparison. 

1 Pallas was the brother of Aegeus (see above, iii. 15. 5) ; 
hence his fifty sons were cousins to Theseus. So long as 
Aegeus was childless, his nephews hoped to succeed to the 

succeeded to the sovereignty of Athens, and killed 
the sons of Pallas, fifty in number;! likewise all who 
would oppose him were killed by him, and he got 
the whole government to himself. 

On. being apprized of the flight of Theseus and 
his company, Minos shut up the guilty Daedalus in 
the labyrinth, along with his son Icarus, who had 
been borne to Daedalus by Naucrate, a female slave of 
Minos. But Daedalus constructed wings for himself 
and his son, and enjoined his son, when he took to 
flight, neither to fly high, lest the glue should melt in 
the sun and the wings should drop off, nor to fly near 
the sea, lest the pinions should be detached by the 
damp. But the infatuated Icarus, disregarding his 
father’s injunctions, soared ever higher, till, the glue 
melting, he fell into the sea called after him Icarian, 
and perished.?_ But Daedalus made his way safely to 

throne ; but when Theseus appeared from Troezen, claiming 
to be the king’s son and his heir apparent, they were disap- 
pointed and objected to his succession, on the ground that he 
was a stranger and a foreigner. Accordingly. when Theseus 
succeeded to the crown, Pallas and his fifty sons rebelled 
against him, but were defeated and slain. See Plutarch, 
Theseus, 3 and 13; Pausanias, i. 22. 2, i. 28. 10; Scholiast on 
Euripides, Hippolytus, 35, who quotes from Philochorus a 
passage about the rebellion. In order to be purified from the 
guilt incurred by killing his cousins, Theseus went into banish- 
ment for a year along with his wife Phaedra. The place of 
their exile was Troezen, where Theseus had been born; and 
it was there that Phaedra saw and conceived a fatal passion 
for her stepson Hippolytus, and laid the plot of death. See 
Euripides, Hippolytus, 34 sqq.; Pausanias, i. 22.2. Accord- 
ing to a different tradition, Theseus was tried for murder 
before the court of the Delphinium at Athens, and was 
acquitted on the plea of justifiable homicide (Pausanias, 1. 
28. 10). 

2 Compare Strabo, xiv. 1. 19, p. 639; Lucian, Gallus, 23 ; 
Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 20.5 ; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92; J. 

13° 

δαλος δὲ διασώζεται εἰς Κάμικον τῆς Σικελίας.» 

14 Δαίδαλον δὲ ἐδίωκε Μίνως, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην 
χώραν ἐρευνῶν ἐκόμιξε κόχλον, καὶ πολὺν ἐπηγ- 
γέλλετο δώσειν μισθὸν τῷ διὰ τοῦ κοχλίου λίνον 
διείραντι,2 διὰ τούτου νομίξων εὑρήσειν Δαίδαλον. 
ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς Κάμικον τῆς Σικελίας παρὰ Κώκαλον, 
παρ᾽ ᾧ Δαίδαλος ἐκρύπτετο, δείκνυσι τὸν κοχλίαν. 
ἡ δὲ λαβὼν ἐ ἔλλετο διείρειν ὃ καὶ Δαιδάλ, 
ὁ δὲ λαβὼν ἐπηγγέλλετο διείρειν ὃ καὶ Δαιδάλῳ 

« 

15 δίδωσιν: ὁ δὲ ἐξάψας μύρμηκος λίνον καὶ τρήσας 
τὸν κοχλίαν εἴασε δι᾽’ αὐτοῦ διελθεῖν. λαβὼν δὲ 
Μίνως τὸ λίνον διειρμένονἐ ἤσθετο ὄντα παρ᾽ 
3 [4 , N > / 3 , a 
ἐκείνῳ Δαίδαλον, καὶ εὐθέως ἀπήτει. Kaados 

ε 
δὲ ὑποσχόμενος ἐκδώσειν ἐξένισεν αὐτόν: ὁ δὲ 

14 πίπτει, Δαίδαλος δὲ διασώζεται. ὁ Μίνως οὖν ἐδίωκε 
Δαίδαλον καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην χώραν ἐρευνῶν ἐκόμιζε κόχλον, 
“ “A a “a / 
καὶ πολὺν ὑπισχνεῖτο δοῦναι μισθὸν τῷ διὰ τοῦ κοχλίου 
if , Q , ’ e [4 ’ὕ 
λίνον διείραντι, διὰ τούτου νομίζων εὑρήσειν Δαίδαλον. 
ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς Κώκαλον, παρ᾽ ᾧ Δαίδαλος ἐκρύπτετο, 
δείκνυσι τὸν κοχλίαν. 6 δὲ λαβὼν ἐπηγγέλλετο διείρειν 
15 καὶ Δαιδάλῳ δίδωσιν’ ὁ δὲ ἐξάψας μύρμηκος λίνον καὶ 
, νι λέ Ν ὃ ? > A ὃ λθ “ λ ‘ δὲ 
τρήσας τὸν κοχλίαν εἴασε δι᾽ αὐτοῦ διελθεῖν. λαβὼν δὲ 
Mivws τὸν λίνον διειρμένον σθετο εἶναι παρ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὸν 
Δαίδαλον, καὶ εὐθέως ἀπήτει Κώκαλος δὲ ὑποσχόμενος 
’ 4 ἢ 2 » ε XN 4 e A a , 
δώσειν ἐξένισεν αὐτόν. ὃ δὲ λουσάμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Κωκάλου 
θυγατέρων ἀνῃρέθη ζέουσαν πίσσαν ἐπιχεαμένων αὐτῷ. 

1 Δαίδαλος δὲ διασώζεται εἰς Κάμικον τῆς Σικελίας inserted by 
Wagner from ἃ tomparison with Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92 and 
Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 506, ‘O Δαίδαλος δ᾽ els Κάμινον (sic) 
σώζεται Σικελία. 

3 διείραντι Valckenar: διείρξαντι Εἰ : διείξαντι Zenobius. 

3 διείρειν Valckenar: διείρξειν Εἰ : διέρξειν Zenobius. 
bia διειρμένον Valckenar: διειργμένον ΕἸ : διειργασμένον Zeno- 

ius. 

Camicus in Sicily. And Minos pursued Daedalus, and 
in every country that he searched he carried a spiral 
shell and promised to give a great reward to him who 
should pass a thread through the shell, believing that 
by that means he should discover Daedalus. And 
having come to Camicus in Sicily, to the court of 
Cocalus, with whom Daedalus was concealed, he 
showed the spiral shell. Cocalus took it, and promised 
to thread it, and gave it to Daedalus; and Daedalus 
fastened a thread to an ant, and, having bored a hole 
in the spiral shell, allowed the ant to pass through it. 
But when Minos found the thread passed through the 
shell, he perceived that Daedalus was with Cocalus, 
and at once demanded his surrender.! Cocalus prom- 
ised to surrender him, and made an entertainment for 

Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 498 sqq.; Severus, Narr. 5, in Wester- 
mann’s Mythographi Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, 32, p. 
373; Scholiast on Homer, 11. ii. 145; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 
183-235 ; Hyginus, Fab. 40; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latunt, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 16 and 117 (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 43, Second Vatican Mythographer, 125). 
According to one account, Daedalus landed from his flight at 
Cumae, where he dedicated his wings to Apollo. See Virgil, 
Aen. vi. 14 sqq.; Juvenal, iii. 25. The myth of the flight of 
Daedalus and Icarus is rationalized by Diodorus Siculus (iv. 
77. 5 84ᾳ.). and Pausanias (ix. 11. 4 84ᾳ.).. According to 
Diodorus, the two were provided by Pasiphae with a ship 
in which they escaped, but in landing on a certain island 
Icarus fell into the sea and was drowned. According to 
Pausanias, father and son sailed in separate ships, scuddin 
before the wind with sails, which Daedalus had just invente 
and spread for the first time to the sea breeze. The only 
writer besides Apollodorus who mentions the name of Icarus’s 
mother is Tzetzes; he agrees with Apollodorus, whom he may 
have copied, in describing her as a slave woman named 
Naucrate. 

1 The story of the quaint device by which Minos detected 
Daedalus is repeated by Zenobius (Cent. iv. 92), who probably 
copied Apollodorus. See above, pp. 138, 140. The device was 

λουσάμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Κωκάλου θυγατέρων ἔκλυτος 

éyévero'! ὡς δὲ ἔνιοί φασι, ζεστῷ καταχυθεὶς 
«ὕδατι!» ὃ μετήλλαξεν. 

ES 16 | Συστρατευσάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ ᾿Αμαξόνας Ἡρακλεῖ 

S ἥρπασεν [᾿Αντιόπην, ὡς δέ τινες Μελανίππην, 

Σιμωνίδης δὲ Ἱππολύτην.. διὸ ἐστράτευσαν én’ 

1 ἔκλυτος ἐγένετο. These words can hardly be right. The 
required sense is given by Zenobius, ἀνῃρέθη. Perhaps we 
should read ἐν λουτροῖς ἀπέθανεν or ἀπώλετο. Compare Dio- 
dorus Siculus, iv. 79. 2, κατὰ τὸν λουτρῶνα ὠλίσθηκε καὶ πεσὼν 
εἰς τὸ θερμὸν ὕδωρ ἐτελεύτησε. But see Exegetical Note. 

2 φεστῷ καταχυθεὶς ὕδατι Wagner (comparing Scholiast 
on Homer, Zl. ii. 145, ἀποθνήσκει καταχυθέντος αὐτοῦ (εστοῦ 
ὕδατος) : ξεστῷ καταλυθεὶς E. ; 

8 συστρατευσάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ ᾿Αμαζόνας Ἣρακλεῖ ἥρπασεν S: ὅτι 
Θησεὺς Ἣρακλεῖ συστρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ ᾿Αμαζόνας ἥρπασε KE. 

4 ᾿Αντιόπην. .. Ἱππολύτην ὃ : Γλαύκην τὴν καὶ Μελανίππην E. 

mentioned by Sophocles in a lost play, The Camiciang, in 
which he dealt with the residence of Daedalus at the court 
of Cocalus in Sicily, See Athenaeus, iii. 32, p. 86 σὴ; The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, ii. 3 sqgq. 

1 Compare Zenobius, Cent. iv. 92; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 79. 
2; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 508 sq. ; Scholiast on Homer, J1. 
ii. 145; Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. iv. 59 (95); Ovid, Zbzs, 
289 sq., with the Scholia. The account of Zenobius agrees 
closely with that of Apollodorus, except that he makes the 
daughters of Cocalus pour boiling pitch instead of boiling 
water on the head‘of their royal guest. The other authorities 
speak of boiling water. The Scholiast on Pindar informs us | 
that the ever ingenious Daedalus persuaded the princesses to 
lead a pipe through the roof, which discharged a stream of 
boiling water on Minos while he was disporting himself in the 
bath. Other writers mention the agency of the daughters of 
Cocalus in the murder of Minos, without describing the mode 
of his taking off. See Pausanias, vii. 4. 6; Conon, Narrat. 
25; Hyginus, Fab. 44. Herodotus contents himself with 
saying (vii. 169 sq.) that Minos died a violent death at Cami- 
cus in Sicily, whither he had gone in search of Daedalus. 
The Greek expression which I have translated ‘‘ was undone” 
(ἔκλυτος ἐγένετο) is peculiar. If the text is sound (see Critical 

Minos; but after his bath Minos was undone by the 
daughters of Cocalus; some say, however, that he 
died through being drenched with boiling water.* 
Theseus joined Hercules in his expedition against 
the Amazons and carried off Antiope, or, as some say, 
Melanippe; but Simonides calls her Hippolyte.? 

Note), the words must be equivalent to ἐξελύθη, ‘‘ was re- 
laxed, unstrung, or unnerved.” Compare Aristotle, Problem 
i. p. 862 Ὁ 2 sq., ed. Bekker, κατεψνγμένου παντὸς τοῦ σώματος 
καὶ ἐκλελυμένου πρὸς τοὺς πόνους. Aristotle also uses the 
adjective ἔκλυτος to express a supple, nerveless, or effeminate 
motion of the hands (Phystog. 3, p. 808a 14); and he says 
that tame elephants were trained to strike wild elephants, 
ἕως ἂν ἐκλύσωσιν (avrovs), ‘until they relax or weaken them” 
(Hist. anim. ix. 1, p. 610 a 27, ed Bekker). Isocrates speaks 
of a mob (ὄχλος) πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐκλελυμένος (Or. iv. 150). 
The verb éxAvew is used in the sense of making an end of 
something troublesome or burdensome (Sophocles, Oedipus 
Tyrannus, 35 sq. with Jebb’s note); from which it might 
perhaps be extended to persons regarded as troublesome or 

urdensome. We may compare the parallel uses of the Latin 
dtssolvere, as applied both to things (Horace, Odea, i. 9. 5, 
dissolve frigus) and to persons (Sallust, Jugurtha, 17, plerosque 
senectus dtssolvit). 

? As to Theseus and the Amazons, see Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
28; Plutarch, Theseus, 26-28 ; Pausanias, i. 2. 1, i. 15. 2, 1. 
41. 7, ii. 32. 9, v. 11. 4 and 7; Zenobius, Cent. v. 33. The 
invasion of Attica by the Amazons in the time of Theseus is 
repeatedly referred to by Isocrates (Or. iv. 68 and 70, vi. 42, 
vii. 75, xii. 193). The Amazon whom Theseus married, and 
by whom he had Hippolytus, is commonly called Antiope 
(Plutarch, Theseus, 26, 28; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 28; Pau- 
sanias, i, 2.1, 1.41.7; Seneca, Hippolytus, 927 sqq.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 30). But according to Clidemus, in agreement with 
Simonides, her name was Hippolyte (Plutarch, Theseus, 27), 
and so she is called by Isocrates (Or. xii. 193). Pausanias says 
that Hippolyte was a sister of Antiope (i. 41. 7). Tzetzes 
expressly affirms that Antiope, and not Hippolyte, was the 
wife of Theseus and mother of Hippolytus (Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 1329). The grave of Antiope was shown both at 
Athens and Megara (Pausanias, i. 2. 1, i. 41. 7). 

᾿Αθήνας "Apaloves. καὶ στρατοπεδευσαμένας ἷ 
αὐτὰς περὶ τὸν "Apetov πάγον Θησεὺς μετὰ ᾿Αθη- 
ἘΞ ναΐίων ἐνίκησεν. | ἔχων δὲ 3 ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος παῖδα 
17 ᾿ἱππόλυτον, λαμβάνει μετὰ ταῦτα παρὰ Δευκαλί- 
g ὠνος Φαίδραν τὴν Μίνωος θνγατέρα, | ἧς ἐπιτε- 
λουμένων τῶν γάμων ᾿Αμαξὼν ἡ προγαμηθεῖσα 
Θησεῖ τοὺς συγκατακειμένους σὺν ταῖς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς 
᾿Αμαζόσιν ἐπιστᾶσα σὺν ὅπλοις κτείνειν ἔμελλεν. 
οἱ δὲ κλείσαντες διὰ τάχους τὰς θύρας ἀπέκτειναν 
αὐτὴν. τινὲς δὲ μαχομένην αὐτὴν ὑπὸ Θησέως 
ES 18 λέγουσιν ἀποθανεῖν. | Φαίδρα δὲ γεννήσασα Θησεῖ 
δύο παιδία ᾿Ακάμαντα καὶ Δημοφῶντα ἐρᾷ " τοῦ 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος παιδὸς [ἤγουν τοῦ ᾿ἱππολύτου] * 
καὶ δεῖται συνελθεῖν αὐτῇ. ὁ δὲ μισῶν πάσας 
γυναῖκας ὃ τὴν συνουσίαν ἔφνγεν. ἡ δὲ Φαίδρα, 
δείσασα μὴ τῷ πατρὶ διαβάλῃ, κατασχίσασα Ἷ 
τὰς τοῦ θαλάμου θύρας καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας σπα- 
19 ράξασα κατεψεύσατο Ἵππολύτου βίαν. Θησεὺς 
δὲ πιστεύσας ηὔξατο Ποσειδῶνι “Ἱππόλυτον δια- 
φθαρῆναι" ὁ δέ, θέοντος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος ὃ 
καὶ παρὰ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὀχουμένου, ταῦρον ἀνῆκεν 
ἐκ τοῦ κλύδωνος. πτοηθέντων δὲ τῶν ἵππων κατηρ- 

1 στρατοπεδευσαμένας Biicheler: στρατευσαμένας S, Wagner. 

2 ἔχων δὲ... μετὰ ταῦτα SS: ἐξ hs [sctl. ΓλαὐκηΞ5) ἔσχε παῖδα 
Ἱππόλυτον. τὴν πρότερον δὲ διαλυσάμενος ἔχθραν λαμβάνει E. 

3 Φαίδρα δὲ γεννήσασα Θησεῖ δύο παιδία ᾿Ακάμαντα καὶ Δημο- 
φῶντα épa ὃ: ἐξ ἧς [scil. Φαίδρας) γεννᾷ δύο παῖδας ᾿Ακάμαντα 
καὶ Δημοφῶντα. Φαίδρα γοῦν ἐρᾷ E. 

4 τοῦ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος παιδὸς ἤγουν τοῦ Ἱππολύτον Εἰ : Ἵπ- 
πολύτου ὃ. 

δ συνελθεῖν αὐτῇ Εἰ : συνελθεῖν S. 

8 χάσας γυναῖκας E: πάσας τὰς γυναῖκας S. 

Ἴ κατασχίσασα ὃ: κατασχοῦσα E. 

8 ἀπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος E: ἐπὶ ἅρματος S. 

Wherefore the Amazons marched against Athens, and 
having taken upa position about the Areopagus?! they 
were vanquished by the Athenians under Theseus. 
And though he had a son Hippolytus by the Amazon, 
Theseus afterwards received from Deucalion? in 
marriage Phaedra, daughter of Minos; and when 
her marriage was being celebrated, the Amazon that 
had before been married to him appeared in arms 
with her Amazons, and threatened to kill the assem- 
bled guests. But they hastily closed the doors and 
killed her. However, some say that she was slain in 
battle by Theseus. And Phaedra, after she had borne 
two children, Acamas and Demophon, to Theseus, 
fell in love with the son he had by the Amazon, to 
wit, Hippolytus, and besought him to lie with her. 
Howbeit, he fled from her embraces, because he hated 
all women. But Phaedra, fearing that he might 
accuse her to his father, cleft open the doors of her 
bedchamber, rent her garments, and falsely charged 
Hippolytus with an assault. Theseus believed her 
and prayed to Poseidon that Hippolytus might perish. 
So, when Hippolytus was riding in his chariot and 
driving beside the sea, Poseidon sent up a bull from 
the surf, and the horses were frightened, the chariot 

' According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 28.2), the Amazons 
encamped at the place which was afterwards called the Ama- 
zonium. The topography of the battle seems to have been 
mioutely described by the antiquarian Clidemus, according 
to whom the array of the Amazons extended from the 
Amazonium to the Pnyx, while the Athenians attacked them 
from the Museum Hill on one side and from Ardettus and 
the Lyceum on the other. See Plutarch, Theseus, 27. 

2 This Deucalion was a son of Minos and reigned after him ; 
he was thus a brother of Phaedra. See above, iii. 1. 2; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62. 1. He is not to be confounded with 
the more famous Deucalion in whose time the great flood took 
place. See above, i. 7. 2. 145 

VOL. I. L 

paxOn) τὸ ἅρμα. ἐμπλακεὶς δὲ «ταῖς ἡνίαις;» 3 
Ἱππόλυντος συρόμενος ἀπέθανε. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ 
ἔρωτος περιφανοῦς ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησε Φαίδρα. 

1 κατηρράχθη Εἰ : κατεάχθη S. ᾿ 

2 ταῖς ἡνίαις inserted by Wagner (comparing Scholiast on 
Plato, Laws, xi. Ὁ. 9318, ταῖς ἡνίαις ἐμπλακεὶς ἑλκόμενος 
θνήσκει; Euripides, Hippolytus, 1236, ἡνίαισιν ἐμπλακεὶς ; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62. 3; ἐμπλακὲν τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν ἑλκυσθῆναι). 

1 The guilty passion of Phaedra for her stepson Hippo! rtus 
and the tragic end of the innocent youth, done to ath by 
the curses of his father Theseus, are the subject of two extant 
tragedies, the Hippolytus of Euripides, and the Htppolytus 
or Phaedra of Seneca. Compare also Diodorus Siculus, iv. 
62; Pausanias, i. 22, 1 sq., ii. 32. 1-4; Scholiast on Homer, 
Od. xi. 321, citing Asclepiades as his authority; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 1329; id. Chiliades, vi. 504 sqq. ; 
Scholiast on Plato, Laws, xi. Ὁ. 9318; Ovid, Metamorph. 
xv. 497 sqq. ; 1d. Heroides, iv.; Hyginus, Fab. 47; Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. vi. 445, and vii. 761; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latins, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 17, 117 8g. 
(First Vatican Mythographer, 46; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 128). Sophocles composed a tragedy Phaedra, 
of which some fragments remain, but little or nothing is 
known of the plot. See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. 
C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 294 sqqg. Euripides wrote two 
tragedies on the same subject, both under the title of Hippo- 
lytus : it is the second which has come down to us. In the 
first Hippolytus the poet, incensed at the misconduct of his 
wife, painted the character and behaviour of Phaedra in 
much darker colours than in the second, where he has 
softened the portrait, representing the unhappy woman as 
instigated by the revengeful Aphrodite, but resisting the 
impulse of her fatal passion to the last, refusing to tell her 
love to Hippolytus, and dying by her own hand rather than 
endure the shame of its betrayal by a blabbing nurse. This 
version of the story is evidently not the one here followed ἢ 
Apollodorus, according to whom Phaedra made criminal ad- 
vances to her stepson. On the other hand the version of 
Apollodorus agrees in this respect with that of the Scholiast 
on Homer (i.c.): both writers may have followed the first 

dashed in pieces, and Hippolytus, entangled in the 
reins, was dragged to death. And when her passion 
was made public, Phaedra hanged herself.! 

Hippolytus of Euripides. As to that lost play, of which 
some fragments have come down to us, see the life of Euri- 
pides in Westermann’s Vitarum Scriptores Graect Minores, 
p- 137; the Greek argument to the extant Hippolytus of 
Kuripides (vol. i. p. 163, ed. Paley) ; Tragicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 491 egg. Apollodorus says 
nothing as to the scene of the tragedy. Euripides in his 
extant play lays it at Troezen, whither Theseus had gone 
with Phaedra to be purified for the slaughter of the sons of 
Pallas (Hippolytus, 34 sqq.). Pausanias agrees with this 
account, and tells us that the graves of the unhappy pair 
were to be seen beside each other at Troezen, near a myrtle- 
tree, of which the pierced leaves still bore the print of 
Phaedra’s brooch. The natural beauty of the spot is in 
keeping with the charm which the genius of Euripides has 
thrown over the romantic story of unhappy love and death. 
Of Troezen itself only a few insignificant ruins remain, over- 
grown with weeds and dispersed amid a wilderness of bushes. 
Rut hard by are luxuriant groves of lemon and orange with 
here and there tall cypresses towering like dark spires above 
them, while behind this belt of verdure rise wooded hills, 
and across the blue waters of the nearly landlocked bay 
lies Calauria, the sacred island of Poseidon, its peaks veiled 
in the sombre green of the pines. 

A different place and time were assigned by Seneca to the 
tragedy. According to him, the events took place at Athens, 
and Phaedra conceived her passion for Hippolytus and made 
advances to him during the absence of her husband, who had 

one clown to the nether world with Pirithous and was there 

etained for four years (Hippolytus, 835 sqq.). Diodorus 
Siculus agrees with Euripides in laying the scene of the 
tragedy at Troezen, and he agrees with Apollodorus in saying 
that at the time when Phaedra fell in love with Hippolytus 
she was the mother of two sons, Acamas and Demophon, b 
Theseus. In his usual rationalistic vein Diodorus omits all 
mention of Poseidon and the sea-bull, and ascribes the acci- 
dent which befell Hippolytus to the mental agitation he felt 
at his stepmother’s calumny. 

L 2 

E20 [Ὅτι ὁ Ἰξιων “Hpas ἐρασθεὶς ἐπεχείρει βιά- 
ἕεσθαι, καὶ προσαγγειλάσης τῆς “Ηρας γνῶναι 
θέλων ὁ Ζεύς, εἰ οὕτως ἔχει τὸ πρᾶγμα, νεφέλην 
ἐξεικάσας “Ἥρᾳ παρέκλινεν αὐτῷ" καὶ καυχώμενον 

ec ὦ / > ἢ A e 3 Φ ’ 

ὡς Hoa μιγέντα ἐνέδησε τροχῷ, Up οὗ φερόμενος 

διὰ πνευμάτων ἐν αἰθέρι ταύτην τίνει δίκην. νε- 
, \ 9g 3 / > ἢ ’ 

φέλη δὲ ἐξ ᾿Ιξίονος ἐγέννησε Κένταυρον. 

Z2 «Συνεμάχησε δὲϊ τῷ Πειρίθῳ Θησεύς, ὅτε 
κατὰ τῶν Κενταύρων συνεστήσατο πόλεμον. 

1 Συνεμάχησε δὲ. .. ὁ Θησεὺς αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν. «This passage 
is inserted from Zenobius, Cent. v. 33, who probably bor- 
rowed it from Apollodorus. 

1 Compare Pindar, Pyth. ii. 21 (39)-48 (88), with the Scho- 
liast on v. 21 (39); Diodorus Siculus, iv. 69. 4 sq. ; Scholiast’ 
on Euripides, Phoenissae, 1185; Scholiast on Homer, Od. 
xxi. 303; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iii. 62; 
Hyginus, Fab. 62; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 286 (who does 
not mention the punishment of the wheel); Lactantius Pla- 
cidus on Statius, Theb. iv. 539; Scriptores rerum mytht- 
carum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 4, 110 sg. (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 14; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
106). J. Tzetzes flatly contradicts Pindar and substitutes a 
dull rationalistic narrative for the poet’s picturesque myth 
(Chiliades, vii. 30 sqq.). According to some, the wheel of 
Ixion was fiery (Scholiast on Euripides, J.c.); according to 
the Vatican Mythographer it was entwined with snakes. 
The fiery aspect of the wheel is supported by vase-paintings. 
From this and other evidence Mr. A. B. Cook argues that the 
flaming wheel launched through the air is a mythical ex- 
pression for the Sun, and that Ixion himself ‘ typifies a whole 
series of human Ixions who in bygone ages were done to 
death as effete embodiments of the sun-god.” See his book 
Zeus, i. 198-211. 

2 This passage concerning the fight of Theseus with the 
centaurs at the marriage of Pirithous does not occur in our text 

Ixion fell in love with Hera and attempted to force 
her; and when Hera reported it, Zeus, wishing to 
know if the thing were so, made a cloud in the like- 
ness of Hera and laid it beside him; and when Ixion 
boasted that he had enjoyed the favours of Hera, Zeus 
bound him to a wheel, on which he is whirled by 
winds through the air; such is the penalty he pays. 
And the cloud, impregnated by Ixion, gave birth to 
Centaurus.! 

And Theseus allied himself with Pirithous,? when 
he engaged in war against the centaurs. For when 

of Apollodorus, but is conjecturally restored to it from Zeno- 
bius (Cent. ν. 33), or rather from his interpolator, who 
frequently quotes passages of Apollodorus without acknow- 
ledgment. The restoration was first proposed by Professor 
C. Robert before the discovery of the Epitome; and it is 
adopted by R. Wagner in his edition of Apollodorus. See C. 
Robert, De Apollodort Bibliotheca, pp. 49 sq.; R. Wagner, 
Epitoma Vaticana ex Apollodort Bibliotheca, p. 147. As 
Pirithous was a son of Ixion (see above, i. 8. 2), the account 
of his marriage would follow naturally after the recital of his © 
father’s crime and punishment. As to the wedding of Piri- 
thous, see further Diodorus Siculus, iv. 70. 3; Plutarch, Theseus, 
30; Pausanias, v. 10. 8; Scholiast on Homer, Od. xxi. 295; 
Hyginus, Fab. 32; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 210—535 ; Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. vii. 304; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 51, 111 (First Vatican Mythogra- 
pher, 162; Second Vatican Mythographer, 108). The wife of 

irithous is called Deidamia by Plutarch, but Hippodamia by 
Diodorus Siculus, Hyginus, and the Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, as well as by Homer (11. ii. 742). Ovid calle her 
Hippodame. The scene of the battle of the Lapiths with the 
centaurs at the wedding of Pirithous was sculptured in the 
western gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia; all the 
sculptures were discovered, in a more or less fragmentary 
state, by the Germans in their excavations of the sanctuary, 
and they are now exhibited in the museum at Olympia. See 
Pausanias, v. 10. 8, with my commentary (vol. iii. pp. 516 

8qq.). 

Πειρίθους yap Ἱπποδάμειαν μνηστευόμενος εἱστία 
Κενταύρους ὡς συγγενεῖς ὄντας αὐτῇ. ἀσυνήθως 
δὲ ἔχοντες οἴνον ἀφειδῶς ἐμφορησάμενοι ἐμέθνον, 
καὶ εἰσαγομένην τὴν νύμφην ἐπεχείρουν βιά- 
ξεσθαι' ὁ δὲ Πειρίθους μετὰ Θησέως καθοπλισά- 
μενος μάχην συνῆψε, καὶ πολλοὺς ὁ Θησεὺς 
αὐτῶν ' ἀνεῖλεν.» 

E22 [Ὅτι Καινεὺς πρότερον ἦν γυνή, συνελθόντος 

δὲ αὐτῇ Ποσειδῶνος ἠτήσατο ἀνὴρ γενέσθαι ἄτρω- 
τος" διὸ καὶ ἐν τῇ πρὸς Κενταύρους μάχῃ τραυ- 
μάτων καταφρονῶν πολλοὺς τῶν Κενταύρων 
ἀπώλεσεν, οἱ δὲ λοιποί, περιστάντες αὐτῷ, 
ἐλάταις τύπτοντες ἔχωσαν εἰς γῆν. 

1 αὑτῶν Wagner: ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν MSS. of Zenobius. 

1 As to Caeneus, his change of sex and his invulnerability, 
see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 57-64, with the Scholiast 
on Ὁ. 57; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. i. 264; Plutarch, Stoic. 
absurd. 1;1td. De profectibus tn virtute, 1; Lucian, Gallus, 
19; td. De saltatione, 57; Apostolius, Cent. iv. 19; Palae- 

hatus, De incredid. 11; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 17 ; 
Virgil, Aen. vi. 448 sg.; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 459-532 ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 14, pp. 39 sq., ed. Bunte ; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen. vi. 448; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achill. 264 ; 
Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. 
R . 49, 111 eq., 189 (First Vatican Mythographer, 154; Second 

;atican Mythographer, 108; Third Vatican Mythographer, 
6. 25). Accotding to Servius and the Vatican Mythographers, 
after his death Caeneus was changed back into a woman, thus 
conforming to an observation of Plato or Aristotle that the sex 
of a person generally changes at each transmigration of his 
soul into a new body. Curiously enough, the Urabunna and 
Waramunga tribes of Central Australia agree with Plato or 
Aristotle on this point. They believe that the souls of the 
dead transmigrate sooner or later into new bodies, and that 
at each successive transmigration they change their sex. See 
(Sir) Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes 
of Central Aystralia (London, 1904), p. 148. According to 

Pirithous wooed Hippodamia, he feasted the centaurs 
because they were her kinsmen. But being unaccus- 
tomed to wine, they made themselves drunk by 
swilling it greedily, and when the bride was brought 
in, they attempted to violate her. But Pirithous, fully 
armed, with Theseus, joined battle with them, and 
Theseus killed many of them. 

Caeneus was formerly a woman, but after that 
Poseidon had intercourse with her, she asked to be- 
come an invulnerable man; wherefore in the battle 
-with the centaurs he thought scorn of wounds and 
killed many of the centaurs; but the rest of them 
surrounded him and by striking him with fir-trees 
buried him in the earth.! 

Ovid (Metamorph. xii. 524 sgq.), a bird with yellow wings was 
seen to rise from the heap of logs under which Caeneus was 
overwhelmed ; and the seer Mopsus explained the bird to be 
Caeneus transformed into that creature. Another tradition 
about Caeneus was that he set up his spear in the middle of 
the market-place and ordered people to regard it as a god and 
to swear by it. He himself prayed and sacrificed to none of 
the gods, but only to his spear. It was this impiety that drew 
down on him the wrath of Zeus, who instigated the centaurs 
to overwhelm him. See the Scholiast on Homer, 11. i. 264; 
Scholiast on Apolionius Rhodius, Argon. i. 57. The whole 
story of the parentage of Caeneus, his impiety, his invulner- 
ability, and the manner of his death, is told by the old prose- 
writer Acusilaus in a passage quoted by a Greek grammarian, 
of whose work some fragments, written on papyrus, were 
discovered some years ago at Oxyrhynchus in Egypt. See The 
Oxyrhynchus Papyri, part xiii. (London, 1919), pp. 133 aq. 
Apollodorus probably derived his account of Caeneus from 
Acusilaus, whom he often refers to (see Index). The fortunate 
discovery of this fragment of the ancient writer confirms our 
confidence in the excellence of the sources used by Apollo- 
dorus and in the fidelity with which he followed them. In 
his complete work he may have narrated the impiety of 
Caeneus in setting up his spear for worship, though the 
episode has been omitted in the Epitome. 

23 Ὅτε Θησεύς, Πειρίθῳ συνθέμενος Διὸς Ov- 
γατέρας γαμῆσαι, ἑαυτῷ μὲν ἐκ Σπάρτης per 
ἐκείνου ἥρπασεν ᾿Ελένην δωδεκαέτη οὖσαν, Πει- 
ρίθῳ δὲ μνηστευόμενος τὸν Περσεφόνης γάμον εἰς 
“Atdouv κάτεισι. καὶ Διόσκουροι μὲν μετὰ Λακε- 
δαιμονίων καὶ ᾿Αρκάδων εἷλον ᾿Αθήνας καὶ 
ἀπάγουσιν ᾿Ελένην καὶ μετὰ ταύτης Αἴθραν τὴν 
Πιτθέως αἰχμάλωτον: Δημοφῶν δὲ καὶ ᾿Ακάμας 
ἔφυγον. κατάγουσι δὲ καὶ Μενεσθέα καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν 

24 τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων διδόασι τούτῳ. Θησεὺς δὲ μετὰ 
Πειρίθου παραγενόμενος εἰς “Αἰδου ἐξαπατᾶται, 
καὶ «ὃς; ws! ξενίων μεταληψομένους πρῶτον ἐν 
τῷ τῆς Λήθης εἶπε καθεσθῆναι θρόνῳ, ᾧ προσ- 
φυέντες σπείραις δρακόντων κατείχοντο. Πειρί- 
θους μὲν οὖν εἰς aidsov? δεθεὶς ἔμεινε, Θησέα 
δὲ Ἡρακλῆς ἀναγαγὼν ἔπεμψεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας. 
ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ὑπὸ Μενεσθέως ἐξελαθεὶς πρὸς Λυκο- 

1 ὃς ὡς Herwerden: ὡς E, Wagner. 
2 ἀίδιον Herwerden: ᾿Αἰδωνέα E, Wagner. 

1 See above, iii. 10. 7, with the note. Diodorus Siculus (iv. 
63. 2) says that Helen was ten years old when she was 
carried off by Theseus and Pirithous. 

2 Compare Diodorus Siculus, iv. 63. 3 and 5; Plutarch, 
Theseus, 32 and 34; Pausanias, i. 17. 5, ii. 22.6. According 
to these writers, it was not Athens but Aphidna (Aphidnae) 
that was captured by the Dioscuri. 

* Menestheus was one of the royal family of Athens, being 
a son of Peteos, who was a son οἱ Orneus, who was a son of 
Erechtheus, See Plutarch, Theseus, 32 ; Pausanias, ii. 25. 6. 
That he was restored and placed on the throne by Castor 
and Pellux during the absence of Theseus is mentioned also 
by Pausanias (i. 17. 6) and Aelian (Var. Hist. iv. 5). Com- 
pare Plutarch, Theseus, 32 sq. 

4 As to Theseus and Pirithous in hell, and the rescue of 
Theseus by Hercules, see above, ii. 5. 12 with the note. The 
great painter Polygnotus painted the two heroes seated in 

Having made a compact with Pirithous that they 
would marry daughters of Zeus, Theseus, with the 
help of Pirithous, carried off Helen from Sparta for 
himself, when she was twelve years old,! and in the 
endeavour to win Persephone as a bride for Pirithous 
he went down to Hades. And the Dioscuri, with the 
Lacedaemonians and Arcadians, captured Athens and 
carried away Helen, and with her Aethra, daughter 
of Pittheus, into captivity ;? but Demophon and 
Acamas fled. And the Dioscuri also brought back 
Menestheus from exile,and gave him the sovereignty 
of Athens. But when Theseus arrived with Pirithous 
in Hades, he was-beguiled ; for, on the pretence that 
they were about to partake of good cheer, Hades 
bade them first be seated on the Chair of Forget- 
fulness, to which they grew and were held fast by 
coils of serpents. Pirithous, therefore, remained 
bound for ever, but Hercules brought Theseus up 
and sent him to Athens. Thence he was driven by 

chairs, Theseus holding his friend’s sword and his own, while 
Pirithous gazed wistfully at the now uselese blades, that had 
done such good service in the world of light and life. See 
Pausanias, x. 29. 9. No ancient author, however, except 
Apollodorus in the present passage, expressly mentions the 
Chair of Forgetfulness, though Horace seems to allude to it 
(Odes, iv. 7. 27 8ᾳ.}, where he speaks of ‘‘ the Lethaean bonds ” 
which held fast Pirithous, and which his faithful friend was 
werless to break. But when Apollodorus speaks of the 
erves growing to their seats, he may be following the old 
poet Panyasis, who said that Theseus and Pirithous were not 
pinioned to their chairs, but that the rock growing to their 
flesh held them as in a vice (Pausanias l.c.). Indeed, Theseus 
stuck so fast that, on being wrenched away by Hercules, he 
left a piece of his person adhering to the rock, which, accord- 
ing to some people, was the reason why the Athenians ever 
afterwards were so remarkably spare in that part of their 
frame. See Suidas, 8.0. Aloxo:; Scholiast on Aristophanes, 
Knights, 1368 ; compare Aulus Gellius, x. 16. 13. 

μήδην ἦλθεν, ὃς αὐτὸν βάλλει κατὰ βαράθρων" 
καὶ ἀποκτείνει. 
e 
II. “Ore ὁ Τάνταλος ἐν “Acdov? κολάξεται, 
πέτρον ἔχων ὕπερθεν ἑαυτοῦ ἐπιφερόμενον, ἐν 
λίμνῃ τε διατελῶν καὶ περὶ τοὺς ὥμους ἑκατέρωσε 
a € “A nn 
δένδρα μετὰ καρπῶν ὁρῶν παρὰ TH λίμνῃ πεφυ- 
4 “A “ 
κότα" τὸ μὲν οὖν ὕδωρ ψαύει αὐτοῦ τῶν γενύων, 
καὶ ὅτε θέλοι σπάσασθαι τούτου ξηραίνεται, 
A a € 4 4 ΄ 
τῶν δὲ καρπῶν ὁπότε βούλοιτο μεταλήψεσθαι 
μετεωρίξονται8 μέχρε νεφῶν ὑπ’ ἀνέμων τὰ 
δένδρα σὺν τοῖς καρποῖς. κολάξεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν 
Ψ ° ’ ’ ΄ \ aA A 3 4 
οὕτως λέγουσί τινες, ὅτε TA τῶν 'θεῶν éEeXaGANoEV. 
ἀνθρώποις μυστήρια, καὶ ὅτι τῆς ἀμβροσίας τοῖς 
ἡλικιώταις. μετεδίδου. 
.“ B ΄ \ A \ ” A 2 
Ott Βροτέας κυνηγὸς ὧν τὴν ᾿Άρτεμιν οὐκ 

1 βαράθρων Wagner: βάθρων BH. 
Ξ“Αιδου Wagner: ἅδῃ E. 
3 μετεωρίζονται Wagner: μετεωρίζοντα E. 

1 Compare Plutarch, Thesews, 35; Pausanias, i. 17. 6; 
Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62. 4. 

2 As to the punishment of Tantalus, see Homer, Od. xi. 
582-592, who describes only the torments of hunger and 
thirst, but says nothing about the overhanging stone. But 
the stone is often mentioned by later writers. See Archilochus, 
quoted by Plutarch, Praecept. Ger. Retpub. 6, and by the. 
Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. i. 60 (97); Pindar, Olymp. i. 55 
(87) sgg., with the Scholia on v. 60 (97); τα. Isthm. viii. 10 
(21) ; Euripides, Orestes, 4-10; Plato, Cratylus, p. 395 DE ; 
Hyperides, Frag. 176, ed. Blass; Antipater, in Anthologia 
Palatina, Appendix Planudea, iv. 131. 9 8ᾳ. ; Plutarch, De 
superstitione, 11; Lucian, Dial. Mort. 17; Pausanias, x. 31. 
10; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. iii. 25; Apostolius, Cent. vii. 
60, xvi. 9; Nonnus, Narrat. in Westermann’s Mythographi 
Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, 73, p. 386; Athenaeus, vii. 
14, p. 28180; Lucretius, iii. 980 sg.; Cicero, De finibus, i. 

Menestheus and went to Lycomedes, who threw 
him down an abyss and killed him.! 

II. Tantalus is punished in Hades by having a 
stone impending over him, by being perpetually in a 
lake and seeing at his shoulders on either side trees 
with fruit growing besidethe lake. The water touches 
his jaws, but when he would take a draught of it, the 
water dries up; and when he would partake of the 
fruits, the trees with the fruits are lifted by winds 
as high as the clouds. Some say that he is thus 
punished because he blabbed to men the mysteries of 
the gods, and because he attempted to share ambrosia 
with his fellows.? 

Broteas, a hunter, did not honour Artemis, and 

-. 

18. 60; td. Tuscul. Disput.iv. 16. 35 ; Horace, Zpod. 17, 65 sy. 
and Sat. i. 1. 68 sg.; Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 458 8ᾳ.; Hyginus, 
Fab. 82. Ovid notices only the torments of hunger and 
thirst, and Lucian only the torment of thirst. According 
to another account, Tantalus Jay buried under Mount 
Sipylus in Lydia, which had been his home in life, and on 
which his grave was shown down to late times (Pausanias, 
ii. 22. 3, v. 13. 7). The story ran that Zeus owned 8, valu- 
able watchdog, which guarded his sanctuary in Crete; but 
Pandareus, the Milesian, stole the animal and entrusted 
it for safekeeping to Tantalus. So Zeus sent Hermes to 
the resetter to reclaim his property, but Tantalus impu- 
dently denied on oath that the creature was in his house 
or that he knew anything about it. Accordingly, to punish 
the perjured knave, the indignant Zeus piled Mount Sipylus 
on the top of him. See the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. i. 
60 (97); Scholiast on Homer, Od. xix. 518, xx. 66. In his 
lost play Tantalus Sophocles seems to have introduced the 
theft of the dog, the errand of Hermes to recover the animal, 
and perhaps the burial of the thief under the mountain. See 
The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. 
pp. 209 sqq. 
If 

ἐτίμα: ἔλεγε δέ, ὡς οὐδ᾽ «ἂν» ὑπὸ πυρός τι 
πάθοι: ἐμμανὴς οὖν γενόμενος ἔβαλεν εἰς πῦρ 
ἑαντόν. 

8 Ὅτι Πέλοψ σφαγεὶς ἐν τῷ τῶν θεῶν ἐράνῳ 
καὶ καθεψηθεὶς ὡραιότερος ἐν τῇ ἀναζωώσει γέ- 
γονε, καὶ κάλλει ἐενεγκὼν Ποσειδῶνος ἐρώμενος 
γίνεται, ὃς αὐτῷ δίδωσιν ἅρμα ὑπόπτερον: τοῦτο 
καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης τρέχον τοὺς ἄξονας οὐχ ὑγραί- 

4 veto. τοῦ δὲ βασιλεύοντος Πίσης Οἰνομάου 
θυγατέρα ἔχοντος ᾿Ἰπποδάμειαν, καὶ εἴτε αὐτῆς 

1 οὐδ᾽ ἂν Herwerden: οὐδ᾽ KE, Wagner. 

1 This Broteas, mentioned by Apollodorus between Tan- 
talus and Pelops, is probably the Broteas, son of Tantalus, 
who was said to have carved the ancient rock-hewn image of 
the Mother of the Gods which is still to be seen on the side of 
Mount Sipylus, about three hundred feet above the plain. 
See Pausanias, iii. 22. 4, with my note on v. 13. 7 (vol. iii. 
pp. 553 sq.). Ovid mentions a certain Broteas, who from a 
desire of death burned himself on a pyre (Ibis, 517 sq.), and 
who is probably to be identified with the Broteas of Apollo- 
dorus, though the Scholiasts on Ovid describe him either as 
a son of Jupiter (Zeus), or as a son of Vulcan (Hephaestus) 
and Pallas (Athena), identical with Erichthonius. According 
to one of the Scholiasts, Broteas, son of Zeus, was a ver 
wicked man, who was blinded by Zeus, and loathing his life 
threw himself on a burning pyre. According to another of 
the Scholiasts, Broteas, son of Hephaestus and Athena, was . 
despised for his ugliness, and this so preyed on his mind that 
he preferred death by fire. See Ovid, Jbis, ed. R. Ellis, 
p. 89. It seems not improbable that this legend contains a 
reminiscence of a human sacrifice or suicide by fire, such as 
occurs not infrequently in the traditions of western Asia. See 
K. B. Stark, Niobe und die Niobiden (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 
437 sq.; and for the Asiatic traditions of a human sacrifice 
or suicide by fire, see Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Third Edition, 
vol. i. pp. 172 aqq. 

2 The story was that at a banquet of the gods, to which he 

’ EPITOME, n. 2-4 

said that even fire could not hurt him. So he went 
mad and threw himself into fire.} 

4“ Pelops, after being slaughtered and boiled at the 
banquet of the gods, was fairer than ever when he 
came to life again,? and on account of his surpassing 
beauty he became a minion of Poseidon, who gave 
him a winged chariot, such that even when it ran 
through the sea the axles were not wet. Now 
Oenomaus, the king of Pisa, had a daughter Hippo- 
damia,‘ and whether it was that he loved her, as some 

had been invited, Tantalus served up the mangled limbs of his 
young son Pelops, which he had boiled ina kettle. But the 
murdered child was restored to life by being put back into 
the kettle and then drawn out of it, with an ivory shoulder 
to replace the shoulder of flesh which Demeter or, according 
to others, Thetis had unwittingly eaten. See Pindar, 
Olymp. i. 24 (37) 8qq., with the Scholia on νυ. 37 ; Lucian, De 
saltatione, 54; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 152; Nonnus, 
Narr., in Westermann’s Mythographi Graect, Appendix 
Narrationum, 57, p. 380; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 603, 
and on Georg. iii. 7; Hyginus, Fab. 83; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. ἃ. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 109, 186 
(Second Vatican Mythographer, 102; Third Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, vi. 21). The ivory shoulder of Pelops used after- 
wards to be exhibited at Elis (Pliny, Nat. Hest. xxviii. 34); 
but it was no longer to be seen in the time of Pausanias 
(Pausanias, i. 13. 6). 

3 Compare Pindar, Olymp. i. 37 (60) sqq., 71 (114) s8qq.; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156. Pindar describes how 
Pelops went to the shore of the sea and prayed to Poseidon 
to give him a swift chariot, and how the god came forth and 
bestowed on him a golden chariot with winged steeds. On 
the chest of Cypselus at Olympia the horses of Pelops in the 
chariot race were represented with wings (Pausanias, v. 
17. 7). 

‘ The following account of the wooing and winning of 
Hippodamia by Pelops is the fullest that has come down to 
us. Compare Pindar, Olymp. i. 67 (109) eqqg.; Diodorus 
Siculus, iv. 73; Pausanias, v. 10. 6 84., v. 14. 6, v. 17. 7, 

. ἐρῶντος, ὥς τινες λέγουσιν, εἴτε χρησμὸν ἔχοντος 
τελευτῆσαι ὑπὸ τοῦ γήμαντος αὐτήν, οὐδεὶς αὐτὴν 
ἐλάμβανεν εἰς γυναῖκα' ὁ μὲν γὰρ πατὴρ οὐκ 
ἔπειθεν αὑτῷ συνελθεῖν, οἱ δὲ μνηστενόμενοι 

1 αὑτῷ Frazer: αὐτῇ Εἰ, Wagner. ἐπέτρεπεν οὐδενὶ αὐτῇ 
Herwerden. 

vi. 20. 17, vi. 21. 6-11, viii. 14. 10 8g. ; Scholiast on Homer, 
Il. ii. 104; Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. i. 71 (114) ; Scholiast 
on Sophocles, Hlectra, 504; Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 
982 and 990; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 
752; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Hyginus, Fab. 84; 
Servius, on Virgil, Georg. iii. 7, ed. Lion; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latint, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 7, 125 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 21; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
146). The story was told by Eherecydes, as we learn from 
the Scholiasts on Sophocles and Apollonius Rhodius. (ll.cc.) 
It was also the theme of two plays called Oenomaus, one of 
them by Sophocles, and the other by Euripides. See Tragi- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck*, pp. 233 sqq., 
539 sqqg.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. CU. Pearson, 
vol. ii. pp. 121 sgg. The versions of the story given by 
Tzetzes and the Scholiast on Euripides (Orestes, 990) agree 
closely with each other and with that of Apollodorus, which 
they may have copied. They agree with him and with the 
Scholiast on Pindar in alleging an incestuous passion of Oeno- 
maus for his daughter as the reason why he was reluctant to 
give her in marriage; indeed they affirm that this was the 
motive assigned for his conduct by the more accurate histor- 
ians, though they also mention the oracle which warned him. 
that he would perish at the hands of his son-in-law. The fear 
of this prediction being fulfilled is the motive generally alleged 
by the extant writers of antiquity. Diodorus Siculus mentions 
some particulars which are not noticed by other authors. 
According to him, the goal of the race was the altar of Posei- 
don at Corinth, and the suitor was allowed a start; for before 
mounting his chariot Oenomaus sacrificed a ram to Zeus, and 
while he was sacrificing the suitor drove off and made the best 
of his way along the road, until Oenomaus, having completed 
the sacrifice, was free to pursue and overtake him. The sacri- 

158. 

say, or that he was warned by an oracle that he must 
die by the man that married her, no man got her to 
wife ; for her father could not persuade her to cohabit 
with him, and her suitors were put by him to death. 

fice was offered at a particular altar at Olympia, which some 
people called the altar of Hephaestus, and others the altar of 
Warlike Zeus (Pausanias, v. 14. 6). In the eastern gable of 
the temple of Zeus at Olympia the competitors with their 
chariots and charioteers were represented preparing for the 
race in the presence of an image of Zeus; among them were 
Hippodamia and her mother Sterope. These sculptures were 
found, more or less mutilated, by the Germans in their excav- 
ation of Olympia and are now exhibited in the local museum. 
See Pausanias, v. 10. 6 sq. with my commentary (vol. iii. pp. 
504 sgg.). Curiously enough, the scene of the story is trans- 
posed by the Scholiast on Euripides (Orestes, 990), who affirms 
that Oenomaus reigned in Lesbos, though at the same time he 
says, in accordance with the usual tradition, that the goal of 
the race was the Isthmus of Corinth. The connexion of 
Oenomaus with Lesbos is to a certain extent countenanced by 
a story for which the authority cited is Theopompus. He 
related that when Pelops was on his way to Pisa (Olympia) to 
woo Hippodamia, his charioteer Cillus died in Lesbos, and 
that his ghost appeared to Pelops in a dream, lamenting his 
sad fate and begging to be accorded funeral honours. So 
Pelops burned the dead man’s body, buried his ashes under a 
barrow, and founded a sanctuary of Cillaean Apollo close by. 
See the Scholiast on Homer, 17. i. 38 (where for ἐξερυπάρου τὸ 
εἴδωλον διὰ πυρός we should perhaps read ἐξεπύρου τὸ εἴδωλον 
διὰ πυρός, ‘She burned the body to ashes with fire,” εἴδωλον 
being apparently used in the sense of ‘‘dead body”). 
Strabo describes the tomb of Cillus or Cillas, as he calls 
him, as a great mound beside the sanctuary of Cillaean 
Apollo, but he places the grave and the sanctuary, not in 
Lesbos, but on the opposite mainland, in the territory of 
Adrainyttium, though he says that there was a Cillaeum also 
in Lesbos. See Strabo, xiii. 1. 62 and 63, pp. 612, 613. 
Professor C. Robert holds that the original version of the 
legend of Oenomaus and Hippodamia belonged to Lesbos and 
not to Olympia. See his Bild und Lied, p. 187 note. 

ea] 

ἀνῃροῦντο ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ἔχων yap ὅπλα τε καὶ 
ἵππους παρὰ Apeos ἦθλον ἐτίθει τοῖς μνηστῆρσι 
τὸν γάμον, καὶ τὸν μνηστευόμενον ἔδει ἀναλα- 
βόντα τὴν Ἱπποδάμειαν εἰς τὸ οἰκεῖον ἅρμα φεύγειν 
ἄχρι τοῦ Κορινθίων ἰσθμοῦ, τὸν δὲ Οἰνόμαον 
εὐθέως διώκειν καθωπλισμένον καὶ καταλαβόντα 
κτείνειν" τὸν δὲ μὴ καταληφθέντα ἔχειν γυναῖκα 
τὴν ᾿Ιπποδάμειαν. καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον πολλοὺς 
μνηστευομένους ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς δέ τινες λέγουσι 
δώδεκα' τὰς δὲ κεφαλὰς τῶν μνηστήρων ἐκτεμὼν 1 
τῇ οἰκίᾳ προσεπαττάλευε. 

Παραγίνεται τοίνυν καὶ Πέλοψ ἐπὶ τὴν μνη- 
στείαν" οὗ τὸ κάλλος ἰδοῦσα ἡ ᾿ἵπποδάμεια ἔρωτα 
ἔσχεν αὐτοῦ, καὶ πείθει Μυρτίλον τὸν “Ἑρμοῦ 
παῖδα συλλαβέσθαι αὐτῷ" ἦν δὲ Μυρτίλος [παρας 
βάτης εἴτουν] ἡνίοχος Οἰνομάον. Μυρτίλος οὗν 
ἐρῶν αὐτῆς καὶ βουλόμενος αὐτῇ χαρίσασθαι, ταῖς 
χοινικίσε τῶν τροχῶν τοὺς ἥλους οὐκ ἐμβαλὼν 
ἐποίησε τὸν Οἰνόμαον ἐν τῷ τρέχειν ἡττηθῆναι 
καὶ ταῖς ἡνίαις συμπλακέντα συρόμενον ἀποθανεῖν, 
κατὰ δέ τινας ἀναιρεθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ Πέλοπος: ὃ- 

1 ἐκτεμὼν Frazer: ἐκτέμνων K, Wagner. 

1 The number of the slain suitors was twelve according to 
Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 156) and the Scholiast on Euri- 
pides (Orestes, 990); but it was thirteen according to Pindar 
and his Scholiasts. See Pindar, Olymp. i. 79 (127) 8ᾳ., with 
the Scholia on v. 79 (127), where the names of the suitors are 
given. A still longer list of their names is given by Pausanias 
(vi. 21. 7), who says that they were buried under a high 
mound of earth, and that Pelops afterwards sacrificed to them 
as to heroes every year. 

2 According to Hyginus (Fab. 84), when Pelops saw the 
heads of the unsuccessful suitors nailed over the door, he 

For he had arms and horses given him by Ares, and 
he offered as a prize to the suitors the hand of his 
daughter, and each suitor was bound to take up 
Hippodamia on his own chariot and flee as far as the 
Isthmus of Corinth, and Oenomaus straightway 
pursued him, in full armour, and if he overtook him 
he slew him; but if the suitor were not overtaken, 
he was to have Hippodamia to wife. And in this 
way he slew many suitors, some say twelve;! and 
he cut off the heads of the suitors and nailed them 
to his house.” 

So Pelops also came a-wooing; and when Hip- 
podamia saw his beauty, she conceived a passion 
for him, and persuaded Myrtilus, son of Hermes, 
to help him; for Myrtilus was charioteer to 
Oenomaus. Accordingly Myrtilus, being in love 
with her and wishing to gratify her, did not insert 
the linchpins in the boxes of the wheels,® and thus 
caused Oenomaus to lose the race and to be en- 
tangled in the reins and dragged to death; but 
according to some, he was killed by Pelops. And 

began to repent of his temerity, and offered Myrtilus, the 
charioteer of Oenomaus, the half of the kingdom if he would 
help him in the race. 

8 According to another account, which had the support of 
Pherecydes, Myrtilus substituted linchpins of wax for linch- 

ins of bronze. See Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
1, 752; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Scholiast on 
Euripides, Orestes, 998 ; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. iii. 7, ed. 
Lion, where for aereis we should read cerets (the text in 
Thilo and Hagen’s edition of Servius is mutilated and omits 
the passage); Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. 
H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 7, 125 (First Vatican Mythographer, 21 ; 
Second Vatican My thographer, 146). 

VOL, IL, M 

ἐν τῷ ἀποθνήσκειν κατηράσατο τῷ Μυρτίλῳ γνοὺς 
τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, ἵνα ὑπὸ Πέλοπος ἀπόληται. 
ste Λαβὼν οὖν Πέλοψ' τὴν Ἱπποδάμειαν καὶ διερ- 
χόμενος ἐν τόπῳ τινί, τὸν Μυρτίλον ἔχων μεθ᾽ 
ἑαυτοῦ, μικρὸν ἀναχωρεῖ κομίσων ὕδωρ διψώσῃ 
τῇ γυναικί: Μυρτίλος δὲ ἐν τούτῳ βιάξειν αὐτὴν 
> , \ Le] ᾽ 3 (a) 1 ς ᾿ 
ἐπεχείρει. μαθὼν δὲ τοῦτο παρ᾽ αὐτῆς ὁ Πέλοψ' 
ῥίπτει τὸν Μυρτίλον περὶ Γεραιστὸν ἀκρωτήριον 
εἰς τὸ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου κληθὲν Μυρτῷον πέλαγος" ὁ δὲ 
ῥιπτούμενος ἀρὰς ἔθετο κατὰ τοῦ Πέλοπος γένους. 
9 παραγενόμενος δὲ Πέλοψ' ἐπ᾽ ὠκεανὸν καὶ ἄγνι" 
σθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἡφαίστου, ἐπανελθὼν εἰς Πῖσαν τῆς 
Ἤλιδος τὴν Οἰνομάου βασιλείαν λαμβάνει, χειρω- 
σάμενος τὴν πρότερον ᾿Απίαν καὶ Πελασγιῶτιν 
λεγομένην, ἣν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ Πελοπόννησον ἐκάλεσεν. 
W~ “Ore υἱοὶ Πέλοπος Πιτθεὺς ᾿Ατρεὺς Θυέστης 
ὶ ἕ : ἡ δὲ ᾿Ατρέως ᾿Αε ov Kar- 
καὶ ἕτεροι: γυνὴ δὲ ᾿Ατρέως ’Acporrn tod Ka 

1 αὐτῆς Wagner: αὐτῆν E. 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Scholiast 
on Homer, Jl. ii. 104. The latter writer says, somewhat ab- 
surdly, that the incident took place when Pelops and Hippo- 
damia were crossing the Aegean Sea, and that, Hippodamia 
being athirst, Pelops dismounted from the chariot te took for 
water in the desert. 

3 Compare Euripides, Orestes, 989 sqq. 

8 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Scholiast 
on Euripides, Orestes, 990. 

4 As to Apia, the old name of Peloponnese, see above, ii. 
1. 1; Pausanias, ii. 5. 7; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. "Aria. 
The term Pelasgiotis seems not to occur elsewhere as a name 
for Peloponnese. However, Euripides uses Pelasgia appa- 
rently as equivalent to Argolis (Orestes, 960). 

— § According to Pindar, Pelops had six sons by Hippodamia, 
and three different lists of their names are given by the 

Scholiasts on the passage. All the lists include the three 

in dying he cursed Myrtilus, whose treachery he had 
discovered, praying that he might perish by the hand 
of Pelops. 

Pelops, therefore, got Hippodamia; and on his 
journey, in which he was accompanied by Myrtilus, 
he came to a certain place, and withdrew a little to 
fetch water for his wife, who was athirst ; and in the 
meantime Myrtilas tried to rape her.4 But when 
Pelops learned that from her, he threw Myrtilus into 
the sea, called after him the Myrtoan Sea, at Cape 
Geraestus?; and Myrtilus, as he was being thrown, 
uttered curses against the house of Pelops. When 
Pelops had reached the Ocean and been cleansed by 
Hephaestus,? he returned to Pisa in Elis and 
succeeded to the kingdom of Oenomaus, but not till 
he had subjugated what was formerly called Apia 
and Pelasgiotis, which he called Peloponnesus after 
himself. 

The sons of Pelops were Pittheus, Atreus, Thyestes, 
and others.5 Now the wife of Atreus was Aerope, 

mentioned by Apollodorus. See Pindar, Olymp. i. 89 (144), 
with the Scholia. Three sons, Hippalcimus, Atreus, and 
Thyestes, are named by Hyginus (Fab. 84). Besides his legi- 
timate sons Pelops is sai ave had a bastard son Chrysip- 

us, who was born to him before his marriage with Hippo- 

amia. His fondness for this love-child excited the jealousy 
of his wife, and at her instigation Atreus and Thyestes mur- 
dered Chrysippus by throwing him down awell. For this 
crime Pelops cursed his two sons and banished them, and 
Hippodamia fled to Argolis, but her bones were afterwards 
brought back to Olympia. See Thucydides, i. 9; Pauganias, 
vi. 20. 7; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 415 sqq ; Scholiast on 
Homer, Ji. ii. 105; Hyginus, Fab. 85. Euripides wrote a 
tragedy Chrystppus on this subject. See Tragicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 632 sqq. The 
tragedy is alluded to by Cicero (Tuscul. Dieput. iv. 33. 71). 
As to Chrysippus, see also above, ili. 5. 5. 

mu 2 

péws,! ἥτις ἤρα Θυέστου. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ατρεὺς εὐξάμενός 
ποτε τῶν αὑτοῦ ὃ ποιμνίων, ὅπερ ἂν κάλλιστον 
γένηται, τοῦτο θῦσαι ᾿Αρτέμιδι, λέγουσιν ἀρνὸς 
φανείσης χρυσῆς ὅτι κατημέλησε τῆς εὐχῆς", 
ll πνίξας δὲ αὐτὴν εἰς λάρνακα κατέθετο. κἀκεῖ 
ἐφύλασσε ταύτην" ἣν ᾿Αερόπη δίδωσι τῷ Θυέστῃ 
μοιχευθεῖσα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. χρησμοῦ γὰρ γεγονότος 
τοῖς Μυκηναίοις ἑλέσθαι Baciréa ἸΠελοπίδην, 
μετεπέμψαντο ᾿Ατρέα καὶ Θνυέστην. λόγου δὲ 
γενομένου περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξεῖπὲ Θυέστης τῷ 
πλήθει τὴν βασιλείαν δεῖν ἔχειν τὸν ὄχοντα τὴν 
ἄρνα τὴν χρυσῆν: συνθεμένου δὲ᾽ τοῦ ᾿Ατρέως 
12 δείξας ἐβασίλευσε. Ζεὺς δὲ “Ερμῆν πέμπει πρὸς 
᾿Ατρέα καὶ λέγει συνθέσθαι πρὸς Θνέστην περὶ 
τοῦ βασιλεῦσαι ᾿Ατρέα, εἰ τὴν ἐναντίαν ὁδεύσει 
ὁ “Ἥλιος: Θυέστου δὲ συνθεμένου τὴν δύσιν εἰς 
ἀνατολὰς ὁ “Ἥλιος ἐποιήσατο' ὅθεν ἐκμαρτυρή- 
σαντος τοῦ δαίμονος τὴν Θυέστου πλεονεξίαν, τὴν 
βασιλείαν ᾿Ατρεὺς παρέλαβε καὶ Θυέστην ἐφυ- 
13 γάδευσεν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τῆς μοιχείας ὕστερον 

1 Κατρέως Wagner: καστρέως HK. 
2 αὑτοῦ Wagner: αὐτοῦ E. 

1 This story of the golden lamb, and of the appeal made to its 
possession by the two brothers in the contest for the kingdom, 
18 told in substantially the same way by J. Tzetzes, Chilrades, 
i. 425 sqqg.; Scholiast on Homer, JI. ii. 106; Scholiast on 
Kuripides, Orestes, 811, 998. Tzetzes records the vow of Atreus 
to sacrifice the best of his flock to Artemis, and he cites as 
his authority Apollonius, which is almost certainly a mistake 
for Apollodorus. Probably Tzetzes and the Scholiasts drew 
on the present passage of Apollodorus, or rather on the 
passage as it appeared in the unabridged text instead of in 
the Hpitome which is all that we now possess of the last 

—_—)s - 

daughter of Catreus, and she loved Thyestes. And 
Atreus once vowed to sacrifice to Artemis the finest 
of his flocks; but when a golden lamb appeared, 
they say that he neglected to perform his vow, and 
having choked the lamb, he deposited it in a box 
and kept it there, and Aerope gave it to Thyestes, by 
whom she had been debauched. For the Mycenaeans 
had received an oracle which bade them choose a 
Pelopid for their king, and they had sent for Atreus 
and Thyestes. And when a discussion took place 
concerning the kingdom, Thyestes declared to the 
multitude that the kingdom ought to belong to him 
who owned the golden lamb, and when Atreus 
agreed, Thyestes produced the lamb and was 
made king. But Zeus sent Hermes to Atreus and 

told him to stipulate with Thyestes that Atreus’ 

should be king if the sun should go backward ; and 
when Thyestes agreed, the sun set in the east ; 
hence the deity having plainly attested the usur- 
pation of Thyestes, Atreus got the kingdom and 
banished Thyestes.1_ But afterwards being apprized 

part of the Library. Euripides told the story allusively in 
much the same way. See his Hlectna, 699 sqq. ; Orestes, 
996 sqqg. Compare Plato, Politicus, 12, pp. 268 sq. ; Pau- 
sanias, ii. 18, 1; Lucian, De astrologia, 12; Dio Chrysostom, 
Or. lxvi.* vol. ii. p. 221, ed. L. Dindorf 7. Accius, quoted by 

σ΄ 

Cicero, De natura deorym, iii. 27. 68; Senéca, Thyestes, = 

229-235; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iv. 306; 

Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. + +7 

p. 7, 125 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 22; Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 147). From these various accounts 
and allusions it would seem that in their dispute for the 
kingdom, which Atreus claimed in right of birth as the elder 
(J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 426), it was agreed that he who 
could exhibit the greatest portent should be king. Atreus 
intended to produce the golden lamb, which had been born in 

κήρυκα πέμψας ἐπὶ διαλλαγὰς αὐτὸν ἐκάλει" καὶ 
ψευσάμενος εἶναι φίλος, παραγενομένου τοὺς παΐῖ- 
δας, obs εἶχεν ἐκ νηΐδος νύμφης, ᾿Αγλαὸν. καὶ 
Καλλιλέοντα καὶ ᾿Ορχομενόν, ἐπὶ τὸν Διὸς βωμὸν 
καθεσθέντας ἱκέτας ἔσφαξε, καὶ μελίσας καὶ 
καθεψήσας παρατίθησι Θυέστῃ χωρὶς τῶν ἄκρων, 
ἐμφορηθέντι3 δὲ δείκνυσι τὰ ἄκρα καὶ τῆς χώρας 
14 αὐτὸν ἐκβάλλει. Θνέστης δὲ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον 

1 ᾿Αγλαὸν Wagner (comparing J. Tzetzes, Chiltades, 1. 449, 
τὸν ᾿Αγλαόν,᾿ Ορχομενόν, Κάλλαον) : ἀγωὸν Εἰ. 
8 ἀμφορηθέντι Frazer : ἐμφορηθέντα E, Wagner. 

his flocks; but meanwhile the lamb had been given by his 
treacherous wife Aerope to her paramour Thyestes, who pro- 
duced it in evidence of his claim and was accordingly awarded 
the crown. However, with the assistance of Zeus, the right- 
ful claimant Atreus was able to exhibit a still greater portent, 
which was the sun and the Pleiades retracing their course in 
the sky and setting in the east instead of in the west. This 
mighty marvel, attesting the divine approbation of Atreus, 
clinched the dispute in his favour; he became king, and 
banished his rival Thyestes. According to adifferent account, 
which found favour with the Latin poets, the sun reversed 
his course in the sky, not in order to demonstrate the right 
of Atreus to the crown, but on the contrary to mark his dis- 
gust and horror at the king for murdering his nephews and 
dishing up their mangled limbs to their father Thyestes at 

table. See J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 451; Statyllius Flaccus, . 

in Anthologia Palatina, ix. 98.2; Hyginus, Fab. 88 and 258 ; 
Ovid, Tristia, ii. 391 sq.; id. Ars amat. i. 327 sqq.; Seneca, 
Thyestes, 776 sqq.; Martial, iii. 45. 1 sg. From the verses 
of Statyllius Flaccus we may infer that this latter was the 
interpretation put on the backward motion of the sun by 
Sophocles in his tragedy Atrews. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. p. 93. In later times 
rationalists explained the old fable by saying that Atreus 
was an astronomer who first calculated an eclipse, and so 
threw his less scientific brother into the shade (Hyginus, 

of the adultery, he sent a herald to Thyestes with a 
proposal of accommodation ; and when he had lured 
Thyestes by a pretence of friendship, he slaughtered 
the sons, Aglaus, Callileon, and Orchomenus, whom 
Thyestes had by a Naiad nymph, though they had 
sat down as suppliants on the altar of Zeus. And 
having cut them limb from limb and boiled them, he 
served them up to Thyestes without the extremities ; 
and when Thyestes had eaten heartily of them, he 
showed him the extremities, and cast him out of the 
country.! But seeking by all means to pay Atreus— 

Fab. 158 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 568), or who first pointed 
out that the sun appears to revolve in a direction contrary 
to the motion of the stars. See Strabo, i. 2. 15, p. 23 ; Lucian, 
De astrologia, 12, A fragment of Euripides appears to show 
that he put in the mouth of Atreus this claim to astronomical 
discovery. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. 
Nauck?, p. 639 (frag. 861). A still more grandiose explana- 
tion of the myth was given by Plato (/.c.), who adduced it, 
with grave irony, as evidence that in alternate cycles of vast 
duration the universe revolves in opposite directions, the 
reversal of its motion at the end of each cycle being accom- 
panied by a great destruction of animal life.’ This magnificent 
theory was perhaps suggested to the philosopher by the spe- 
culations of Empedocles, and it bears a resemblance not only 
to the ancient Indian doctrine of successive epochs of creation 
and destruction, but also to Herbert Spencer’s view of the 
great cosmic process as moving eternally in alternate and 
measureless cycles of evolution and dissolution. See Sir 
Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology, Twelfth Edition (London, 
1875), i. 7, quoting the Laws of Manu; Herbert Spencer, 
First Principles, Third Edition (London, 1875), pp. 536 80. 
Compare Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 303 sqq. 

1 As to the famous, or infamous, Thyestean banquet, see 
Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1590 864. ; Pausanias, ii. 18. 1; J. 
Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 447 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 88; Seneca, 
Thyestes, 682 sqq.; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 568, xi. 262; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. iv. 306; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. Ἢ. Bode, vol. i. pp. 7, 126, 

“a 9 ( a“ > , 7 
ζητῶν ᾿Ατρέα μετελθεῖν ἐχρηστηριάξετο περὶ τού- 
του καὶ λαμβάνει χρησμόν, ws εἰ παῖδα γεννήσει 
τῇ θυγατρὶ συνελθών. ποιεῖ ody) οὕτω καὶ γεννᾷ 
ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς Αἴγισθον,Σ ὃς ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ 

[4 Ψ ’ “ 9 ι [4 4 4 
μαθών, ὅτε Θυέστου παῖς ἐστι, κτείνας ᾿Ατρέα 
Θυέστῃ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκατέστησεν. “ 
~' ς- - Ly 

% * ὡς ὡς * % x " & 

Tz 15 «Τὸν δ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνονα ὃ τροφὸς μετὰ τοῦ Μενελάου 

1 οὖν Frazer: γοῦν E, Wagner. 

3 Wagner marks a lacuna between θυγατρὸς and Αἴγισθον. 
There seems to be none in the MS. 

ὃ ray 3 ᾿Αγαμέμνονα. .. Μενέλαος Ἑλένην. These verses 
are inserted from J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 456-465, who may 
have borrowed the substance of them from Apollodorus. 

209 (First Vatican Mythographer, 22; Second Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 147; Third Vatican Mythographer, viii. 16). Sopho- 
cles wrote at least two tragedies on the fatal feud between the 
brothers, one of them being called Atreus and the other 
Thyestes. The plots of the plays are not certainly known, but 
it is thought probable that in the former he dealt with the 
cannibal banquet, and in the latter with the subsequent 
adventures and crimes of Thyestes. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 91 sqq., 185 ϑᾳᾳ. 
Euripides also wrote a tragedy called Thyestes. See Tragt- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck®, pp. 480 sgq. | 
Tzetzes agrees with Apollodorus as to the names of the three 
murdered sons of Thyestes, except that he calls one of them 
Callaus instead of Callileon. Only two, Tantalus and Plis- 
thenes, are named by Seneca and Hyginus. 

1 The later history of Thyestes, including his incest with his 
daughter Pelopia, is narrated much more fully oy Hyginus 
(Fab. 87 and 88), who is believed to have derived the story 
from the Thyestes of Sophocles. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 185 sgg. The incest 
and the birth of Aegisthus, who is said to have received his 

out, Thyestes inquired of the oracle on the subject, 
and received an answer that it could be done if he were 
to beget a son by intercourse with his own daughter. 
He did so accordingly, and begot Aegisthus by his 
daughter. And Aegisthus, when he was grown to 
manhood and had learned that he was a son of 
Thyestes, killed Atreus, and restored the kingdom 
to Thyestes.} 

+ * * * * Ἃ % * 
But? the nurse took Agamemnon and Menelaus 

name because he was suckled by a goat, are told more briefly 
by Lactantius Placidus (on Statius, Theb. iv. 306) and the 
First and Second Vatican Mythographers (Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 7 6q., 126). 
The incest is said to have been committed at Sicyon, where 
the father and daughter met by night without recofnizing each 
other ; the recognition occurred at a later time by means of a 
sword which Pelopia had wrested from her ravisher, and with 
which, on coming to a knowledge of her relationship to him, 
she stabbed herself to death. 
#2 The passage translated in this paragraph does not occur 
in our present text of Apollodorus, which is here defective. 
It is found in the Chiliades of J. Tzetzes (i. 456-465), who 
probably borrowed it from Apollodorus; for in the preceding 
lines Tzetzes narrates the crimes of Atreus and Thyestes in 
agreement with Apollodorus and actually cites him as his 
authority, if, as seems nearly certain, we should read Apollo- 
dorus for Apollonius in his text (see above p. 164). The 
restoration of the passage to its present place in the text of 
Apollodorus is due to the German editor R. Wagner. Here 
after describing how Aegisthus had murdered Atreus and 
placed his own father Thyestes on the throne of Mycenae, 
Apollodorus tells us how the nurse of Atreus’s two children, 
Agamemnon and Menelaus, saved the lives of her youthful 
charges by conveying them to Sicyon. The implied youthful- 
ness of Agamemnon and Menelaus at the time of the death of 
their father Atreus is inconsistent with the narrative of 
Hyginus (Fab. 88), who tells how Atreus had sent his two sons 
abroad to find and arrest Thyestes. 

ἄγει πρὸς Πολυφείδεα, κρατοῦντα Σικυῶνος, 
ὃς πάλιν τούτους πέπομφε πρὸς Αἰτωλὸν Οἰνέα. 
μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ Τυνδάρεως τούτους κατάγει πάλιν, 
ot τὸν Θνέστην μὲν αὐτὸν “Ηρας βωμῷ φυγόντα 
ὁρκώσαντες διώκουσιν οἰκεῖν τὴν Κυθηρίαν. 

e \ / \ ’ lA 
ot δὲ Τυνδάρεω γαμβροὶ γίνονται θυγατράσιν, 
e ἢ 
ὁ ᾿Αγαμέμνων μὲν λαβὼν σύνευνον Κλυταιμνή- 

στραν, 

/ Φ A ‘ 4 / Ἁ 7 

κτείνας αὐτῆς τὸν σύζυγον Τάνταλον τὸν Θυέστου 

\ 4 4 A ΄ ε 7 
σὺν τέκνῳ πάνυ νεογνῷ, Μενέλαος ᾿Ελένην.» 

5. 16 [᾿Αγαμέμνων δὲ βασιλεύει Μυκηναίων καὶ γαμεῖ 
Τυνδάρεω θυγατέρα Κλυταιμνήστραν, τὸν πρό- 
τερον αὐτῆς ἄνδρα Ἰάνταλον Θυέστου σὺν τῷ 
παιδὶ κτείνας, καὶ γίνεται αὐτῷ παῖς μὲν Ὀρέσ- 
της, θυγατέρες δὲ Χρυσόθεμις ᾿Ηλέκτρα ᾿Ιφιγένεια. 
Μενέλαος δὲ ᾿Ελένην γαμεῖ καὶ βασιλεύει Σι- πάρ- 
της, Τυνδάρεω τὴν βασιλείαν δόντος αὐτῷ. 

Ὲ ΠῚ. Αὖθις δὲ “Ελένην ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἁρπάζει, ὥς 
τινες λέγουσι κατὰ βούλησιν Διός, ἵνα Εὐρώπης 
καὶ ᾿Ασίας εἰς πόλεμον ἐλθούσης 5 ἡ θυγάτηρ 
αὐτοῦ ἔνδοξος γένηται, ἢ καθάπερ εἶπον ἄλλοι 

2 ὅπως τὸ τῶν ἡμιθέων γένος ἀρθῇ. διὰ δὴ τούτων 
1 κτείνας Frazer (compare Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis, 
1150; Pausanias, ii. 18. 2, ii. 22. 28q.; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, 

i. 464, quoted above); κτείναντος S, Wagner. 
2 ἐλθούσης ὃ. Perhaps we should read ἐλθουσῶν. 

1 Polyphides is said to have been the twenty-fourth king 
of Sicyon and to have reigned at the time when Troy was 
taken. See Eusebius, Chronic. vol. i. coll. 175, 176, ed. 

ft A. Schoene. 

2 As to Tantalus, the first husband of Clytaemnestra, and 
his murder by Agamemnon, see Euripides, Iphigenia in 

to Polyphides, lord of Sicyon,! who again sent them 
to Oeneus, the Aetolian. Not long afterwards Tyn- 
dareus brought them back again, and they drove 
away Thyestes to dwell in Cytheria, after that they 
had taken an oath of him at the altar of Hera, to 
which he had fled. And they became the sons-in-law 
of Tyndareus by marrying his daughters, Agamemnon 
getting Clytaemnestra to wife, after he had slain her 
spouse Tantalus, the son of Thyestes, together with 
his newborn babe, while Menelaus got Helen. 

And Agamemnon reigned over the Mycenaeans and 
married Clytaemnestra, daughter of Tyndareus, after 
slaying her former husband Tantalus, son of Thyestes, 
with his child.2, And there were born to Agamemnon 
a son Orestes, and daughters, Chrysothemis, Electra, 
and Iphigenia.2 And Menelaus married Helen and 
reigned over Sparta, Tyndareus having ceded the 
kingdom to him.‘ 

III. But afterwards Alexander carried off Helen, 
as some say, because such was the will of Zeus, in 
order that his daughter might be famous for having 
embroiled Europe and Asia; or, as others have said, 
that the race of the demigods might be exalted. For 

Aulis, 1148 sqq. ; Pausanias, ii. 18. 2, ii. 22.2 eg. According 
to Pausanias, he was a son of Thyestes or of Broteas, and his 
bones were deposited in a large bronze vessel at Argos. 

8 In Homer (Ji. ix. 142 sqg.) Agamemnon says that he has 
a, son Orestes and three daughters, Chrysothemis, Laodice, and 
Iphianassa (Iphigenia), and he offers tu give any one of his 
daughters in marriage to Achilles without a dowry, if only that 
doughty hero will forgive him and fight again for the Greeks 
against Troy. Electra, the daughter of Agamemnon, who 
figures so prominently in Greek tragedy, is unknown to 
Homer, and so is the sacrifice of Agamemnon’s third daughter, 
Iphigenia. 

‘ See above, iii. 1}. 2. 

ES 

μίαν αἰτίαν . μῆλον περὶ κάλλους “Epis ἐμβάλλει 
Ἥρᾳ καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτῃ, καὶ κελεύει Ζεὺς 1 
“Ἑρμῆν εἰς Ἴδην πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἄγειν, ἵνα ὑπ 
ἐκείνου διακριθῶσι. αἱ δὲ ἐπαγγέλλονται δῶρα 
δώσειν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ,“ Ηρα μὲν πασῶν προκριθεῖσα 
βασιλείαν πάντων,2Σ ᾿Αθηνᾶ δὲ πολέμου νίκην, 
᾿Αφροδίτη δὲ γάμον ᾿Ελένης. ὁ δὲ ὃ ᾿Αφροδίτην 
προκρίνει καὶ πηξαμένου Φερέκλου ναῦς" εἰς Σπάρ- 
την ἐκπλέει. ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας δ᾽ ἐννέα ξενισθεὶς παρὰ 
Μενελάῳ, τῇ δεκάτῃ πορευθέντος εἰς Ἱζρήτην ἐκεί- 
νου κηδεῦσαι τὸν μητροπάτορα Κατρέα, πείθει 
τὴν ᾿Ελένην ἀπαγαγεῖν σὺν ἑαυτῷ. ἡ δὲ ἐνναέτη 

1 Ζεὺς E, omitted in S. 

2 "Hoa μὲν πασῶν προκριθεῖσα βασιλείαν πάντων KE: “Ἥρα μὲν 
οὖν ἔφη προκριθεῖσα δώσειν αὐτῷ πάντων βασιλείαν S. 

8 ὁ δὲ ᾿Αφροδίτην. .. τῇ δεκάτῃ Εἰ: ᾿Αφροδίτην δὲ προκρίνας 
πηξαμένου ναῦς Φερέκλου πλεύσας εἰς Σπάρτην ἐπὶ ἐννέα ἡμέρας 
ἐενίζεται παρὰ Μενελάου. τῇ δεκάτῃ δὲ S. 

vavs S: νῆας ἢ. For the form ναῦς compare ii. 8. 2, 
Epitome, iii. 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 31, iv. 4, v. 13, 22, vi. 29, 
vii. 3, 4. 

--.. 

1 As to the judgment of Paris (Alexander), see Homer, 172. 
xxiv. 25 sgqg.; Cypria, in Proclus, Chrestom. i. (Hpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 16 sq.; Hesiod, 
etc., ed. H. 6. Evelyn- White, pp. 488, 490, in Loeb Classical 
Library) ; Euripides, Troades, 924 sqq., Iphigenia in Aulis, 
1290 sqq., Helen, 23 sqq., Andromache, 274 sqq.; Isocrates, 
Helene, 41; Lucian, Dial. deorum, 20, Dial. marin. 5; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 93; Hyginus, Fab. 92; Ser- 
vius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 27; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. PP; 65 sq., 142 sq. (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 208 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 
205). The story ran that all the gods and goddesses, except 
Strife, were invited to attend the marriage of Peleus and 
Thetis, and that Strife, out of spite at being overlooked, 
threw among the wedding guests a golden apple inscribed 

one of these reasons Strife threw an apple as a prize 
of beauty to be contended for by Hera, Athena, and 
Aphrodite; and Zeus commanded Hermes to lead 
them to Alexander on Ida in order to be judged by 
him. And they promised to give Alexander gifts. 
Hera said that if she were preferred to all women, 
she would give him the kingdom over all men; and 
Athena promised victory in war, and Aphrodite the 
hand of Helen. And he decided in favour of 
Aphrodite!; and sailed away to Sparta with ships 
built by Phereclus.? For nine days he was enter- 
tained by Menelaus; but on the tenth day, Menelaus 
having gone on a journey to Crete to perform the 
obsequies of his mother’s father Catreus, Alexander 
persuaded Helen to go off* with him. And she 

with the words, ‘‘ Let the fair one take it,” or ‘‘ The apple 
for the fair.” Three goddesses, Hera, Athena, and Aphro- 
dite, contended for this prize of beauty, and Zeus referred 
the disputants to the judgment of Paris. The intervention 
of Strife was mentioned in the Cypria according to Proclus, 
but without mention of the golden apple, which first appears 
in late writers, such as Lucian and Hyginus. The offers made 
by the three divine competitors to Paris are recorded with 
substantial agreement by Euripides (Troades, 924 sqq.), Iso- 
crates, Lucian, and Apollodorus. Hyginus is also in harmony 
ἢ them, if in his text we read fortissunum for the for- 
missimum of the MSS., for which some editors wrongly read 
formosissimum. The scene of the judgment of Paris was 
represented on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae and on the 
chest of Cypselus at Olympia (Pausanias, iii. 18. 12, v. 19. δ). 
3 Compare Homer, 77. v. 59 sqq., from which we learn 
that the shipbuilder was a son of Tecton, who was a son of 
Harmon. The names of his father and grandfather indicate, 
as Dr. Leaf observes, that the business had been carried on 
in the family for three generations. Compare Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 97. 
3 The Greek for ‘‘to go off” is ἀπαγαγεῖν, a rare use of 
ἀπάγειν, which, however, occurs in the common phrase, ἄπαγε, 
“6 off with you !” 

᾿Ἑρμιόνην καταλιποῦσα, ἐνθεμένη Ta πλεῖστα τῶν 
χρημάτων, ἀνάγεται τῆς νυκτὸς σὺν αὐτῷ. Ἥρα 
δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπιπέμπει χειμῶνα πολύν, ὑφ οὗ βια- 
σθέντες προσίσχουσι Σιδῶνι. εὐλαβούμενος δὲ 
3 Α »ὉᾳἬἭ A ἢ ’ 
Αλέξανδρος μὴ διωχθῇ, πολὺν διέτριψε χρόνον 
ἐν Φοινίκῃ καὶ Κύπρῳ. ὡς δὲ ἀπήλπισε τὴν 
δίωξιν, ἧκεν εἰς Τροίαν μετὰ “Ἑλένης. ἔνιοι δέ 
ς lA φ νλς- le) A , 
φασιν Ἑλένην μὲν ὑπὸ Ἑρμοῦ κατὰ βούλησιν 
Διὸς κομισθῆναι κλαπεῖσαν1 εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ 
δοθεῖσαν IIpwret τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων 
᾽ὔ 3 4 la > ’, 
φυλάττειν, Αλέξανδρον δὲ παραγενέσθαι εἰς Τροίαν 
πεποιημένον ἐκ νεφῶν εἴδωλον ᾿Ελένης ἔχοντω. 

1 κλαπεῖσαν LE: κατὰ πεῖσαν 8. 
1 With this account of the hospitable reception of Paris in 
Sparta, the departure of Menelaus for Crete, and the flight of 
the guilty pair, compare Proclus, Chrestom. i., in Hptcorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 17; J. Tzetzes, 
Antehomerica, 96-134. As to the death of Catreus, the 
maternal grandfather of Menelaus, see above, iii. 2. 1 ag. 

2 The voyage of Paris and Helen to Sidon was known to 
Homer (71. vi. 289 sqq., with the Scholia on v. 291). It was 
also recorded in the epic Cypria, according to Proclus, who 
says that Paris captured the city (Hpicorum Graecorum F'rag- 
menta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 18). Yet according to Herodotus 
(ii. 117), the author of the Cypria described how Paris and 
Helen sailed in three days from Sparta to Ilium with a fair 
wind and a smooth sea. It seems therefore that Herodotus 
and Proclus had different texts of the Cypria before them. 
Dictys Cretensis tells how, driven by the winds to Cyprus, 
Paris sailed with some ships to Sidon, where he was hos- 
pitably entertained by the king, but basely requited his 
hospitality by treacherously murdering his host and plun- 
dering the palace. In embarking with his booty on his ships, 
he was attacked by the Sidonians, but, after a bloody fight 
and the loss of two ships, he succeeded in beating off his 
assailants and putting to sea with the rest of his vessels. 
See Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, i. 5. 

abandoned Hermione, then nine years old, and put- 
ting most of the property on board, she set sail with 
him by night.!. But Hera sent them a heavy storm 
which forced them to putin at Sidon. And fearing 
lest he should be pursued, Alexander spent much 
time in Phoenicia and Cyprus.? But when he thought 
that all chance of pursuit was over, he came to Troy 
with Helen. But some say that Hermes, in obedience 
to the will of Zeus, stole Helen and carried her to 
Egypt, and gave her to Proteus, king of the Egyptians, 
to guard, and that Alexander repaired to Troy with 
a phantom of Helen fashioned out of clouds.® 

8 Compare Euripides, Helene, 31-51, 582 δᾳᾳ., 669 sqq., 
Electra, 1280 sqq. In the Helene the dramatist says that 
Hera, angry with Paris for preferring Aphrodite to her, 
fashioned a phantom Helen which he wedded, while the real 
Helen was transported by Hermes to Egypt and committed 
to the care of Preteus. In the Electra the poet says that it 
was Zeus who sent a phantom Helen to Troy, in order to 
stir up strife and provoke bloodshed among men. A different 
account is given by Herodotus (ii. 112~120). According to 
him, Paris carried the real Helen to Egypt, but there king 
Proteus, indignant at the crime of which Paris had been guilty, 
banished him from Egypt and detained Helen in safekeeping 
until her true husband, Menelaus, came and fetched her away. 
Compare Philostratus, Vt. Apollon. iv. 16; J. Tzetzes, 
Antehomerica, 147 sqq. Later writers accepted this view, 
adding that instead of the real Helen, whom he kept, Proteus 
conjured up by magic art a phantom Helen, which he gave 
to Paris to carry away with him to Troy. See Tzetzes, 
' Schol. on Lycophron, 113; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 651, 
ii. 592. So far as we know, the poet Stesichorus in the sixth 
century before our era was the first to broach the theory that 
Helen at Troy, for whom the Greeks and Trojans fought and 
died, was a mere wraith, while her true self was far away, 
whether at home in Sparta or with Proteus in Egypt; for 
there is nothing to show whether Stesichorus shared the 
opinion that Paris had spirited her away to the East before 
he returned, with or without her, to Troy. This view the 

. 

ES 7 

| Μενέλαος δὲ αἰσθόμενος τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ἧκεν εἰς 
Μυκήνας πρὸς ᾿Αγαμέμνονα, καὶ δεῖται στρα- 
τείαν ἐπὶ Τροίαν ἀθροίξειν καὶ στρατολογεῖν τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα. ὁ δὲ πέμπων κήρυκα πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν 
βασιλέων τῶν ὅρκων ὑπεμίμνησκεν ὧν ὥὦμοσαν, 
καὶ περὶ τῆς ἰδίας γυναικὸς ἕκαστον ἀσφαλίζεσθαι 
παρήνει, ἴσην λέγων γεγενῆσθαι τὴν τῆς “Ξλλά- 
δος καταφρόνησιν καὶ κοινήν. ὄντων δὲ πολλῶν 
προθύμων στρατεύεσθαι, παραγίνονται καὶ πρὸς 
᾿Οδυσσέα εἰς Ἰθάκην. | ὁ δὲ οὐ βουλόμενος ' στρα- 
τεύεσθαι προσποιεῖται μανίαν. Παλαμήδης δὲ ὁ 
Νανπλίουν ἤλεγξε τὴν μανίαν ψευδῆ, καὶ προσ- 
ποιησαμένῳ 5 μεμηνέναι παρηκολούθει: ἁρπάσας 
δὲ Τηλέμαχον ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου τῆς Πηνελόπης ὃ ὡς 
κτενῶν ἐξιφούλκει. ᾽Οδυσσεὺς δὲ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς 
εὐλαβηθεὶς ὡμολόγησε τὴν προσποίητον μανίαν 
καὶ στρατεύεται. 

1 ὃ δὲ οὗ βουλόμενος ὃ : ὅτι Ὀδυσσεὺς μὴ βουλόμενος E. 

3 προσποιησαμένῳ Εἰ : προσποιησαμένου S. 

8 ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου τῆς Πηνελόπης E: ἐκ τοῦ Πηνελόπης κόλ- 
που S. 

poet propounded by way of an apology to Helen for the evil 
he had spoken of her in a former poem ; for having lost the 
sight of his eyes he ascribed the loss to the vengeance of the 
heroine, and sought to propitiate her by formally retracting 
all the scandals he had bruited about concerning her. See 
Plato, Phaedrus, Ὁ. 24348, Republic, ix. p. 586c; Isocrates, 
Helene, 64; Pausanias, iii. 19. 13; Poetae Lyricit Graeci, ed. 
Th. Bergk’, iii. 980 sqq. 

1 As to these oaths, see above, iii. 10. 9. 

2 As to the madness which Ulysses feigned in order to 
escape going to the Trojan war, see Proclus, in HLpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 18; Lucian, De 
domo, 30; Philostratus, Heroica, xi. 2; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 818; Cicero, De offciis, iii. 26. 97; Hyginus, 

When Menelaus was aware of the rape, he came 
to Agamemnon ‘at Mycenae, and begged him to 
muster an army against Troy and to raise levies in 
Greece. And he, sending a herald to each of the 
kings, reminded them of the oaths which they had 
sworn,! and warned them to look to the safety each of 
his own wife, saying that the affront had been offered 
equally to the whole of Greece. And while many 
were eager to join in the expedition, some repaired 
also to Ulysses in Ithaca. But he, not wishing to go 
to the war, feigned madness. However, Palamedes, 
son of Nauplius, proved his madness to be fictitious ; 
and when Ulysses pretended to rave, Palamedes 
followed him, and snatching Telemachus from Pene- 
lope’s bosom, drew his sword asif he would kill him. 
And in his fear for the child Ulysses confessed that 
his madness was pretended, and he went to the 
war.? 

Fab. 95 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 11. 81 ; Lactantius Placidus, 
on Statius, Achtll. i. 93; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latin, 
ed. G. Ἢ. Bode, vol. i. pp. 12, 140 ag. (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 35; Second Vatican Mythographer, 200). The usual 
story seems to have been that to support his pretence of in- 
sanity Ulysses yoked an ox and a horse or an ass to the plough 
and sowed salt. While he was busy fertilizing the fields in 
this fashion, the Greek envoys arrived, and Palamedes, seeing 
through the deception, laid the infant son of Ulysses in front 
of the plough, whereupon the father at once checked the 
plough and betrayed his sanity. However, Lucian agrees with 
Apollodorus in saying that Palamedes threatened the child 
with his sword, though at the same time, by mentioning the 
unlike animals yoked together, he shows that he had the scene 
of the ploughing in his mind. His description purports to be 

on a picture, probably a famous picture of the scene 
which was still exhibited at Ephesus in the time of Pliny 
(Nat. Hist. xxxv. 129). Sophocles wrote a play on the 
subject, called The Mad Ulysses. See The Fragments of 
Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 115 sqq. 

VOL. Il. N 

E 8 

[Ὅτε Ὀδυσσεὺς λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον Φρύγα 
ἠνάγκασε γράψαι περὶ προδοσίας ὡς παρὰ ἸΙριά- 
μου πρὸς Παλαμήδην' καὶ χώσας ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς 
αὐτοῦ χρυσὸν τὴν δέλτον ἔρριψεν ἐν τῷ στρατο- 
πέδῳ. Αγαμέμνων δὲ ἀναγνοὺς καὶ εὑρὼν τὸν 
χρυσόν, τοῖς συμμάχοις αὐτὸν ὡς προδότην παρέ- 
δωκε καταλεῦσαι. 

Ὅτι Μενέλαος σὺν ᾿Οδυσσεῖ καὶ Ταλθυβίῳ 
πρὸς «Κινύραν εἰς; 3 Κύπρον ἐλθόντες συμμαχεῖν 
ἔπειθον" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι μὲν οὐ παρόντε θώρακας 
ἐδωρήσατο, ὀμόσας δὲ πέμψειν πεντήκοντα ναῦς, 
μίαν πέμψας, ἧς hpxyev?... ὁ Μνγδαλίωνος, καὶ 
τὰς λοιπὰς ἐκ γῆς πλάσας μεθῆκεν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος. 

10 “Ort Ouyarépes ᾿Ανίου τοῦ " ᾿Απόλλωνος ᾿Ελαὶς 

1 We should perhaps read ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ. 

2 πρὸς -«- Κινύραν εἰς» Κύπρον Wagner: πρὸς Κύπρον E. 

* The personal name of the captain of the ship seems to 
have dropped out. 

4 *Avlov τοῦ Wagner: ᾿Ανιούτου τοῦ E. 

1 The Machiavellian device by which the crafty Ulysses 
revenged himself on Palamedes for forcing him to goto the 
war is related more fully by a Scholiast on Euripides (Orestes, 
432) and Hyginus (Fab. 105). According to the Scholiast, a 
servant of Palamedes was bribed to secrete the forged letter 
and the gold under his master’s bed, where they were dis- 
covered and treated as damning evidence of treason. Accord- 
ing to Hyginus, Ulysses had recourse to a still more elaborate 
stratagem in order to bury the gold in the earth under the 
tent of Palamedes. Compare Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 81 ; 
Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Achill. i. 98; Scriptores 
rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 12, 
140 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 35; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 200). An entirely different account of the 
plot against Palamedes is told by Dictys Cretensis (Bellum 

Having taken a Phrygian prisoner, Ulysses com- 
pelled him to write a letter of treasonable purport 
ostensibly sent by Priam to Palamedes; and having 
buried gold in the quarters of Palamedes, he dropped 
the letter in the camp. Agamemnon read the letter, 
found the gold, and delivered up Palamedes to the 
allies to be stoned as a traitor.! 

Menelaus went with Ulysses and Talthybius to 
Cinyras in Cyprus and tried to persuade him to join 
the allies. He made a present of breastplates to the 
absent Agamemnon,? and swore he would send fifty 
ships, but he sent only one, commanded by the son 
of Mygdalion, and the rest he moulded out of earth 
and launched them in the sea.° 

The daughters of Anius, the son of Apollo, to wit, 

Trojanum, ii. 15). He says that Ulysses and Diomede in- 
duced him to descend into a well, and then buried him under 
rocks which they hurled down on the top of him. 

Compare Homer, 71. xi. 19 sqg., who describes only one 
richly decorated breastplate. 

8 Compare Eustathius on Homer, Ji. xi. 20, p. 827, who 
says that, according to some people, Cinyras ‘‘swore to 
Menelaus at Paphos that he would send fifty ships, but he 
despatched only one, and the rest he fashioned of earth and 
sent them with earthen men in them; thus he cunningly 
evaded his oath by keeping it with an earthenware fleet.” 
Compare the Townley Scholia on Homer, Jl. xi. 20, ed. E. 
Maass (Oxford, 1887), vol. i. p. 378. Wagner may be right 
in supposing that this ruse of the Cyprian king was recorded 
in the epic Cypria, though it is not mentioned in the brief 
summary of the poem compiled by Proclus. See R. Wagner, 
Epitoma Vaticana ex Apollodori Bibliotheca, pp. 181 eq. 
A different account of the Greek embassy to Cinyras is given 
by Alcidamas (Odyss. 20 sq., pp. 18] sq., ed. Blass). He says 
that Cinyras bribed the Greek envoy Palamedes to relieve 
him from military service, and that, though he promised to 
send a hundred ships, he sent none at all. 

N 2 

Σπερμὼ Οἰνώ, ai Olvorpodot! λεγόμεναι' als 
9 , Ud a “~ σι 
ἐχαρίσατο Διόνυσος ποιεῖν ἐκ γῆς ἔλαιον σῖτον 
φ 

οἶνον. 

5.11 | Συνηθροίξζετο δὲ ὁ στρατὸς ἐν Αὐλίδι. οἱ δὲ 

στρατεύσαντες ἐπὶ Τροίαν ἦσαν olde. Βοιωτῶν 

1 Οἰνότροφοι Εἰ : Οἰνότροποι Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
570 (but according to the editor, Miiller, the MSS. have φ 
written over the 7). 

1 As to these three women, the Wine-growers (Oinotrophoi 
or Oinotropot) see Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. 
Kinkel, pp. 29 δᾳ. ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 570, 581; 
Scholiast on Homer, Od. vi. 164; Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 
632-674 ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 80; Dictys Cretensis, 
Bellum Trojanum, i. 23. Each of the Wine-growers received 
from Dionysus the power of producing the thing from which 
she derived her name; thus Elais, who took her name from 
elaia, ‘‘an olive,” could produce olive oil ; Spermo, who took 
her name from sperma, ‘‘seed,” could produce corn; and 
Oeno, who took her name from oinos, ‘‘ wine,” could produce 
wine. According to Apollodorus, the women elicited these 
products from the ground ; but according to Ovid and Servius, 
whatever they touched was turned into olive-oil, corn, or 
wine, as the case might be. Possessing these valuable powers, 
the daughters of Anius were naturally much sought after. 
Their father, a son of Apollo, was king of Delos and at the 
same time priest of his father Apollo (Virgil, Aen. iii. 80), and 
when Aeneas visited the island on his way from Troy, the 
king, with pardonable pride, dwelt on his daughters’ accon)- 

plishments and on the income they had brought him in (Ovid, ᾿ 

Metam. xiii. 650 sqq.). It is said by Tzetzes that when the 
Greeks sailed for Troy and landed in Delos, the king, who had 
received the gift of prophecy from his divine sire (Diodorus 
Siculus, v. 62. 2), foretold that Troy would not be taken for 
ten years, and invited them to stay with him for nine years, 
promising that his daughters would find them in food all the 
time. This hospitable offer was apparently not accepted at 
the moment ; but afterwards, when the Greeks were encamped 
before Troy, Agamemnon sent for the young women and 

Elais, Spermo, and Oeno, are called the Wine- 
growers: Dionysus granted them the power of pro- 
ducing oil, corn, and wine from the earth.! 

The armament mustered in Aulis. The men who 
went to the Trojan war were as follows? :—Of the 

ordered them peremptorily to feed his army. This they did 
successfully, if we may believe Tzetzes; but, to judge by 
Ovid’s account, they found the work of the commissariat too 
exacting, for he says that they took to flight. Being over- 
taken by their pursuers, they prayed to Dionysus, who turned 
them into white doves. And that, says Servius, is why down 
to this day it is deemed a sin to harm adovein Delos. From 
Tzetzes we learn that the story of these prolific damsels was 
told by Pherecydes and by the author of the epic Cypria, 
from whom Pherecydes may have borrowed it. Stesichorus 
related how Menelaus and Ulysses went to Delos to fetch the 
daughters of Anius (Scholiast on Homer, Od. vi. 164). If we 
may judge from the place which the brief mention of these 
women occupies in the Epitome of Apollodorus, we may con- 
jecture that in his full text he described how their services 
were requisitioned to victual the fleet and army assembling at 
Aulis. The conjecture is confirmed by the statement of 
Dictys Cretensis, that before the Greek army set sail from 
Aulis, it had received a supply of corn, wine, and other 
provisions from Anius and his daughters. It may have been 
in order to ensure these supplies that Menelaus and Ulysses 
repaired to Delos for the purpose of securing the persons of 
the women. 

2 As to list of the Greek forces which mustered at Aulis, 
see Homer, 11. ii. 494~759; Euripides, Ivuhigenia in Aulis, 
253 8ηᾳ. ; Hyginus, Fab. 97; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Tro- 
janum, i. 17. The numbers of the ships and leaders recorded 
by Apollodorus do not always tally with those of Homer. 
For example, he gives the Boeotians forty ships, while Homer 
(v. 509) gives them fifty ; and he says that the Phocians had 
four leaders, whereas Homer (v. 517) mentions only two. 
The question of the catalogue of the Greek forces, and its 
relation to Homer and history, are fully discussed by Dr. 
Walter Leaf in his Homer and History (London, 1915). He 
concludes that the catalogue forms no part of the original 

μὲν ἡγεμόνες δέκα' ἦγον ναῦς μ΄, ᾿Ορχομενίων 
δ΄. ἦγον ναῦς λ΄. Φωκέων ἡγεμόνες δ΄" ἦγον ναῦς 
μ΄. Λοκρῶν Αἴας ᾿Οἐλέως"1 ἦγε ναῦς μ΄. Εὐβοέων 
᾿Ελεφήνωρ Χαλκώδοντος καὶ ᾿Αλκυόνης" ἦγε ναῦς 
μ΄. ᾿Αθηναίων Μενεσθεύς" ἦγε ναῦς ν΄. Σαλα- 
12 μινίων" Αἴας ὁ Τελαμώνιος" ἦγε ναῦς ιβ΄. ᾿Αργείων 
Διομήδης Τυδέως καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ" ἦγον ναῦς π'. 
Μυκηναίων ᾿Αγαμέμνων ᾿Ατρέως καὶ ᾿Αερόπης 
ναῦς ρ΄. Λακεδαιμονίων Μενέλαος ᾿Ατρέως καὶ 
᾿Αερόπης ξ΄. Πυλίων 8 Νέστωρ Νηλέως καὶ Xrw- 
ρίδος ναῦς μ΄. ᾿Αρκάδων ᾿Αγαπήνωρ ναῦς ζ΄. 
Ἠλείων ᾿Αμφίμαχος καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ ναῦς μ'. 
Δουλιχίων Μέγης Φυλέως ναῦς μ΄. Κεφαλλήνων 
Ὀδυσσεὺς Λαέρτου καὶ ᾿Αντικλείας ὁ ναῦς ιβ΄. 
Αἰτωλῶν Θόας ᾿Ανδραίμονος καὶ Topyns: ἦγε 
13 ναῦς μ. Κρητῶν Ἰδομενεὺς Δευκαλίωνος μ΄. 
Ῥοδίων 'Γληπόλεμος " Ηρακλέους καὶ ᾿Αστυόχης 
ναῦς θ΄. Συμαίων Νιρεὺς Xaporov® ναῦς γ΄. 
1 ριλέως Kerameus: ὁ ἰλέως S. 
2 Σαλαμινίων Kerameus: Σαλμινίων S. 
8 Πυλίων Kerameus: Πηλίων δ. 
4 ᾿Αντικλείας Kerameus: Αὐτικλείας 8. 
ὅ Τληπόλεμος Kerameus: τλιπόλεβος S. 

6 Συμαίων Νιρεὺς Χαρόπου Kerameus: κυμαίων νηρεὺς xapo- 
ποῦ 

Iliad, but was added to it at a later time by a patriotic 
Boeotian for the purpose of glorifying his people by claiming 
that they played a very important part in the Trojan war, 
although this claim is inconsistent with the statement of 
Thucydides (i. 12) that the Boeotians did not migrate into 
the country henceforth known as Boeotia until sixty yearr 

Boeotians, ten leaders: they brought forty ships. Οἱ 
the Orchomenians, four: they brought thirty ships. 
Of the Phocians, four leaders: they brought forty 
ships. Of the Locrians, Ajax, son of Oeleus: he 
brought forty ships. Of the Euboeans, Elephenor, 
son of Chalcodon and Alcyone: he brought forty 
ships. Of the Athenians, Menestheus: he brought 
fifty ships., Of the Salaminians, Telamonian 
Ajax: he brought twelve ships. Of the Argives, 
Diomedes, son of Tydeus, and his company: they 
brought eighty ships. Of the Mycenaeans, Aga- 
memnon, son of Atreus and Aerope : a hundred ships. ¢ /'° 
Of the Lacedaemonians, Menelaus, son of Atreus 
and Aerope: sixty ships. Of the Pylians, Nestor, 
son of Neleus and Chloris: forty ships. Of the 
Arcadians, Agapenor: seven ships. Of the Eleans, 
Amphimachus and his company: forty ships. . Of 
the Dulichians, Meges, son of Phyleus: forty ships. 
Of the Cephallenians, Ulysses, son of Laertes and 
Anticlia: twelve ships. Of the Aetolians, Thoas, 
son of Andraemon and Gorge: he brought forty 
ships. Of the Cretans, Idomeneus, son of Deucalion :. 
4) —fony ships. Of the Rhodians, Tlepolemus, son of Her- 
cules and Astyoche: nine ships. Of the Symaeans, 

after the capture of Troy. I agree with Dr. Leaf in the 
belief, which he energetically maintains in this book, that 
the Trojan war was not a myth, but a real war, ‘‘fought 
out in the place, and at least generally in the manner, 
described in Homer,” and that the principal heroes and 
heroines recorded by Homer were not ‘‘ faded gods” but men 
and women of flesh and blood, of whose families and fortunes 
the memory survived in Greek tradition, though no doubt in 
course of time many mythical traits and incidents gathered 
round them, as they have gathered round the memories of the 
Hebrew patriarchs, of Alexander the Great, of Virgil, and of 
Charlemagne. 

Κώων Φείδιππος καὶ "Avtipos οἱ Θεσσαλοῦ λ΄. 

14 Μυρμιδόνων ᾿Αχιλλεὺς Πηλέως καὶ Θέτιδος ν΄. 
ἐκ Φυλάκης Πρωτεσίλαος ᾿Ιφίκλου μ΄. Φεραίων 
Εὔμηλος ᾿Αδμήτου ια΄. ᾿Ολιζώνων Φιλοκτήτης 
Ποίαντος ζ΄. Αἰνιάνων Τουνεὺς ᾿᾽Ωκύτου κβ΄. 
Τρικκαίων Ποδαλείριος '... λ΄. Ὀρμενίων Εὐρύ- 
πυλοςξ. .. ναῦς μ΄. Τυρτωνίων ὃ Πολυποίτης 
Πειρίθου λ΄. Μαγνήτων Πρόθοος Τενθρήδονος * μ΄. 
νῆες μὲν οὖν αἱ πᾶσαι αιγ', ἡγεμόνες δὲ μγ΄, ἦγε- 
μονεῖαι δὲ λ'" 

ES 16 [Ὅτι ὄντος ἐν Αὐλίδι τοῦ στρατεύματος, θυσίας 
γενομένης ᾿Απόλλωνι," ὁρμήσας δράκων ἐκ τοῦ 
βωμοῦ παρὰ τὴν πλησίον πλάτανον, οὔσης ἐν 
αὐτῇ νεοττιᾶς, τοὺς ἐνῖ αὐτῇ καταναλώσας στρου- 
θοὺς ὀκτὼ σὺν τῇ μητρὶ ἐνάτῃ λίθος ἐγένετο. 
Κάλχας δὲ εἰπὼν κατὰ Διὸς βούλησιν γεγονέναι 
αὐτοῖς τὸ σημεῖον τοῦτο, τεκμηράμενος ἐκ τῶν 
γεγονότων ἔφη δεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ δεῖν Τροίαν ἁλῶναι. 

16 καὶ πλεῖν παρεσκευάζοντο ἐπὶ Τροίαν. ᾿Αγαμέ- 
μνων οὖν αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν τοῦ σύμπαντος στρατοῦ. 

1 The blank is doubtless to be supplied thus : Ποδαλείριος 
« καὶ Maxdwy ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ», ‘‘Podalirius <and Machaon, 
sons of Aesculapiis>,” as Wagner observes, comparing 
Homer, 1. ii. 731 ag. 

2 Εὐρύπυλος Add <Ev’aluovos>, ‘‘ Eurypylus, <son of 
Euaemon>, as Wagner observes, comparing Homer, 77. ii. 
736. 

3 Τυρτωνίων Kerameus: γοργυτίων S. 

4 TevOpnddvos Kerameus: Πενθρηδόνος S. 

5 Ὅτι ὄντος ἐν Αὐλίδι τοῦ στρατεύματος, θυσίας γενομένης 
᾿Απόλλωνι E: θυσίας δὲ γενομένης ἂν Αὐλίδι τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι, 
ὄντος ἀκεῖ τοῦ στρατεύματος δ. 

Nireus, son of Charopus: three ships. Of the Coans, 
Phidippus and Antiphus, the sons of Thessalus: 
thirty ships. Of the Myrmidons, Achilles, son of 
Peleus and Thetis: fifty ships. From Phylace, 
Protesilaus, son of Iphiclus: forty ships. Of the 
Pheraeans, Kumelus, son of Admetus: eleven ships. 
Of the Olizonians, Philoctetes, son of Poeas: seven 
ships. Of the Aeanianians, Guneus, son of Ocytus : 

twenty-two ships. Of the T friccaeans, Podalirius : 

thirty ships. Of the Ormenians, Eurypylus: forty 
ships. Of the Gyrtonians, Polypoetes, son of Piri- 
thous: thirty ships. Of the Magnesians, Prothous, 
son of Tenthredon: forty ships. The total of ships 
was one thousand and thirteen; of leaders, forty- 
three ; of leaderships, thirty. 

When the armament was in Aulis, after a sacrifice 
to Apollo, a serpent darted from the altar beside the 
neighbouring plane-tree, in which there was a nest ; 
and having consumed the eight sparrows in the 
nest, together with the mother-bird, which made 
the ninth, it was turned to stone. Calchas said 
that this sign was given them by the will of Zeus, 
and he inferred from what had happened that Troy 
was destined to be taken in a period of ten years.} 
And they made ready to sail against Troy. So 
Agamemnon in person was in command of the whole 

2 Compare Homer, Jl. ii. 299-330; Proclus, in Lpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 18; Cicero, De 
divinatione, ii. 30. 63-65 ; Ovid, M etamorph. xii. 11-23. 

ὁ νεοττιᾶς E:: veorteias BS. “@&S: ἐφ᾽ ΚΕ. 

ὅ καὶ πλεῖν παρεσκευάζοντο ἐπὶ Τροίαν. These words are 
wanting in E. 

9 ᾿Αγαμέμνων οὖν αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν S : Ὅτι ᾽Αγαμέμνων ἡγεμὼν E. 

1 δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς πεντεκαιδεκαέτης 

Hv, ἐναυάρχει 
τυγχάνων. 
E 17 [᾿Αγνοοῦντες δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ Τροίαν πλοῦν Μυσίᾳ 
προσίσχουσι καὶ ταύτην ἐπόρθουν, Τροίαν vopi- 
- ΦΦ , \ / a 
Covres εἶναι. βασιλεύων δὲ Τήλεφος Μυσῶν, 
ς / a OA \ 4 4 
Ἡρακλέους παῖς, ἰδὼν τὴν χώραν λεηλατουμένην, 
Ἁ , a 
τοὺς Μυσοὺς καθοπλίσας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς συνεδίωκε 
Ἁ cy ‘ A 3 / >] A 
τοὺς EAAnvas καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐν ols Kat 
Θέρσανδρον τὸν Πολυνείκους ὑποστάντα. ὁρμή- 
σαντος δε ᾿Αχιλλέως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐ μείνας ἐδιώκετο" 
καὶ διωκόμενος ἐμπλακεὶς εἰς ἀμπέλου κλῆμα 5 
18 τὸν μηρὸν τιτρώσκεται δόρατι. τῆς δὲ Μυσίας 
ἐξελθόντες “EXXAnves ἀνάγονται, καὶ χειμῶνος 
ἐπιγενομένου σφοδροῦ διαξευχθέντες ἀλλήλων εἰς 
τὰς πατρίδας καταντῶσιν. ὑποστρεψάντων οὖν 
τῶν Ἑλλήνων τότε λέγεται τὸν πόλεμον εἰκοσαετῆ 
’ \ a \ Ἥ 7 e \ v 
γενέσθαι: μετὰ γὰρ τὴν “Ἑλένης ἁρπαγὴν ἔτει 
1 δνανάρχει Εἰ : ἐνανάρχη S. 
2 ἐμπλακεὶς εἰς ἀμπέλον κλῆμα E. Perhaps we should read 
ἐμπλακεὶς ἀμπέλου κλήματιι. Compare Epitome, i. 19, ii. 7. 

But the construction with εἰς and the accusative occurs in 
Aeschylus, Prometheus, 1078 sq. ' 

1 No other ancient writer mentions that Achilles was high 
admiral of the fleet, though as son of a sea-goddess he was 
obviously fitted for the post. Dictys Cretensis, however, 
tells us (Bellum Trojanum, i. 16) that Achilles shared the . 
command of the ships with Ajax and Phoenix, while that of 
the land forces was divided between Palamedes, Diomedes, 
and Ulysses. 

2 With the following account of the landing of the Greeks 
in Mysia and their encounter with Telephus, compare Proclus, 
in EHpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 
18 94. ; Scholiast on Homer, 1]. i. 59. The accounts of both 
these writers agree, to some extent verbally, with that of 
Apollodorus and are probably drawn from the same source, 
which may have been the epic Cypria summarized by Proclus. 

army, and Achilles was admiral,! being fifteen 
years old. 

But not knowing the course to steer for Troy, 
they put in to Mysia and ravaged it, supposing 
it to be Troy.2, Now Telephus son of Hercules, 
was king of the Mysians, and seeing the country 
pillaged, he armed the Mysians, chased the Greeks 
in a crowd to the ships, and killed many, among 
them Thersander, son of Polynices, who had made 
a stand. But when Achilles rushed at him, 
Telephus did not abide the onset and was pur- 
sued, and in the pursuit he was entangled in a 
vine-branch and wounded with a spear in the thigh. 
Departing from Mysia, the Greeks put to sea, and a 
violent storm coming on, they were separated from 
each other and landed in their own countries.? So 
the Greeks returned at that time, and it is said’ that 
the war lasted twenty years. For it was in the 
second year after the rape of Helen that the Greeks, 

The Scholiast tells us that it was Dionysus who caused Tele- 
phus to trip over a vine-branch, because Telephus had robbed 
the god of the honours that were his due. The incident is 
alluded to by Pindar ; see Isthm. viii. 48 (106) sqq. Thewar 
in Mysia is narrated in more detail by Philostratus-(Heroica, 
iii, 28-36) and Dictys Cretensis (Bellum Trojanum, ii. 1-7). 
Philostratus says (§ 35) that the wounded were washed in 
the waters of the hot Ionian springs, which the people of 
Smyrna called the springs of Agamemnon. 

3 Compare Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, 
ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19, according to whom Achilles, on this 
return voyage, landed in Scyros and married his youthful love 
Deidamia, daughter of Lycomedes. See above, iii. 13. 8. 

4 Compare Homer, Il. xxiv. 765 sg., where Helen at Troy 
says that it was now the twentieth year since she had quitted 
her native land. The words have puzzled the Scholiasts and 
commentators, but are explained by the present passage of 
Apollodorus. 

δευτέρῳ τοὺς “Ελληνας παρασκευασαμένους στρα- 
τεύεσθαι, avaywpnoavtas! δὲ ἀπὸ Μυσίας εἰς 
Ἑλλάδα μετὰ ἔτη ὀκτὼ πάλιν eis “Apyos μετα- 
στραφέντας 2 ἐλθεῖν εἰς Αὐλίδα. 

Συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν ΓΑργει αὖθις μετὰ τὴν 
ῥηθεῖσαν ὀκταετίαν, ἐν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ πλοῦ πολλῇ 
καθεστήκεσαν, καθηγεμόνα μὴ ἔχοντες, ὃς ἦν 
20 δυνατὸς δεῖξαι τὴν εἰς Τροίαν. Τήλεφος δὲ ἐκ 
τῆς Μυσίας, ἀνίατον τὸ τραῦμα ἔχων, εἰπόντος 
αὐτῷ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος τότε τεύξεσθαι θεραπείας, 
ὅταν ὁ τρώσας ἰατρὸς γένηται, τρύχεσιν ἠμφιεσ- 
μένος εἰς ΓΑργος ἀφίκετο, καὶ δεηθεὶς ᾿Αχιλλέως 
καὶ ὑπεσχημένος τὸν εἰς Τροίαν πλοῦν δεῖξαι 
θεραπεύεται ἀποξύσαντος ᾿Αχιλλέως τῆς Πηλιά- 
δος μελίας τὸν ἰόν. θεραπευθεὶς οὖν ἔδειξε τὸν 

1 ἀναχωρήσαντας Wagner : ἀναχωρήσαντες E. 
, 3. μεταστραφέντας Wagner: μεταστραφέντες E. 

1 This account of how Telephus steered the Greek fleet to 
Troy after being healed of his grievous wound by Achilles, is 
probably derived from the epic Cypria; since it agrees on 
these points with the brief summary of Proclus. See Zpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19. Compare Scho- 
liast on Homer, 11. 1. 59; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, 
ii. 10. As tothe cure of Telephus’s wound by means of the rust 
of the spear, see also Hyginus, Fab. 101 ; Propertius, ii. 1. 
63 sq.; Ovid, Hx Ponto, ii. 2.6. Pliny describes a painting in 
which Achilles was represented scraping the rust from the 
blade of his spear with a sword into the wound of Telephus 
(Nat. Htst.xxv. 42, xxxiv. 152). The spear was the famous one 
which Chiron had bestowed on Peleus, the father of Achilles ; 
the shaft was cut from an ash-tree on Mount Pelion, and none 
of the Greeks at Troy, except Achilles, could wield it. See 
Homer, Ji. xvi. 140-144, xix. 387-391, xxii. 133 sg. ‘The 
healing of Telephus’s wound by Achilles is also reported, 
though without mention of the spear, by Dictys Cretensis 

having completed their preparations, set out on the 
expedition and after their retirement from Mysia to 
Greece eight years elapsed before they again returned 
to Argos and came to Aulis. 

Having again assembled at Aulis after the afore- 
said interval of eight years, they were in great per- 
plexity about the voyage, because they had no leader 
who could show them the way to Troy. But Tele- 
phus, because his wound was unhealed, and Apollo 
had told him that he would be cured when the one 
who wounded him should turn physician, came from 
Mysia to Argos, clad in rags, and begged the help of 
Achilles, promising to show the course to steer for 
Troy. So Achilles healed him by scraping off the 
rust of his Pelian spear. Accordingly, on being 
healed, Telephus showed the course to steer, and 

(l.c.), a Scholiast on Homer (Jl. i. 59) and a Scholiast on 
Aristophanes (Clouds, 919). The subject was treated by 
Sophocles in a play called The Assembly of the Achaeans, 
and by Euripides in a play called Telephus. See The Frag- 

ments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, i. 94 δ4ᾳ. ; Griechische & 

Dichter fragmente, ii, Lyrische und dramatische Fragmente, 
ed. . Schubart und U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 
(Berlin, 1907), pp. 64 sqq.; Tragicorum Graecorum Frag- 
menia, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 161 egg., 579 sqq. Aristophanes 
ridiculed the rags and tatters in which Telephus appeared 
on the stage in Euripides’s play (Acharn. 430 sqq.). Apollo- 
dorus may have had the passage of Euripides or the parody 
of Aristophanes in mind when he describes Telephus as clad 
in rags. 

The cure of a wound by an application to it of rust from 
the weapon which inflicted the hurt is not to be explained, 
as Pliny supposed, by any medicinal property inherent in 
rust as such, else the rust from any weapon would serve 
the purpose. It is clearly a folk-lore remedy based on the 
principle of sympathetic magic. Similarly Iphiclus was 
cured of impotence by the rust of the same knife which 
had caused the infirmity. See Apollodorus, i. 9.12. The 

t 

A Q ~ ᾽ 4 \ / el 
πλοῦν, TO τῆς δείξεως ἀσφαλὲς πιστουμένου τοῦ 
Κάλχαντος διὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μαντικῆς. 

2A vayOévrwr δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπ᾽ "Άργους καὶ παραγε- 
ES νομένων τὸ δεύτερον εἰς Αὐλίδα, [τὸν στόλον ἄπλοια 

la) . 1 lA ὃ \ 3 3 9 4 ὃ 4 θ 
κατεῖχε" Κάλχας δὲ ἔφη οὐκ" ἄλλως δύνασθαι 
πλεῖν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ τῶν Ayapéuvovos θυγατέρων 
ἡ κρατιστεύουσα κάλλει σφάγιον ᾿Αρτέμιδι 8 πα- 
ραστῇ, διὰ τὸ μηνίειν" τὴν θεὸν τῷ Αγαμέμνονι, 
[τὰ \ ΝΜ 9 sQXV\ ΟΝ λον 
ὅτι τε βαλὼν ἔλαφον εἶπεν" οὐδὲ ἡ ἴΑρτεμις, καὶ ὅτι 
4 A αὶ A 

22 ᾿Ατρεὺς οὐκ ἔθυσεν αὐτῇ τὴν χρυσὴν ἄρνα. τοῦ δὲ 
χρησμοῦ τούτου γενομένου, πέμψας ᾿Αγαμέμνων ὅ 
πρὸς Κλυταιμνήστραν ᾿Οδυσσέα καὶ Ταλθύβιον 
Ἰφιγένειαν ἤτει, λέγων ® ὑπεσχῆσθαι δώσειν αὐτὴν 

5. ᾿Αχιλλεῖ γυναῖκα μισθὸν τῆς στρατείας .Ἰ | πεμψά- 
σης δὲ ἐκείνης ᾿Αγαμέμνων τῷ βωμῷ παραστήσας 
ΕΠ ἔμελλε σφάζξειν, ᾿ ἴΆρτεμις δὲ αὐτὴν ἁρπάσασα 

1 roy στόλον ἄπλοια κατεῖχε Εἰ : ἄπλοια οὖν κατεῖχε τὸν 
στόλον ὃ. 

2 οὐκ S: μὴ E. 

3 ῬΑρτέμιδι E: ᾿Αρτέμιδος ὃ. 

4 διὰ τὸ μηνίειν... τὴν χρυσῆν ἄρνα E: ἔλεγε γὰρ μηνίσαι 
᾿Αγαμέμνονι τὴν θεόν, κατὰ μέν τινας ἀπεὶ κατὰ θήραν ἐν ᾿Ικαρίῳ 
βαλὼν ἔλαφον εἶπεν οὐ δύνασθαι σωτηρίας αὐτὴν τυχεῖν οὐδ᾽ 
᾿Αρτέμιδος θελούσης, κατὰ δέ τινας ὅτι τὴν χρυσῆν ἄρνα οὐκ ἔθυσεν 
αὐτῇ ᾿Ατρεύς ὃ. 

5 rod δὲ χρησμοῦ... ᾿Αγαμέμνων 5 : πέμψας οὖν ᾿Αγαμέμνων Εἰ. 

4 ᾿Ιφιγένειαν ἥτει, λέγων S: ἄγει τὴν ᾿Ιφιγένειαν, εἰπὼν KE. 

7 τῆς στρατείας S: τῆς στρατείας αὐτοῦ EK. 

proverbial remedy for the bite of ἃ dog ‘‘the hair of the dog 
that bit you,” is strictly analogous in principle ; for it is not 
the hair of any dog that will work the cure, but only the 
hair of the particular dog that inflicted the bite. Thus we 
read of a beggar who was bitten by a dog, at the vicarage of 
Heversham, in Westmoreland, and went back to the house 
to ask for some of the animal’s hair to put on the wound. 
See W. Henderson, Notes on the Folk-lore of the Northern 

the accuracy of his information was confirmed by 
Calchas by means of his own art of divination. 

But when they had put to sea from Argos and 
arrived for the second time at Aulis, the fleet was 
wind-bound, and Calchas said that they could not 
sail unless the fairest of Agamemnon’s daughters 
were presented as a sacrifice to Artemis; for the 
goddess was angry with Agamemnon, both because, 
on shooting a deer, he had said, “ Artemis herself 
could not (do it better),”1 and because Atreus 
had not sacrificed to her the golden lamb. On 
receipt of this oracle, Agamemnon sent Ulysses 
and Talthybius to Clytaemnestra and asked for 
Iphigenia, alleging a promise of his to give her 
to Achilles to wife in reward for his military ser- 
vice. So Clytaemnestra sent her, and Agamemnon 
set her beside the altar, and was about to slaughter 
her, when Artemis carried her off to the Taurians 

Counties of England (London, 1879), p. 160, note?. A pre- 
cisely similar remedy for similar hurts appears to be popular 
in China; for we hear of a missionary who travelled ¢ about 
the province of Canton accompanied by a powerful dog, which 
bit children in the villages through which his master passed ; 
and when a child was bitten, its mother used to run after the 
roissionary and beg for a hair from the dog’s tail to lay on 
the child’s wound as a remedy. See N. ἢ, Dennys, The 
Folk-lore of China (London and Hongkong, 1876), p. 52. 
For more examples of supposed cures based on the principle. 
of sympathy between the animal who bites and the person 
who is bitten, see ὟΝ. Henderson, l.c.; ὟΝ. G. Black, Folk- 
Medicine (London, 1883), pp. 50 sqq. ; W. Gregor, Notes on 
the Folk-lore of the North-Hast of Scotland (London, 1881), 
p. 127. 

1 Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 183. The full 
expression is reported by the Scholiast on Homer, Ji. i. 108, 
οὐδὲ ἢ "Ἄρτεμις οὕτως ἂν ἐτόξευσε, ‘‘ Not even Artemis could 
have shot like ὑμπδῖ." The elliptical phrase is wrongly 
interpreted by the Sabbaitic scribe. See the Critical Note. 

IQ! 

δ 

E 

3 fs er e a , », 
εἰς Ταύρους ἱέρειαν ἑαυτῆς κατέστησεν, ἔλαφον 
ἀντ᾽ αὐτῆς παραστήσασα τῷ βωμῷ" " | ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι 
λέγουσιν, ἀθάνατον αὐτὴν ἐποίησεν. 
Οἱ δὲ ἀναχθέντες ἐξ Αὐλίδος προσέσχον Τενέδῳ. 
ταύτης ἐβασΐλευε Τένης ὁ Κύκνου καὶ ἹΠροκλείας, 
ὡς δέ τινες ᾿Απόλλωνος" οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς 

24 φυγαδευθεὶς ἐνταῦθα 5 κατῴκει. Κύκνος γὰρ ἔχων 

ἐκ Προκλείας τῆς Λαομέδοντος παῖδα μὲν Τένην, 
θυγατέρα δὲ Ἡμιθέαν, ἐπέγημε τὴν Τραγάσου " 
Φιλονόμην: ἥτις Τένου ἐρασθεῖσα καὶ μὴ πεί- 
θουσα καταψεύδεται πρὸς Κύκνον αὐτοῦ φθοράν, 
καὶ τούτου μάρτυρα παρεῖχεν αὐλητὴν Εὔμολπον 

25 ὄνομα. Kuxvos δὲ πιστεύσας, ἐνθέμενος αὐτὸν 

x 

μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς eis λάρνακα μεθῆκεν eis TO 

᾿Άρτεμις δὲ αὐτὴν ἁρπάσασα εἰς Ταύρους ἱέρειαν αὐτῆς S: 
ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν Αρτεμις ἁρπάσασα ἱέρειαν ἑαυτῆς εἰς Σκυθο- 
ταύρους EK. 

® παραστήσασα τῷ βωμῷ S: τῷ βωμῷ παραστήσασα E. 

8 ἀνγαῦθα Frazer : ἐνταυθοῖ E. 

4 Τραγάσου Εἰ : Τραγάσου or Τραγανάσου (the MSS. seem to 
vary) Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 232: Κραγάσουν Pau- 
sanias, x. 14, 2. 

1 This account of the attempted sacrifice of Iphigenia at 
Aulis and the substitution of a doe agrees with the narrative 
of the same events in the epic Cypria as summarized by Proclus 
(Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19). It 
is also in harmony with the tragedy of Euripides on the 
same subject. See Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis, especially 
vv. 87 sqq., 358 sqq., 1541 sgg. Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 183 ; Scholiast on Homer, JU. i. 108 ; Hyginus, Fab. 
98 ; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 24-38 ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum 
Trojanum, i. 19-22 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. 
G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 6 84., 141 (First Vatican Mythographer, 
20 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 202). Some said that Iphi- 
genia was turned by the goddess into a bear or a bull (Tzetzes, 
l.c.). Dictys Cretensis dispenses with the intervention of 

[92 

and appointed her to be her priestess, substituting a 
deer for her at the altar; but some say that Artemis 
made her immortal.! 

After putting to sea from Aulis they touched at 
Tenedos. It was ruled by Tenes, son of Cycnus and 
Proclia, but according to some, he was a son of Apollo. 
He dwelt there because he had been banished by 
his father.2, For Cycnus had a son Tenes and a 
daughter Hemithea by Proclia, daughter of Laomedon, 
but he afterwards married Philonome,.daughter of 
Tragasus ; and she fell in love with Tenes, and, failing 
to seduce him, falsely accused him to Cycnus of 
attempting to debauch her, and in witness of it she 
produced a fluteplayer, by name Eumolpus. Cycnus 
believed her, and putting him and his sister in a chest 
he set them adrift on the sea. The chest was washed 

Artemis to save Iphigenia; according to him it was Achilles 
who rescued the maiden from the altar and conveyed her 
away vo the Scythian king. | 

2 The following story of Tenes, his stepmother’s calumny, 
his banishment, and his elevation to the throne of Tenedos, 
is similarly told by Pausanias, x. 14. 2-4; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 232; Scholiast on Homer, 11. i. 38; Eusta- 
thius on Homer, J. i. 38, p. 33. Eustathius and the Scholiast 
on Homer call Tenes’s sister Leucothea, and give Polyboea 
as an alternative name of their stepmother. According to 
Pausanias, the first wife of Cycnus was a daughter of Clytius, 
not of Laomedon. As to the names, Tzetzes agrees with 
Apollodorus, whom he probably copied. A _ rationalized 
version of the story is told by Diodorus Siculus (V. 83). 
According to him, Tenes was worshipped after his death as a 
god by the people of Tenedos, who made a precinct for him 
and offered sacrifices to him down to late times. No flute- 
player was allowed to enter the precinct, because a flute- 
player had borne false witness against Tenes; and the name 
of Achilles might not be mentioned within it, because 
Achilles had killed Tenes. Compare Plutarch, Quaestiones 
Graecae, 28. 

VOL, 11. ᾿ ο 

πέλαγος" προσσχούσης δὲ αὐτῆς Λευκόφρυι νήσῳ 
ἐκβὰς ὁ Τένης κατῴκησε ταύτην καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
Τένεδον ἐκάλεσε. Κύκνος δὲ ὕστερον ἐπιγνοὺς 
τὴν ἀλήθειαν τὸν μὲν αὐλητὴν κατέλευσε, τὴν δὲ 
γυναῖκα ζῶσαν εἰς γῆν κατέχωσε. 

28 Προσπλέοντας οὖν Τενέδῳ τοὺς “Ελληνας ὁρῶν 
Τένης ἀπεῖργε βάλλων πέτρους, καὶ ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλ- 
λέως ξίφει πληγεὶς κατὰ τὸ στῆθος θνήσκει, 
καίτοι Θέτιδος προειπούσης ᾿Αχιλλεῖ μὴ κτεῖναι 
Τένην' τεθνήξεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ ᾿Απόλλωνος αὐτόν, 

27 ἐὰν κτείνῃ Τένην. τελούντων δὲ αὐτῶν ᾿Απόλ- 
Awe θυσίαν, ἐκ τοῦ βωμοῦ προσελθὼν ὕδρος 
δάκνει Φιλοκτήτην: ἀθεραπεύτου δὲ τοῦ ἕλκους 
καὶ δυσώδους γενομένου τῆς τε ὀδμῆς οὐκ ἀνεχο- 
μένον τοῦ στρατοῦ, Ὀδυσσεὺς αὐτὸν εἰς Λῆμνον 
μεθ᾽ ὧν εἶχε τόξων Ἡρακλείων ἐκτίθησι κελεύ- 
σαντος ᾿Αγαμέμνονος. ὁ δὲ ἐκεῖ τὰ πτηνὰ τοξεύων 
ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας τροφὴν εἶχεν. 

1 Compare Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 28. Plutarch 
mentions the warning given by Thetis to Achilles not to kill 
Tenes, and says that the goddess specially charged one of 
Achilles’s servants to remind her son of the warning. But 
in scouring the island Achilles fell in with the beautiful 
sister of Tenes and made love to her; Tenes defended his 
sister aguinst her seducer, and in the brawl was slain by. 
Achilles. When the slayer discovered whom he had slain, | 
he killed the servant who ought to have warned him in 
time, and he buried Tenes on the spot where the sanctuary 
was afterwards dedicated to his worship. This version of the 
story clearly differs from the one followed by Apollodorus. 

3 This story of the exposure and desertion of Philoctetes 
in Lemnos appears to have been told in the epic Cypria, as 
we may judge by the brief summary of Procius, See Eps- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19. Acoord- 
ing to Proclus, the Greeks were feasting in Tenedos when 

up on the island of Leucophrys, and Tenes landed 
and settled in the island, and called it Tenedos 
after himself. But Cycnus afterwards learning the 
truth, stoned the fluteplayer to death and buried 
his wife alive in the earth. 

So when the Greeks were standing in for Tenedos, 
Tenes saw them and tried to keep them off by 
throwing stones, but was killed by Achilles with a 
sword-cut in the breast, though Thetis had forewarned 
Achilles not to kill Tenes, because he himself would 
die by the hand of Apollo if he slew Tenes.! , And 
as they were offering a sacrifice to Apollo, a water- 
snake approached from the altar and bit Philoctetes ; 
, and as the sore did not heal and grew noisome, the . 
, army could not endure the stench, and Ulysses, by 
the orders of Agamemnon, put him ashore on the 
island of Lemnos, with the bow of Hercules which 
he had in his possession; and there, by shooting 
birds with the bow, he subsisted in the wilderness.” 

Philoctetes was bitten by a water-snake. This is not neces- 
sarily inconsistent with the statement of Apollodorus that 
the accident happened while the Greeks were sacrificing to 
Apollo, for the feast mentioned by Proclus may have been 
sacrificial. According to another version of the story, which 
Sophocles followed in his Philoctetes, the accident to Philo- 
ctetes happened, not in Tenedos, but in the small island of 
Chryse, where a goddess of that name was worshipped, and 
the serpent which bit Philoctetes was the guardian of her 
shrine. See Sophocles, Philoctetes, 263-270, 1326-1328. 
Later writers identified Chryse with Athena, and said that 
Philoctetes was stung while he was cleansing her altar or 
clearing it of the soil under which it was buried, as Tzetzes 
has it. See Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 722; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 911 ; Eustathius on Homer, Jl. ii. 724, p. 330. 
But this identification is not supported by Sophocles nor by 
the evidence of a vase painting, which represents the shrine 
of Chryse with her name attached to her image. See Jebb’s 

o 2 

ES 28 [᾿Αναχθέντες δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Tevédou™ προσέπλεον 
Τροίᾳ, καὶ πέμπουσιν ᾿Οδυσσέα καὶ Μενέλαον 
τὴν ᾿Ελένην καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἀπαιτοῦντας.Σ συνα- 
θροισθείσης δὲ παρὰ τοῖς Τρωσὶν ἐκκλησίας, οὐ 

’ \ € , 3 3 διὸ 9 A \ vd 
μόνον τὴν EXévnv οὐκ amedidouvv ἀλλὰ καὶ Tov- 
29 τους κτείνειν ἤθελον. ἀλλὰ τοὺς pev® ἔσωσεν 

1 ἀπὸ τῆς Τενέδου. These words are wanting in 8, 
2 ἀπαιτοῦντας E: αἰτοῦντες S. 
3 ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν Εἰ : τούτους μὲν οὖν S. 

edition of Sophocles, Philoctetes, Ὁ. xxxviii. § 21; A. Bau- 
meister, Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums, iii. 1326, fig. 
1325. The island of Chryse is no doubt the ‘‘ desert island 
near Lemnos” in which down to the first century B.c. were to 
be seen ‘‘an altar of Philoctetes, a bronze serpent, a bow, and 
a breastplate bound with fillets, the memorial of his sufferings”’ 
(Appian, Mithridat. 77). The island had sunk in the sea 
before the time of Pausanias in the second century of our era 
(Pausanias, viii. 33. 4). According toa different account, the 
unfortunate encounter of Philoctetes with the snake took 
place in Lemnos itself, the island where he was abandoned 

y his comrades. See Scholiast on Homer and Eustathius, 
ll.ce.; Scholiast on Sophecles, Philoctetes, 270; Hyginus, Fab. 
102. Philoctetes was commonly supposed to have received 
the bow and arrows of Hercules from that hero as a reward 
for his service in kindling the pyre on Mount Oeta. See 
Sophocles, Philoctetes, 801-803 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38. 4; 
Scholiast on Homer, Jl. ii. 724; Hyginus, Fab. 102; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ix. 229-234. According to one account, which 
Servius has preserved, it was from these arrows, envenomed 
with the poison of the hydra, and not from a serpent, that 
Philoctetes received his grievous hurt. It is said that Her- 
cules on the pyre solemnly charged his friend never to reveal 
the spot where his ashes should repose. Philoctetes promised 
with an oath to observe the wish of his dying friend, but after- 
wards he betrayed the secret by stamping with his foot on the 
grave. Hence on his way to the war one of the poisoned 
arrows fell upon and wounded the traitor foot. See Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. iii. 402; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 2), 132 (First Vatican 

Putting to sea from Tenedos they made sail for 
Troy, and sent Ulysses and Menelaus to demand the 
restoration of Helen and the property. But the 
Trojans, having summoned an assembly, not only 
refused to restore Helen, but threatened to kill the 
envoys. These were, however, saved by Antenor ;! 

Mythographer, 59; Second Vatican Mythographer, 165). 
Homer speaks of Philoctetes marooned by the Greeks in 
Lemnos and sufferiug agonies from the bite of the deadly 
water-snake (Il. ii. 721-725), but he does not say how or 
where the sufferer was bitten. Sophocles represents Lemnos 
as a desert island (Phtloctetes, 1 sq.). The fate of the forlorn 
hero, the ancient Robinson Crusoe, dwelling for ten years in 
utter solitude on his lonely isle, was a favourite theme of 
tragedy. Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides all composed 
plays on the subject under the title of Phtloctetes. See Dio 
Chrysostom, Or. lii ; Jebb’s Introduction to Sophocles, PAilo- 
ctctes, pp. xiii. δ4ᾳ.; Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
A. Nauck®, pp. 79 sqq., 613 sqq. 

1 As to the embassy of Ulysses and Menelaus to Troy to 
demand the surrender of Helen, see Homer, 11. iii. 205 sqq., 
xi. 138 sqq.; Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, 
ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19; Bacchylides, xiv. [xv.]; Herodotus, ii. 
118;-J. Tzetzes, Antehomertca, 154 sqq.; Scholiast on Homer, 

. iii, 206. According to the author of the epic Cypria, as 
reported by Proclus (i.c.), the embassy was sent before the 
first battle, in which Protesilaus fell (see below) ; according 
to Tzetzes, it was sent before the Greek army assembled at 
Aulis; according to the Scholiast on Homer (i.c.), it was 
despatched from Tenedos. Herodotus says that the envoys 
were sent after the landing of the army in the Troad. 
Sophocles wrote a play on the subject of the embassy, called 
The demand for the surrender of Helen. See Tragicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck’, pp. 171 δᾳ.; The 
Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 121 864. 

= Libanius has bequeathed to us two imaginary speeches, which 
are supposed to have been delivered by the Greek ambassadors, 
Menelaus and Ulysses, to the Trojan assembly before the 
opening of hostilities, while the Greek army was encamped 
within sight of the walls of Troy. See Libanius, Declama- 
tiones, iii. and iv. (vol. v. pp. 199 sgqg., ed. R. Foerster). 

᾿Αντήνωρ, οἱ δὲ “ἕλληνες, ἀχθόμενοι ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν 
βαρβάρων καταφρονήσει,; ἀναλαβόντες τὴν πανο- 
πλίαν ἔπλεον ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς. ᾿Αχιλλεῖ δὲ ἐπιστέλλει 
Θέτις πρῶτον μὴ ἀποβῆναι τῶν νεῶν" τὸν γὰρ 
ἀποβάντα πρῶτον πρῶτον ὃ μέλλειν τελευτήσειν." 
§ [πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι τὸν στόλον ἐπιπλεῖν," 
σὺν ὅπλοις ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ὥρμησαν καὶ 
ES 30 βάλλοντες πέτροις ἀποβῆναι ἐκώλυον. | τῶν δὲ 
Ἑλλήνων πρῶτος" ἀπέβη τῆς νεὼς ἴ ΤΙρωτεσί- 
λαος, καὶ κτείνας οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν βαρβάρων ὃ 
φ > @ V4 4 e 9 A 
ὑφ᾽ “Extopos θνήσκει. τούτον «ἡ; ὃ γυνὴ Aao- 
δάμεια καὶ μετὰ θάνατον ἤρα, καὶ ποιήσασα 
εἴδωλον Πρωτεσιλάῳ παραπλήσιον τούτῳ προσω- 
E pire. | Ἑ μῆς δὲ ἐλεησάντων θεῶν ἀνήγαγε 
Πρωτεσίλαον ἐξ “Αὐδου. Λαοδάμεια δὲ ἰδοῦσα 
1 ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν βαρβάρων καταφρονήσει E: τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν 
καταφρύνησιν ὃ. 
2 πρῶτον E: πρώτῳ &. 
3 πρῶτον πρῶτον Εἰ : πρῶτον S. 
4 γελευτήσειν Εἰ : καὶ τελευτᾶν 5. 

5 ἐπιπλεῖν Biicheler: πλεῖν S. 

4 τῶν δὲ Ἑλλήνων xpwrosS: πρῶτος τοίνυν I. 
7 νεὼς E: νηὸς δ. 

8 οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν βαρβάρων E: οὐκ ὀλίγους 8. 
9 ἡ inserted by Biicheler. 

1 Compare Homer, 11. ii. 698-702; Proclus, in Epicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 245; itd. Chiliades, ii. 759 δᾳᾳ. ; id. 
Antehomerica, 221 sqq.; Eustathius on Homer, J1. ii. 701, p. 
325, and on Od. xi. 521, p. 1697; Pausanias, iv. 2.5; Hyginus, 
Fab. 103; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, ii. 11. The 
common tradition, followed by Apollodorus, was that Protesi- 
laus fell by the hand of Hector; but according to others, his 
slayer was Aeneas, or Achates, or Euphorbus. See Eustathius, 
U.cc.; J. Tzetzes, Antehomerica, 280 eq. The Greeks had 
received an oracle that the first of their number to leap from 

but the Greeks, exasperated at the insolence of the 
barbarians, stood to arms and made sail against them. 
Now Thetis charged Achilles not to be the first to 
land from the ships, because the first to land would 
be the first to die. Being apprized of the hostile 
approach of the fleet, the barbarians marched in arms 
to the sea, and endeavoured by throwing stones to 
prevent the landing. Of the Greeks the first to land 
from his ship was Protesilaus, and having slain not a 
few of the barbarians, he fell by the hand of Hector.! 
His wife Laodamia loved him even after his death) 
and she made an image of him and consorted with it. 
The gods had pity on her, and Hermes brought up 
Protesilaus from Hades. On seeing him, Laodamia 

the ships would be the first to perish. See Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 245; Hyginus, Fab. 113; Ovid, Heroid. xiii. 
93 sg. Protesilaus was reckoned by Pausanias (i. 84. 2) among 
the men who after death received divine honours from the 
Greeks, He was buried in the Thracian Chersonese, opposite 
the Troad, and was there worshipped asa god (Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 532). His grave at Elaeus, or Eleus, in the pen- 
insula was enclosed in a sacred precinct, and his worshippers 
testified their devotion by dedicating to him many vessels 
of gold and silver and bronze, together with raiment and 
other offerings; but when Xerxes invaded Greece, these 
treasures were carried off by the Persians, who desecrated the 
holy ground by sowing it with corn and turning cattle loose 
on it to graze (Herodotus, ix. 116). Tall elms grew within 
the sacred precinct and overshadowed the grave; and it is 
said that the leaves of the trees that looked across the narrow 
sea to Troy, where Protesilaus perished, burgeoned early but 
soon faded and fell, like the hero himself, while the trees 
that looked away from Troy still kept their foliage fresh 
and fair. See Philostratus, Heroica, iii. 1. Others said that 
when the elms had shot up so high that Troy could be seen 
from them away across the water, the topmost boughs 
immediately withered. See Quintus Smyrnae Postho- 
merica, vii. 408 sqq.; Pliny, Nat. Htet. xvi. 238. 

Ν 190 

ὯΝ 

καὶ vopicaca αὐτὸν ἐκ Τροίας παρεῖναι τότε 
μὲν ἐχάρη, πάλιν δὲ ἐπαναχθέντος εἰς “Αἰδον 
ἑαυτὴν ἐφόνευσεν. 

S31 | Πρωτεσιλάου δὲ τελευτήσαντος, ἐκβαίνει μετὰ 
Μυρμιδόνων ᾿Αχιλλεὺς καὶ λίθον «βα;:»λὼν εἰς 
τὴν κεφαλὴν Κύκνου κτείνει. ὡς δὲ τοῦτον νεκρὸν 
εἶδον οἱ βάρβαροι, φεύγουσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ 
δὲ “Ἕλληνες ἐκπηδήσαντες τῶν νεῶν ἐνέπλησαν 
σωμάτων τὸ πεδίον. καὶ κατακλείσαντες τοὺς 

82 Τρῶας ἐπολιόρκουν: ἀνέλκουσι δὲ τὰς ναῦς. μὴ 
θαρρούντων δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων, ᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἐνεδρεύ- 
σας Τρωίλον ἐν τῷ τοῦ Θυμβραίου ᾿Απόλλωνος 
ἱεοῷ φονεύει, καὶ νυκτὸς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν 

1 κατακλείσαντες Biicheler: καταλείσαντες S. 

1 According to the author of the epic Cypria the name of 
Protesilaus’s wife was Polydora, daughter of Meleager (Pau- 
sanias, iv. 2. 7). Later writers, like Apollodorus, called her Vv 
Laodamia. As to her tragic tale, see Lucian, Dial. Mort. 
xxiii. (who does not name her) ; Eustathius, on Homer, J. ti. 
701, p. 325; Scholiast on Aristides, vol. iii. pp. 671 sq., ed. 
Dindorf ; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, ii. 763 saq.; Propertius, i. 19. ~~ 
7-10; Hyginus, Fab. 103, 104; Ovid, Herod. xiii.; Servius, 
on Virgil, Aen. vi. 447; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 51, 147 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 158 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 215). According 
to Hyginus (Fab. 103), Laodamia had prayed that Protesilaus 
might be restored to her for only three hours; her prayer 

* was granted, but she could not bear the grief of parting with 
him, and died in his arms (Servius, J.c.). A rationalistic version 
of the story ran that Laodamia had made a waxen image of 
her dead husband and secretly embraced it, till her father 
ordered it to be burned, when she threw herself into the fire 
and perished with the image (Hyginus, Fab. 104). According 
to Ovid, Laodamia made the waxen image of her absent lord 
and fondled it even in his lifetime. Her sad story was the 
theme of a tragedy of Euripides (Tragicorum Graecorum 

ἈΝ 

thought it was himself returned from Troy, and she 
was glad; but when he was carried back to Hades, 
she stabbed herself to death.) , 

On the death of Protesilaus, Achilles landed with 
the Myrmidons, and throwing a stone at the head of 
Cycnus, killed him.2, When the barbarians saw him 
dead, they fled to the city, and the Greeks, leaping 
from their ships, filled the plain with bodies. And 
having shut up the Trojans, they besieged them ; and 
they drew up the ships. The barbarians showing no 
courage, Achilles waylaid Troilus and slaughtered him 
in the sanctuary of Thymbraean Apollo,’ and coming 

Fragmenta, ed. Nauck?, pp. 563 sqq.), as it is of a well- 
known poem of Wordsworth (Laodameia).-- 
2 Compare Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 

“6, Kinkel, p. 19 ; Pindar, Olymp. ii. 82 (147); Aristotle, Rhe- 

toric, it.-22, p. 1396 b 16-18, ed. Bekker ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Posthomerica, iv. 468 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Antehomerica, 257 8qq.; 
Scholiast on Theocritus, xvi. 49; Ovid, Metamorph. xii. 70- 
140; Dictys Cretensis, Belum Trojanum, ii. 12. Cycnus was 
said to be invulnerable (Aristotle, 2.6.) : hence neither the 
spear nor the sword of Achilles could make any impression 
on his body, and the hero was reduced to the necessity of 
throttling him with the thongs of his own helmet. So Ovid 
tells the tale, adding that the sea-god, his father Poseidon, 
changed the dead Cycnus into a swan, whose name (Cygnus, 
xuxvos) he had borne in life: ~~? 

8 Compare Proclus, in Eptcorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20; Scholiast on Homer, Jl. xxiv. 257 
(where for ὀχευθῆναι it has been proposed to read λοχηθῆναι or 
λογχευθῆναι) ; Eustathius, on Homer, J. xxiv. 251, p. 1348 ; 
Dio Chrysostom, Or. xi. vol. i. p. 189, ed. L. Dindorf ; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 307-313; Virgil, Aen. i. 
474 sqq.; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 474; Scriptores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. ὄ. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 66 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 210). ‘Troilus is represented as a 
youth, but the stories concerning his death are various. 
According to Eustathius, the lad was exercising his horses in 

20I 

Λυκάονα λαμβάνει. παραλαβὼν δὲ ᾿Αχιλλεύς 
τινας τῶν ἀριστέων τὴν χώραν ἐπόρθει, καὶ παρα- 
γίνεται εἰς Ἴδην ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰνείου [τοῦ Τριάμου] " 
βόας. φυγόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ, τοὺς βουκόλους κτείνας 
καὶ Μήστορα τὸν Πριάμου τὰς βόας ἐλαύνει. 

33 αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ Λέσβον καὶ Φώκαιαν,β εἶτα Κολο- 
φῶνα καὶ Σμύρναν καὶ Κλαζομενὰς καὶ Κύμην, 
μεθ᾽ ἃς Αὐἰγιαλὸν καὶ Tijvov,! [τὰς ἑκατὸν καλου- 
μένας πόλεις" εἶτα ἑξῆς ᾿Αδραμύτιον καὶ Σίδην," 
εἶτα "Ἔνδιον καὶ Λιναῖον ὁ καὶ Κολωώνην.ἷ αἱρεῖ 
δὲ καὶ Θήβας τὰς Ὑποπλακίας ὃ καὶ Λυρνησσόν, 
ἔτι δὲ καὶ <“Avt>avdpov® καὶ ἄλλας πολλάς. 

8Ἀ ᾿᾽ἘἘνναετοῦς δὲ χρόνου διελθόντος παραγίνονται 
τοῖς Τρωσὶ σύμμαχοι: ἐκ τῶν περιοίκων πόλεων 

1 τοῦ Πριάμου S: καὶ Πριάμου Wagner. 

2 καὶ Μήστορα Kerameus: καμήστορα S. 

3 Φώκαιαν Kerameus: φωκέας S. 

. 4 Τῆνον S. Kerameus conjectured Τῆμνον : Wagner pro- 
posed Τίειον. 

δ Σίδην δ. Kerameus conjectured "Ἴδην or Σιδήνην : Wag- 
ner proposed Σίγην, comparing Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 
Σίγη, πόλις Τρωάδος, ὧς ‘Exaraios ᾿Ασίᾳ. 

6 Λιναῖον ὃ. Kerameus conjectured Κίλλαιον: Wagner 
roposed Αἰνέαν, comparing Strabo, xiii. i. 45, p. 603, where, 
owever, Meineke reads Νέας for Alvéas. 

7 Κολώνην ὃ. Kerameus conjectured Καλλικολώνην ; but 
Wagner compares Diodorus Siculus, v. 83. 1, Κολώνης τῆς ἐν 
τῇ Τρφάδι, and Strabo, xiii. i. 46, p. 604, βασιλέα δὲ Κολωνῶν. ᾿ 

8 ‘YworAaxias Kerameus: ὑπὸ πλακείας S. 

9. <”Avr>av8poy Kerameus: ἄνδρον ὃ. 

the Thymbraeum or sanctuary of the Thymbraean Apollo, 
when Achilles killed him with his spear. Tzetzes says that 
he was a son of Hecuba by Apollo, though nominally by 
Priam, that he fled from his assailant to the temple of 
Apollo, and was cut down by Achilles at the altar. There 
was a prophecy that Troy could not be taken if Troilus should 
live to the age of twenty (so the First Vatican Mythographer). 

by night to the city he captured Lycaon.! Moreover, 
taking some of the chiefs with him, Achilles laid 
waste the country,and made his way to Ida to lift the 
kine of Aeneas. But Aeneas fled, and Achilles killed 
the neatherds and Mestor, son of Priam, and drove 
away the kine.? He also took Lesbos? and Phocaea, 
then Colophon, and Smyrna, and Clazomenae, and 
Cyme; and afterwards Aegialus and Tenos, the so- 
called Hundred Cities; then, in order, Adramytium 
and Side; then Endium, and Linaeum, and Colone. 
He took also Hypoplacian Thebes‘ and Lyrnessus,5 
and further Antandrus, and many other cities. 

Z A period of nine years having elapsed, allies came 

to join the Trojans:® from the surrounding cities, 

This may have been the motive of Achilles for slaying the 
lad. According to Dictys Cretensis (Bellum Trojanum, iv. 
9), Troilus was taken prisoner and publicly slaughtered in 
cold blood by order of Achilles. The indefatigable Sophocles, 
as usual, wrote a tragedy on the subject. See The Frag- 
ments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 253 sqq. 

1 Compare Homer, Il. xxi. 34 sqq., xxiii. 746 eg. Lycaon 
was captured by Achilles when he was cutting sticks in the 
orchard of his father Priam. After being sold by his captor 
into slavery in Lemnos he was ransomed and returned to Troy, 
but meeting Achilles in battle a few days later, he was ruth- 
lessly slain by him. The story seems to have been told also 
in the epic Cypria. See Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20. 

2 Compare Homer, 17. xx. 90 sqqg., 188 sqg.; Proclus, in 
Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20. 

3 Compare Homer, Jl. ix. 129; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum 
Trojanum, ii. 16: 

4 Compare Homer, 1]. ii. 691, vi. 397. oo 

5 It was at the sack of Lyrnessus that Achilles captured 
his concubine Briseis after slaying her husband. See Homer, 
Il. ii. 688 sqq., xix. 60, 291 δᾳ4ᾳ., xx. 92, 191 8424. Compare 
Ttictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, ii. 17. 

6 With the following list of the Trojans and their allies, 
compare Homer, Jl. ii. 816-877. 

Αἰνείας ᾿Αγχίσου καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ ᾿Αρχέλοχος ἷ καὶ 
᾿Ακάμας ᾿Αντήνορος3 καὶ Θεανοῦς, Δαρδανίων 
ἡγούμενοι, Θρᾳκῶν ᾿Ακάμας Εὐσώρου, Κικόνων 
Εὔφημος Τροιζήνου,Σ Παιόνων Πυραίχμης, Πα- 
35 φλαγόνων Πυλαιμένης Βιλσάτου, ἐκ Ζελίας 
Πάνδαρος Λυκάονος, ἐξ ᾿Αδραστείας ἸΑδραστος ° 
καὶ “Audios Μέροπος, ἐκ δ᾽ ᾿Αρίσβης “Actos 
Ὑρτάκου, ἐκ Λαρίσσης Ἱππόθοος Πελασγοῦ, ἐκ 
Μυσίας Χρόμιος καὶ “Evvopos ® ᾿Αρσινόου, ᾿Αλι- 
ζώνων ᾿Οδίος 10 καὶ ᾿Ἐπίστροφος Μηκιστέως,"} 
Φρυγῶν Φόρκυς καὶ ᾿Ασκάνιος ᾿Αρετάονος, Μαιό- 
νων Μέσθλης καὶ ΓΑντιφος Ταλαιμένους, ἹΚαρῶν 12 
Νάστης καὶ ᾿Αμφίμαχος Νομίονος,.3 Λυκίων Σαρ- 
πηδὼν Διὸς καὶ Γλαῦκος 1 Ἱππολόχου. 
IV. ᾿Αχιλλεὺς δὲ μηνίων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ 
ἐξήει διὰ Βρισηΐδα... τῆς θυγατρὸς Χρύσου τοῦ 
ἱερέως. διὸ θαρσήσαντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἐκ τῆς 

1 "ApxéAoxos Wagner (comparing Homer, 7.. ii. 823): 
ἀρχέλαος S. 

2 "Ayrqvopos Kerameus (cOmpare Homer, 70. ij. 822 sq): 
Airhvopos ὃ. 

P 3 Τροιζήνου Wagner (comparing Homer, Jl. ii. 847): Τροι- 
nVOS ὃ. 

4 Πυραίχμης Kerameus (compare Homer, Jl. ii. 848): 
πυραιχάγης 8. 

δ Βιλσάτου S. Wagner conjectures Βισάλτου. 

ὁ "άδραστος Kerameus (compare Homer, Jl. ii. 830): 
ἄδρας ὃ. 

7 Μέροπος Kerameus (compare Homer, JI. ii. 831): Μερό- 
wns ὃ. 

8 Ἱππόθοος Πελασγοῦ 8. Compare Homer, Jl. ii. 842 8ᾳ.: 
᾿᾿Ιππόθοός τε Πύλαιός τ᾽, ὄζος “Apnos, || υἷε δύω Λήθοιο Πελασγγῦ 
Τευταμίδαο, which Apollodorus has misunderstood. See the 
exegetical note. 

8. "Evvouos Kerameus (compare Homer, JI ii. 858): ἐννό- 
μιος δ. 

Aeneas, son of Anchises, and with him Archelochus 
and Acamas, sons of Antenor, and Theanus, leaders of 
‘the Dardanians; of the Thracians, Acamas, son of 
Eusorus ; of the Cicones, Euphemus, son of Troezenus ; 
of the Paeonians, Pyraechmes; of the Paphlagonians, 
Pylaemenes, son of Bilsates; from Zelia, Pandarus, 
son of Lycaon ; from Adrastia, Adrastus and Amphius, 
sons of Merops; from Arisbe, Asius, son of Hyrtacus ; 
from Larissa, Hippothous, son of Pelasgus;! from 
Mysia, Chromius? and Ennomus, sons of Arsinous ; 
of the Alizones, Odius and Epistrophus, sons ot 
Mecisteus; of the Phrygians, Phorcys and Ascanius, 
sons of Aretaon; of the Maeonians, Mesthles and 
Antiphus, sons of Talaemenes ; of the Carians, Nastes 
and Amphimachus, sons of Nomion; of the Lycians, 
Sarpedon, son of Zeus, and Glaucus, son of Hippo- 
lochus. 

IV. Achilles did not go forth to the war, because 
he was angry on account of Briseis, the daughter 
of Chryses the priest.2 Therefore the barbarians 

΄ 1 Compare Homer, 71. ii. 842 84., where the poet describes 
Hippothous as the son of the Pelasgian Lethus. Apollodorus, 
misunderstanding the passage, has converted the adjective 
Pelasgian into a noun Pelasgus. 

2 Homer calls him Chronris (12. 11, 858). 

*® Compare Homer, Jl. i. 1 sgg. From this point Apollo- 
dorus follows the incidents of the Trojan war as related by 

omer. 

10 ᾿Αλιζώνων ᾽Οδίος Kerameus (compare Homer, Ji, ii. 856) : 
ἀλιζόνων ὁ δῖος 3. 

11 Ἰπηκιστέως Kerameus: μηκιστεύς S. 

12 Αντιφος Ταλαιμένους, Καρῶν Kerameus (compare Homer, 
Il. 11. 864-867): "Αντυφος Πυλαιμένου, σκάρων ὃ. 

3 "Augluayos Νομίονος Kerameus (compare Homer, J. ii. 
870 8q.): ἀμφίναχος νομίωνος 8. 

14 Γλαῦκος Kerameus: γλαῦχος S. 

πόλεως προῆλθον. καὶ μονομαχεῖ ᾿Αλέξανδρος 
πρὸς Μενέλαον, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ἡττώμενον ἁρπάξει 
᾿Αφροδίτη. Πάνδαρος δὲ τοξεύσας Μενέλαον τοὺς 
ὅρκους ἔλυσεν. 

Ι Ὅτι Διομήδης ἀριστεύων ᾿Αφροδίτην Αἰνείᾳ 
βοηθοῦσαν τιτρώσκει, καὶ Ἰ'λαύκῳ συστάς, ὗπο- 
μνησθεὶς πατρῴας φιλίας, ἀλάσσει τὰ ὅπλα. 
προκαλουμένου δὲ “Extopos τὸν ἄριστον εἰς μονο- 
μαχίαν, πολλῶν ἐλθόντων 3 Αἴας κληρωσάμενος 
ἀριστεύει"3 νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιγενομένης κήρυκες δια- 
λύουσιν αὐτούς. 

| Οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες πρὸς τοῦ ναυστάθμου τεῖχος 
ποιοῦνται καὶ τάφρον, καὶ γενομένης μάχης ἐν 
τῷ πεδίῳ οἱ Τρῶες τοὺς “EAAnvas εἰς τὸ τεῖχος 
διώκουσιν' οἱ δὲ πέμπουσι πρὸς ᾿Αχιλλέα πρέσ- 
βεις ᾽Οδυσσέα καὶ Φοίνικα καὶ Αἴαντα, συμμαχεῖν 
ἀξιοῦντες καὶ Βρισηίδα καὶ ἄλλα δῶρα ὑπισχνού- 
μενοι. νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιγενομένης κατασκόπους πέμ- 
πουσιν Ὀδυσσέα καὶ Διομήδην: οἱ δὲ ἀναιροῦσι 
Δόλωνα τὸν Εὐμήλου: καὶ Ῥῆσον τὸν Θρᾷκα (ὃς 
πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας παραγενόμενος Τρωσὶ σύμμαχος 
οὐ συμβαλὼν ἀπωτέρω“ τῆς Τρωικῆς δυνάμεως 
χωρὶς “Εκτορος ἐστρατοπέδευσε) τούς τε περὶ 
αὐτὸν δώδεκα κοιμωμένους κτείνουσε καὶ τοὺς 

1 προκαλουμένου δὲ Εἰ : προκαλουμένου 8. 

2 ἐλθόντων. We should perhaps read θελόντων. 

8 ἀριστεύει Frazer (compare a few lines above Διομήδη: 
ἀριστεύων, and τὸν ἄριστον ; below, iv. 7, Αἴας ἀριστεύσας, ν. 12, 
τοῦτον ἀριστεύσαντα) : πυκτεύει ES, Wagner: πρωτεύει Her- 

werden (Mnemosyne, N.S. xx. (1892), p. 199). 
4 ἀπωτέρω Kerameus: ἀποτέρω S. 

1 Compare Homer, II. iii. 15-382. 
2 Compare Homer, Jl. iv. 85 egg. 

took heart of grace and sallied out of the city. And 
Alexander fought a single combat with Menelaus; 
and when Alexander got the worst of it, Aphrodite 
carried him off.! And Pandarus, by shooting an arrow 
at Menelaus, broke the truce.? 

Diomedes, doing doughty deeds, wounded Aphro- 
dite when she came to the help of Aeneas ;* and 
encountering Glaucus, he recalled the friendship 
of their fathers and exchanged arms.* And Hector 
having challenged the bravest to single combat, many 
came forward, but the lot fell on Ajax, and he did 
doughty deeds; but night coming on, the heralds 
parted them.°® 

The Greeks made a wall and a ditch to protect the 
roadstead,® and a battle taking place in the plain, 
the Trojans chased the Greeks within the wall.” But 
the Greeks sent Ulysses, Phoenix, and Ajax as am- 
bassadors to Achilles, begging him to fight for them, 
and promising Briseis and other gifts.§ And night ᾿ 
coming on, they sent Ulysses and Diomedes as spies ; 
and these killed Dolon, son of Eumelus, and Rhesus, 
the Thracian (who had arrived the day before as an 
ally of the Trojans, and having not yet engaged in 
the battle was encamped at some distance from the 
Trojan force and apart from Hector); they also slew 
the twelve men that were sleeping around him, and. 

3 Compare Homer, 1]. v. 1-417. 

4 Compare Homer, 11. vi. 119-236. 

δ Compare Homer, 11. vii. 66-312. 

6 Compare Homer, 7]. vii. 436-441. 

7 Compare Homer, 11. viii. 53-565. 

8 The embassy of Ulysses, Phoenix, and Ajax to Achilles 
is the subject of the ninth book of the Jiiad. Libanius com- 
posed an imaginary reply to the speech of Ulysses (Declam. 
v., vol. v. pp. 303-360, ed. R. Foerster). 

~J 

ἵππους ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἄγουσι. μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ 
ἰσχυρᾶς μάχης γενομένης, τρωθέντων ᾿Αγαμέμ- 
vovos καὶ Διομήδους Οδυσσέως Εὐρυπύλου Μαχά- 
ovos καὶ τροπῆς τῶν “Ελλήνων γενομένης, “Εκτωρ 
ῥήξας τὸ τεῖχος εἰσέρχεται καὶ ἀναχωρήσαντος 
Αἴαντος πῦρ ἐμβάλλει ταῖς ναυσίν. 

‘Os δὲ εἶδεν ᾿Αχιλλεὺς τὴν Πρωτεσιλάου ναῦν 
καιομένην, ἐκπέμπει Πάτροκλον καθοπλίσας τοῖς 
ἰδίοις ὅπλοις μετὰ τῶν Μυρμιδόνων, δοὺς αὐτῷ 
τοὺς ἵππους. ἰδόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ Τρῶες καὶ 
νομίσαντες ᾿Αχιλλέα εἶναι εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται. 
καταδιώξας δὲ αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ τεῖχος πολλοὺς 
ἀναιρεῖ, ἐν οἷς καὶ Σαρπηδόνα τὸν Διός, καὶ ὑφ᾽ 
“Ἕκτορος ἀναιρεῖται, τρωθεὶς πρότερον ὑπὸ Εὐφόρ- 
βου. μάχης δὲ ἰσχυρᾶς γενομένης περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ, 
μόλις Alas ἀριστεύσας σώζει τὸ σῶμα. ᾿Αχιλ- 
λεὺς δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀποθέμενος καὶ τὴν Βρισηίδα 
κομίζεται. καὶ πανοπλίας αὐτῷ κομισθείσης παρὰ 
Ἡφαίστου, καθοπλισάμενος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξ- 
έρχεται, καὶ συνδιώκει τοὺς Τρῶας ἐπὶ τὸν Σκά- 
μανδρον, κἀκεῖ πολλοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἀναιρεῖ, κτείνει 
δὲ καὶ ᾿Αστεροπαῖον τὸν Πηλεγόνος ῖ τοῦ ᾿Αξιοῦ 
ποταμοῦ: καὶ αὐτῷ λάβρος o ποταμὸς ἐφορμᾷ. 
καὶ τούτου μὲν ὁ “Ἥφαιστος τὰ ῥεῖθρα ἀναξηραίνει 
πολλῇ φλογὶ διώξας, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς “Ἕκτορα ἐκ 

1 Πηλεγόνος Kerameus: τηλεγόνου S. 

1 These events are narrated inthe tenth book of the Iléad. 
They form the subject of Euripides’s tragedy Rhesus, the only 
extant Greek drama of which the plot is derived from the 
action of the Iliad. 

2 These events are told in the eleventh book of the Iliad, 

3 Compare Homer, 17. xii. 436 sqq. 

drove the horses to the ships.!_ But by day a fierce 
fight took place ; Agamemnon and Diomedes, Ulysses, 
Eurypylus, and Machaon were wounded, the Greeks 
were put to flight,2, Hector made a breach in the 
wall and entered® and, Ajax having retreated, he 
set fire to the ships.‘ | 

But when Achilles saw the ship of Protesilaus burn- 
ing, he sent out Patroclus with the Myrmidons, after 
arming him with his own arms and giving him the 
horses. Seeing him the Trojans thought that he was 
Achilles and turned to flee. And having chased them 
within the wall, he killed many, amongst them 
Sarpedon, son of Zeus, and was himself killed by 
Hector, after being first wounded by Euphorbus.° 
And a fierce fight taking place for the corpse, Ajax 
with difficulty, by performing feats of valour, rescued 
the body. Aid Achilles laid aside his anger and 
recovered Briseis. And a suit of armour having been 
brought him from Hephaestus, he donned the armour ’ 
and went forth to the war, and chased the Trojans in a 
crowd to the Scamander, and there killed many, and 
amongst them Asteropdeus, son of Pelegon, son of 
the river Axius; and the river rushed at him in fury. 
But Hephaestus dried up the streams of the river, 
after chasing them with a mighty flame.® And Achilles 

ὁ Compare Homer, Jl. xv. 716 σα. 

δ These events are narrated in the sixteenth book of the 
Iliad. 

8 These events are the subject of the seventeenth book of 
the Iliad. 

7 These events are narrated in the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth books of the Iliad. 

8 These events are related in the twentieth and twenty-first | 
books of the Iiiad. As to the slaying of Asteropaeus by 
Achilles, see I?. xxi. 1389-204. As to the combat of Achilles 
‘with the river Scamander, and the drying up of the streams 

. VOL, II. P 

μονομαχίας ἀναιρεῖ καὶ ἐξάψας αὐτοῦ τὰ σφυρὰ 
ἐκ τοῦ ἅρματος σύρων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς παραγίνεται. 
καὶ θάψας Πάτροκλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ἀγῶνα τίθησιν, 
ἐν ᾧ νικᾷ ἵπποις Διομήδης, ᾿Επειὸς πυγμῇ, Αἴας 
καὶ Ὀδυσσεὺς πάλῃ. μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἀγῶνα παρα- 
γενόμενος Πρίαμος πρὸς ᾿Αχιλλέα λυτροῦται τὸ 
“Extopos σῶμα καὶ θάπτει. 

Υ. [Ὅτι Πενθεσίλεια, ᾿Ετρηρῆς καὶ “Apeos, 
ἀκουσίως ἹἽππολύτην κτείνασα καὶ ὑπὸ Πριάμον 
καθαρθεῖσα, μάχης γενομένης πολλοὺς κτείνει, 
ἐν οἷς καὶ Μαχάονα' εἶθ᾽ ὕστερον θνήσκει ὑπὸ 
᾿Αχιλλέως, ὅστις μετὰ θάνατον ἐρασθεὶς τῆς 
᾿Αμαζόνος κτείνει Θερσίτην λοιδοροῦντα αὐτόν. 

1 This and the following paragraph are fron E. The 
death of Penthesilia seems also to have been told in S, but 
the passage is incomplete. It runs thus: καὶ μάχης yevo- 
μένης πολλοὺς κτείνει, θνήσκει δ᾽ ὃ rpillhs ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλλέως, where 
for the corrupt δ᾽ ὁ τριϊὴς we should perhaps, following E, 
read δὲ ὕστερον. Biicheler thought that in ὁ τριϊὴς there 
lurks ’Orpfpn, the name of Penthesilia’s mother. Perhaps 
the whole passage in S originally ran thus: καὶ μάχης yevo- 
μένης «-Πενθεσίλεια, ᾿Οτρηρῆς καὶ “Apeos,> πολλοὺς κτείνει, 
θνήσκει 8 ὕστερον ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλλέως, ‘‘and a battle taking place, 
Penthesilia, daughter of Otrere and Ares, slays many and is 
afterwards slain by Achilles.” Wagner prints in the text 
θνήσκει δ᾽ ’Orpnpijs ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλλέως, apparently taking ’Orpnpis 
for the name of & man. 

of the river by the fire-god Hephaestus, see I. xxi. 211-382. 
The whole passage affords a striking example of the way in 
which the Greeks conceived rivers as personal beings, en- 
dowed with human shape, human voice, and human passions. - 
Incidentally (wv. 130-132) we hear of sacrifices of bulls and 
horses to a river, the horses being thrown alive into the 
stream. 

1 The combat of Achilles with Hector, and the death of 
Hector, form the subject of the twenty-second book of the 

liad. 

slew Hector in single combat, and fastening his ankles 
to his chariot dragged him to the ships.1_ And having 
buried Patroclus, he celebrated games in his honour, 
at which Diomedes was victorious in the chariot race, 
Epeus in boxing, and Ajax and Ulysses in wrestling.* 
And after the games Priam came to Achilles and 
ransomed the body of Hector, and buried it.’ 

NV. Penthesilia, daughter of Otrere and” Ares, 
accidentally killed Hippolyte and was purified by 
Priam. In battle she slew many, and amongst them 
Machaon, and was afterwards herself killed by 
Achilles; who fell in love with the Amazon after her 
death and slew Thersites for jeering at him.‘ 

3 The burial of Patroclus and the funeral games celebrated 
in his honour, are described in the twenty-third book of the 

lead. 

> These events are narrated in the twenty-fourth book of 
the Iliad. 

4 These events were narrated in the Aethiopis of Arctinus, 
as we learn from the summary of that poem drawh up by 
Proclus. See Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. 
Kinkel, p. 33. Compare Diodorus Siculus, ii. 46. 5; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, i. 18 sqq.,-227 sqq., 538 sqq.; J. 
Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 6 sqq., 100 sqq., 136 sqq.; sd. Schol. 
on Lycophron, 999 ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, iv. 
2 sg. Quintus Smyrnaeus explains more fully than Apollo- 
dorus the reason why Penthesilia came to Troy (Postho- 
merica, i. 18 sqq.). Aiming at a deer in the chase, she had 
accidentally killed her sister Hippolyte with her spear, and, 
haunted by the Furies of the slain woman, she came to Troy 
to be purified from her guilt. The same story is told more 
briefly by Diodorus Siculus. According to Tzetzes (Schol. 
on Lycophron, 999), Thersites excited the wrath of Achilles, 
not only by his foul accusations, but by gouging out the eyes 
of the beautiful Amazon. In the Aethiopis it was related 
how, after killing the base churl, Achilles sailed to Lesbos 
and was there purified from the guilt of murder by Ulysses, 
but not until he had offered sacrifice to Apollo, Artemis, and 
Latona, See Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 

211. 
Ρ 2 

2 “Hy δὲ Ἱππολύτη ἡ τοῦ ‘Immodvrouv μήτηρ, ἡ 
καὶ Γλαύκη καὶ Μελανίππη. αὕτη γάρ, ἐπιτε- 
λουμένων τῶν γάμων Φαίδρας, ἐπιστᾶσα σὺν 
ὅπλοις ἅμα ταῖς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς ᾿Αμαζόσιν ἔλεγε 
κτείνειν τοὺς συνανακειμένους Θησεῖ. μάχης οὖν 
γενομένης ἀπέθανεν, εἴτε ὑπὸ τῆς συμμάχου Πεν- 
θεσιλείας ἀκούσης, εἴτε ὑπὸ Θησέως, εἴτε ὅτι οἱ 
περὶ Θησέα, τὴν τῶν ᾿Αμαζόνων ἑωρακότες ἐπι- 
στασίαν, κλείσαντες διὰ τάχους τὰς θύρας καὶ 
ταύτην ἀπολαβόντες ἐντὸς ἀπέκτειναν. 

8 |“Ore Μέμνονα 3 τὸν Τιθωνοῦ καὶ ᾿Ηοῦς μετὰ 
πολλῆς Αἰθιόπων δυνάμεως παραγενόμενον ἐν 
Τροίᾳ καθ᾽ “Ελλήνων καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν Ελλήνων 
κτείναντα καὶ ᾿Αντίλοχον κτείνει ὁ ᾿Αχιλλεύς. 
διώξας δὲ καὶ τοὺς Τρῶας πρὸς ταῖς Σκαιαῖς 

1 With what follows compare Hpitome, i. 17, which is 
from 8, while the present passage is from E. 

2 “Ὅτι Μέμνονα. .. κτείνει ὁ ᾿Αχιλλεύς E: Μέμνων δὲ ὃ 
Τιθωνοῦ καὶ ᾿Ηοῦς πολλὴν Αἰθιόπων δύναμιν ἀθροίσας wapaylvera 
καὶ τῶν "Ἑλλήνων οὐκ ὀλίγους ἀναιρεῖ, κτείνει καὶ ᾿Αντίλοχον καὶ 
αὐτὸς θνήσκει ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλλέως 3. 8 δὲ καὶ τοὺς E: δὲ τοὺς S. 

Ρ' 33 The mother of Penthesilia is named Otrere (Otrera) 
y Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 997) and Hyginus (fab. 
112), in agreement with Apollodorus. Machaon is usually 
said to have been killed by Eurypylus, and not, as Apollo- 
dorus says, by Penthesilia. See Pausanias, iii. 26.9; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 390 sqqg.; J. Tzetzes, Postho- 
merica, 520 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 113. From Pausanias (i.c.) 
we learn that Eurypylus, not Penthesilia, was represented 
as the slayer in the Little Iliad of Lesches. 

1 See above, Epitome, i.17. The two passages are prac- 
tically duplicates of each other. The former occurs in the 
Sabbaitic, the latter in the Vatican Hpitome of Apollodorus. 
The author of the one compendium preferred to relate the 
incident in the history of Theseus, the other in the histor 
of Troy. 

Hippolyte was the mother of Hippolytus; she also 
goes by the names of Glauce and Melanippe. For 
when the marriage of Phaedra was being celebrated, 
Hippolyte appeared in arms with her Amazons, and 
said that she would slay the guests of Theseus. So 
a battle took place, and she was killed, whether in- 
voluntarily by her ally Penthesilia, or by Theseus, or 
because his men, seeing the threatening attitude of 
the Amazons, hastily closed the doors and so 
intercepted and slew her.! 

Memnon, the son of Tithonus and the Dawn, 
came with a great force of Ethiopians to Troy 
against the Greeks, and having slain many of the 
Greeks, including Antilochus, he was himself slain b 
Achilles? Having chased the Trojans also, Achilles 

2 These events were narrated in the Acthiopts of Arctinus, 
as we learn from the summary of Proclus. See Hpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 33. Compare 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, ii. 100 sqq., 235 sqq., 
452 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 234 sqq.; Dictys Cre- 
tensis, Bellum Trojanum, iv. 6. The fight between Memnon 
and Achilles was represented on the throne of Apollo at 
Amyclae, and on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia (Pausanias, 
iii. 18. 12, v. 19.1). It was also the subject of a group of 
statuary, which was set up beside the Hippodamium at 
Olympia (Pausanias, v. 22. 2). Some fragments of the pedestal 
which supported the group have been discovered: one of 
them bears the name MEMNON inscribed in archaic letters. 
See Die Inschriften von Olympia, No. 662 ; and my commen- 
tary on Pausanias, vol. iii. pp. 629 8g. Aeschylus wrote a 
tragedy on the subject called Psychostasia, in which he 
described Zeus weighing the souls of the rival heroes in scales, 
See Plutarch, De audiendis poetis, 2; Scholiast on Homer, 
11. viii. 70; Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. 
Nauck?, pp. 88 sg. A play of Sophocles, called The Ethiopians, 
probably ἃ alt with the same theme. See The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 22 δηᾳβ. The 
slaying of Antilochus by Memnon is mentioned by Homer 
(Od. iv. 187 aq.). 

πύλαις tokeverat ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ ᾿Απόλ.- 

4 λωνος εἰς τὸ σφυρόν. γενομένης δὲ μάχης περὶ 
τοῦ vexpov,? Αἴας Γλαῦκον ἀναιρεῖ, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα 
δίδωσιν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς κομίξειν, τὸ δὲ σῶμα βαστά- 
σας Αἴας βαλλόμενος βέλεσι μέσον τῶν πολεμίων 
διήνεγκεν, ᾿Ουσσέως πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιφερομένους 

S 5 μαχομένου. | ᾿Αχιλλέως δὲ ἀποθανόντος συμφορᾶς 

1 χοξεύεται Εἰ : ἐτοξεύθη ὃ. 
2 μάχης περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ Εἰ : περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ μάχης ὃ. 

1 The death of Achilles was similarly related in the Aethi- 
opis of Arctinus. See Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 33 sg. Compare Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, iii. 26-387; Hyginus, Fab. 107. 
All these writers agree with Apollodorus in saying that the 
fatal wound was inflicted on the heel of Achilles. The story 
ran that at his birth his mother Thetis made Achilles in- 
vulnerable by dipping him in the water of Styx; but his 
heel, by which she held him, was not wetted by the water 
and so remained vulnerable. See Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 
vi. 57; Lactantius Placidus, on Statius, Achill. i. 184; id. 
Narrat. fabul. xii. 6; Fulgentius, Mytholog. iii. ἡ. Tradition 
varied as to the agent of Achilles’s death. Some writers, like 
Arctinus and Apollodorus, say that the hero was killed by 
Apollo and Paris jointly. Thus in Homer (Jl. xxii. 359 sq.) 
the dying Hector prophesies that Achilles will be slain by 
Paris and Apollo at the Scaean gate ; and the:same prophecy 
is put by Homer more darkly into the mouth of the talking 
horse Xanthus, who, like Balaain’s ass, warns his master of 
the danger that besets his path (Il. xix. 404 sqqg.). Accordin 
to Virgil and Ovid, it was the hand of Paris that discharge 
the fatal arrow, but the hand of Apollo that directed it to 
the mark. See Virgil, Aen. vi. 56-58; Ovid, Metamorph. 
xii. 597-609. According to Hyginus, it was Apollo in the 
guise of Paris who transfixed the mortal heel of Achilles with 
an arrow (Fab. 107). But in one passage (Il. xxi. 277 aq.) 
Homer speaks of the death of Achilles as wrought by the 
shafts of Apollo alone; and this version was followed by 

"14 

was shot with an arrow in the ankle by Alexander 
and Apollo at the Scaean gate. A fight taking place 
for the corpse, Ajax killed Glaucus, and gave the arms 
to be conveyed to the ships, but the body he carried, 
in a shower of darts, through the midst of the enemy, 
while Ulysses fought his assailants! The death 

Quintus Smyrnaeus (iii. 60 egg.) and apparently by Aeschylus, 
Sophocles and Horace. See Plato, Republic, ii. 21, p. 383 4 8; 
Sophocles, Philoctetes, 334 sq.; Horace, Odes, iv. 6. 1 sqq. 
Other writers, on the contrary, speak of Paris alone as the 
slayer of Achilles. See Euripides, Andromache, 655; td. 
Hecuba, 387 sq.; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. ix. 13. 23 τα. 
Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, 4. <A very different 
version of the story connected the death of Achilles with a 
romantic passion he had conceived for Polyxena, daughter of 
Priam. It is said that Priam offered her hand in marriage 
to Achilles on condition that the siege of Troy was raised. 
In the negotiations which were carried on for this purpose 
_ Achilles went alone and unarmed to the temple of Thym- 
braean Apollo and .was there treacherously assassinated, 
Deiphobus clasping him to his breast in a pretended embrace 
of friendship while Paris stabbed him with a sword. See 
J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 385-423; Philostratus, Herozca, 
xx. 16 sg.; Hyginus, Fab. 110; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum 
Trojanum, iv. 10 δᾳ. ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 57 ; Lactan- 
tius Placidus, on Statius, Achill. i. 1384; Dares Phrygius, 
De excidio Trojae, 34; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 13, 143 (First Vatican Mytho- 
grapher, 36 ; Second Vatican Mythographer, 205). Of these 
writers, the Second Vatican Mythographer tells us that 
Achilles first saw Polyxena, Hector’s sister, when she stood 
on a tower in the act of throwing down bracelets and ear- 
rings with which to ransom Hector’s body, and that when 
Achilles came to the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo to 
ratify the treaty of marriage and peace, Paris lurked behind 
the image of the god and shot the confiding hero with an 
arrow. This seems to be the account of the death which _ 
Servius and Lactantius Placidus (12.66.} followed in their briefer i 
narrative. Compare Nonnus, in Westermann’s Mythography ~~ 
. Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, p. 382, No. 62. 

ES 

ES 6 

9 [4 , 4 ΄ A > \ 

ἐπληρώθη τὸ στράτευμα. θάπτουσι δὲ αὐτὸν 1 
[ἐν ΔΛευκῇ νήσῳ] μετὰ Πατρόκλου, τὰ ἑκατέρων 
ὀστᾶ συμμίξαντες. λέγεται δὲ μετὰ θάνατον 
᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἐν Μακάρων νήσοις Μηδείᾳ συνοικεῖν." 
| τιθέασι δὲ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ ἀγῶνα, ἐν ᾧ νικᾷ Εὔμηλος 
ἵπποις, Διομήδης σταδίῳ, Αἴας δίσκῳ, Τεῦκρος 
τόξῳ. | ἡ δὲ πανοπλία αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀρίστῳ νικητή- 

1 θάπτουσι δὲ αὐτὸν 3: Ὅτι θάπτουσι τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα E. 

2 ἐν Λευκῇ νήσῳ. .. συμμίξαντες Εἰ : τοῖς Πατρόκλου μίξαντες 
ὀστοῖς ἐν Λευκῇ νήσῳ ὃ. ὅ λέγεται δὲ Εἰ : καὶ λέγεται S. 

4 ᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἐν Μακάρων νήσοις Μηδείᾳ συνοικεῖν E: ἐν 
Μακάρων νήσοις αὐτῷ Μήδειαν συνοικεῖν ὃ. . 

1 According to Arctinus in the Aethiopis, when the body 
of Achilles was lying in state, his mother Thetis came with 
the Muses and her sisters and mourned over her dead son ; 
then she snatched it away from the pyre and conveyed it to 
the White Isle; but the Greeks raised a sepulchral mound 
and held games in honour of the departed hero. See Proclus, 
in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 34. 
Compare Homer, Od. xxiv. 43-92; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Pos rica, iii. 525-787 (the laying-out of the body, the 
lamentation of Thetis, the Nereids, and the Muses, and the 
burning of the corpse); J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 431-467 ; 
Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, iv. 13 and 15. Homer 
tells how the bones of Achilles, after his body had been 
burnt on the pyre, were laid with the bones of his friend 
Patroclus in a golden urn, made by Hephaestus, which 
Thetis had received from Dionysus. The urn was buried 
at the headland of Sigeum, according to Tzetzes and Dictys 
Cretensis. In Quintus Smyrnaeus (iii. 766-780) we read 
how Poseidon comforted Thetis by assuring her that Achilles, 
her sorrow, was not dead, for he himself would bestow on 
the departed hero an island in the Euxine Sea where he 
should be a god for evermore, worshipped with sacrifices 
By the neighbouring tribes. The promised land was the 

hite Isle mentioned by Apollodorus. It is described as a 
wooded island off the mouth of the Danube. In it there was 
a temple of Achilles with an image of him; and there the 
hero was said to dwell immortal with Helen for his wife and 

of Achilles filled the army with dismay, and they 
buried him with Patroclus in the White Isle, mixing 
the bones of the two together.!, It is said that after 
death Achilles consorts with Medea in the Isles of 
the Blest.2, And they held games in his honour, at 
which Eumelus won the chariot-race, Diomedes the 
foot-race, Ajax the quoit-match, and Teucer the 
competition in archery.® Also his arms were offered 

his friends Patroclus and Antilochus for his companions. 
There he chanted the verses of Homer, and mariners who 
sailed near the island could hear the song wafted clearly across 
the water ; while such as put in to the shore or anchored off 
the coast, heard the tranipling of horses, the shouts of warriors, 
and the clash of arms. See Pausanias, iii. 19. 11-13; Philo- 
stratus, Heroica, xx. 32-40. As the mortal remains of Achilles 
were buried in the Troad, and only his immortal spirit was 
said to dwell in the White Isle, the statement of Apollodorus 
that the Greeks interred him in the White Isle must be 
regarded as erroneous, whether the error is due to Apollodorus 
himself, or, as is more probable, either to his abbreviator or to 
a copyist. Perhaps in the original form of his work Apollo- 
dorus followed Arctinus in describing how Thetis snatched the 
body of Achilles from the pyre and transported it to the 
White Isle. 

2 Compare Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 810 sqq.; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 174. ‘According to the Scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. iv. 815), the first to affirm 
that Achilles married Medea in the Elysian Fields was the 
poet Ibycus, and the tale was afterwards repeated by Simon- 
ides. The story is unknown to Homer, who describes the 
shade of Achilles repining at his lot and striding alone in the 
Asphodel Meadow (Od. xi. 471-540). 

3 The funeral games in honour of Achilles are described at 
full length, in the orthodox manner, by Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Posthomerica, iv. 88-595. He agrees with Apollodorus in 
representing Teucer and Ajax as victorious in the contests of 
archery and quoit-throwing respectively (Posthomerica, iv. 
405 sqq., 436 sqq.) ; and he seems to have described Eumelus 
as the winner of the chariot-race (iv. 500 sqq.), but the conclu- 
sion of the race is lost through a gap in the text. 

ES 

ριον τίθεται,' καὶ καταβαίνουσιν εἰς ἅμιλλαν 
Αἴας καὶ Ὀδυσσεύς. | καὶ κρινάντων τῶν Τρώων, 
ὡς δέ τινες τῶν συμμάχων, | Ὀδυσσεὺς προκρί- 
νεται.Σ Αἴας δὲ ὑπὸ λύπης ταραχθεὶς ἐπιβου- 
λεύεται νύκτωρ τῷ στρατεύματι, καὶ αὐτῷ μανίαν 
fe) 3 a 
ἐμβαλοῦσα ᾿Αθηνᾶ eis τὰ βοσκήματα ἐκτρέπει 
ε A . 
ξιφήρη" ὁ δὲ éxpavels σὺν τοῖς νέμουσι τὰ βοσκή- 
ματα ὡς Ἀχαιοὺς φονεύει. ὕστερον δὲ σωφρονήσας 
κτείνει καὶ ἑαυτόν ᾿Αγαμέμνων δὲ κωλύει τὸ 
σῶμα αὐτοῦ καῆναι, καὶ μόνος οὗτος τῶν ἐν ᾿Ιλίῳ 
ἀποθανόντων ἐν σορῷ κεῖται" ὁ δὲ τάφος ἐστὶν 
ἐν Ῥοιτείῳ. 

1 ἡ δὲ πανοπλία αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀρίστῳ νικητήριον τίθεται ΕἸ : τὴν δὲ 
᾿Αχιλλέως πανοπλίαν τίθεισι (sic) τῷ ἀρίστῳ νικητήριον 8. 

3 ᾽Οδυσσεὺς προκρίνεται. .. ὧς ᾿Αχαιοὺς φονεύει S: προκρι- 
θέντος δὲ ᾽Οδυσσέως Αἴας ὑπὸ λύπης ταράττεται καὶ νύκτωρ ἐπι- 
βουλεύεται τῷ στρατεύματι: καὶ ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηνᾶς μανεὶς εἰς τὰ βοσκή- 
ματα ξιφήρης ἐκτρέπεται καὶ ταῦτα κτείνει σὺν τοῖς νέμουσιν ὡς 
᾿Αχαίους EK. 

8 ὕστερον δὲ σωφρονήσας κτείνει καὶ ἑαυτόν E: καὶ σωφρο- 
vhoas ὕστερον ἑαυτὸν κτείνει S. . 

1 These events were narrated in the Little Iliad οὗ Lesches. 

See Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. 
Kinkel, p. 36; compare Aristotle, Poetics, 23, p. 1459 Ὁ 4 sq. 
The contest between Ajax and Ulysses for the arms of 
Achilles was also related in the Aethiopis of Arctinus. See 
Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 34. It 
was known to Homer (Od. xi. 542 sqq.), who tells us that the 
Trojans and Pallas Athena acted as judges and awarded the 
arms to Ulysses. A Scholiast on this passage of Homer (v. 
547) informs us that Agamemnon, unwilling to undertake the 
invidious duty of deciding between the two competitors, 
referred the dispute to the decision of the Trojan prisoners, 
inquiring of them which of the two heroes had done most harm 
to the Trojans. The prisoners decided that Ulysses was the _ 
man, and the arms were therefore awarded to him. According 
ἐλ another account, which was adopted by the author of the 

aay 

as a prize to the bravest, and Ajax and Ulysses came 
forward as competitors. The judges were the Trojans 
or, according to some, the allies, and Ulysses was 
preferred. Disordered by chagrin, Ajax planned 
a nocturnal attack on the army. And Athena 
drove him mad, and turned him, sword in hand, 
among the cattle, and in his frenzy he slaughtered 
the cattle with the herdsmen, taking them for the 
Achaeans. But afterwards he came to his senses 
and slew also himself.1 And Agamemnon forbade 
his body to be burnt; and he alone of all who 
fell at Ilium is buried in a coffin? His grave is at 
Rhoeteum. 

Little Iliad, the Greeks on the advice of Nestor sent spies to 
the walls of Troy to overhear the Trojans discussing the 
respective merits of the two champions. They heard two 
girls debating the question, and thinking that she who gave 
_ the preference to Ulysses reasoned the better, they decided 
accordingly. See Scholiast on Aristophanes, Knights, 1056. 
According to Pindar (Nem. viii. 26 (45) sq.), it was the Greeks 
who by secret votes decided in favour of Ulysses. The subject 
was treated by Aeschylus in a lost play called The Decision 
of the Arms. See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed, A. 
Nauck?, pp. 57 sg. The madness and suicide of Ajax, conse- 
quent on his disappointment at not being awarded the arms, 
are the theme of Sophocles’s extant tragedy Ajax. As to the 
contest for the arms, see farther Quintus Smyrnaeus, Post- 
homerica, v. 121 sqq.; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 481 sqq. ; 
Zenobius, Cent. i. 43; Hyginus, Fab. 107; Ovid, Metamorph. 
xii. 620-628, xiii. 1-398. Quintus Smyrnaeus and Tzetzes 
agree in representing the Trojan captives as the judges in the 
dispute, while Ovid speaks of the Greek chiefs sitting in 
judgment and deciding in favour of Ulysses. According to 
Zenobius (/.c.), Ajax in bis frenzy scourged two rams, believing 
that he was scourging Agamemnon and Menelaus. This 
account is based on the description of the frenzy of Ajax in 
Sophocles (Ajax, 97-110, 237-244). 

* Similarly the author of the Little Iliad said that the body 
of Ajax was not burned, but placed in a coffin ‘‘on account of 

E 8 
ES 

ἮΝ Μ fo) sf a 9 a 
| Ἤδη δὲ ὄντος τοῦ πολέμου δεκαετοῦς ἀθυμοῦσι 
τοῖς "Ελλησι Κάλχας θεσπίζει, οὐκὶ ἄλλως ἁλῶ- 
ὃ ’ θ ἐν 4 A \9 v¢ H ,ὔ ” 3 
vat ovvacVat | potay, ἂν μη" τὰ Πρακλέους ἔχωσι 

1 οὐκ ὃ: μὴ Ε΄. 2 ἂν μὴ: ἢ E. 
8. ἔχωσι ὃ: ἔχουσι E. 

the wrath of the king.” See Eustathius on Homer, 1]. ii. 557, 
p. 285. Philostratus tells us that the body was laid in the 
earth by direction of the seer Calchas, ‘‘ because suicides may | 
not lawfully receive the burial by fire” (Heroica, xiii. 7). 
This was probably the true reason for the tradition that the 
cOrpse was not cremated in the usual way. For the ghosts of 
suicides appear to be commonly dreaded ; hence unusual 
modes of disposing of their bodies are adopted in order to 
render their spirits powerless for mischief. For example, the 
Baganda of Central Africa, who commonly bury their dead in 
the earth, burn the bodies of suicides on waste land or at 
cross-roads in order to destroy the ghosts; for they believe 
that if the ghost of a suicide is not thus destroyed, it will 
tempt other people to imitate its example. As an additional 
precaution everyone who passed the place where the body of 
a suicide had been burnt threw some grass or a few sticks on 
the spot, ‘‘so as to prevent the ghost from catching him, in 
case it had not been destroyed.” For the same reason, if a 
man took his life by hanging himself on a tree, the tree was 
torn up by the roots and burned with the body; if he had 
killed himself in a house, the house was pulled down and. 
the materials consumed with fire ; for ‘‘people feared to live 
in a house in which a suicide had taken place, lest they 

‘too should be tempted to commit the same crime.” See 

J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 20 sqg., 289. 
Similar customs prevailed among the Banyoro, a neighbour- 
ing nation of Central Africa. ‘‘It was said to be necessary 
to destroy a tree upon which a person had hanged himself 
and to burn down a house in which a person had committed 
suicide, otherwise they would be a danger to people in 
general and would influence them to commit suicide.” See J. 

scoe, The Northern Baniu (Cambridge, 1915), pp. 24 aq. 
(where, however, the burning of the body is not expressly men- 
tioned). In like manner the Hos of Togoland, in West Africa, 

When the war had already lasted ten years, and the 
Greeks were despondent, Calchas prophesied to them 
that Troy could not be taken unless they had the bow 

are much afraid of the ghost of a suicide. They believe that the 
ghost of a man who has hanged himself will torment the first 
person who sees the body. Hence when the relations of such 
. &man approach the corpse they protect themselves against the 
ghost by wearing magical cords and smearing their faces with 
a magical powder. The tree on which a man hanged himself 
is cut down, and the branch on which he tied the fatal noose 
is lopped off. To this branch the corpse is then tied and 
dragged ruthlessly through the woods, over stones and through 
thorny bushes, to the place where ‘‘ men of blood,” that is, all 
who die a violent death, are buried. There they dig a shallow 
grave in great haste and throw the body in. Having done so 
they run home; for they say that the ghosts of ‘‘men of 
blood” fling stones at such as do not retreat fast enough, and 
that he who is struck by one of these stones must die. The 
houses of such men are broken down and burnt. A suicide is 
believed to defile the land and to prevent rain from falling. 
Hence the district where a man has killed himself must be puri- 
fied by « sacrifice offered to the Earth-god. See J. Spieth, 
Die Ewe-Stamme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 272, 274, 276 sg. 
756, 758. As to the special treatment of the bodies of 
suicides, see R. Lasch, ‘‘Die Behandlung der Leiche des 
SelbstmOrders,” Globus, Ixxvi. (Brunswick, 1899, pp. 63-66.) 
In the Ajax of Sophocles the rites of burial are at first 
refused, but afterwards conceded, to the dead body of Ajax ; 
and though these ceremonies are not described, we may 
assume that they included the burning of the corpse on a 
pyre. This variation from what appears to be the usual 
tradition may have been introduced by Sophocles out of 
deference to the religious feelings of the Athenians, who wor- 
shipped Ajax as a hero, and who would have been shocked 
to think of his remains being denied the ordinary funeral 
honours. See Jebb’s Introduction to his edition of the Ajax 
(Cambridge, 1896), pp. xxix. 844. As to the worship of Ajax 
at Athens, see Pausanias, i. 35. 3; Corpus Inscriptionum 

Atticarum, ii. Nos. 467-471; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inacrip- - 

tionum Graecarum’, No. 717, vol. ii. p. 370. From these 
inscriptions we learn that the Athenian youths used to sail 
across every year to Salamis and there sacrifice to Ajax. 

ee .. 

Ν 

‘above, note on Hpitome, iii. 27) Euripides and 

ἮῊ. 

τόξα συμμαχοῦντα.: τοῦτο ἀκούσας Ὀδυσσεὺς 
μετὰ Διομήδους εἰς Λῆμνον ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς Φιλο- 
κτήτην, καὶ δόλῳ ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος τῶν τόξων 
πείθει πλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ Τροίαν. ὁ δὲ παραγενό- 
μενος καὶ θεραπευθεὶς ὑπὸ ἸΠοδαλειρίου ᾿Αλέξ- 
ανδρον τοξεύει. τούτου δὲ ἀποθανόντος εἰς ἔριν 
ἔρχονται" EXevos καὶ Δηίφοβος ὑπὲρ τῶν “Ἑλένης 
γάμων προκριθέντος δὲ τοῦ Δηιφόβου “Ελενος 
ἀπολιπὼν Τροίαν ἐν Ἴδῃ διετέλει. εἰπόντος δὲ 
Κάλχαντος “Ελενον εἰδέναι τοὺς ῥνομένους τὴν 
πόλιν χρησμούς, ἐνεδρεύσας αὐτὸν ᾿Οδυσσεὺς καὶ 

, ? ) 3 Ν 
10 χειρωσάμενος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἤγαγε" καὶ 

ἀναγκαζόμενος ὁ “Ἕλενος λέγει πῶς ἂν αἱρεθείη ἡ 

1 τόξα συμμαχοῦντα E: συμμαχοῦντα τόξα 8. 
3 τοῦτο E: ταῦτα ὃ. 

1 These events are related in precisely the same way, 
though with many poetic embellishments, by Quintus Smyr- 
naeus, Posthomerica, ix. 325-479 (the fetching of Philoctetes 
from Lemnos and the kealing of him by Podalirius), x. 206 gq. 
(Paris wounded to death by the arrows of Philoctetes). The 
story was told somewhat differently by Leaches in the Little 
Iliad. According to him, the prophecy that Troy could not 
be taken without the help of Philoctetes was uttered, not by 
Calchas, but by the Trojan seer Helenus, whom Ulysses had 
captured; Philoctetes was brought from’ Lemnos by Diomedes 
alone, and he was healed, not by Podalirius, but by Machaon. 
The account of Tzetzes (Posthomerica, 571-595) agrees with 
that of Lesches in respect of the prophecy of Helenus and the 
cure by Machaon. Sophocles also followed the Little Iliad in 
putting the prophecy in the mouth of the captured Trojan 
seer Helenus (Philoctetes, 604-613). Compare Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 911. In their plays on the subject (see 

So hocles 
differed as to the envoys whom the Greeks sent to bring the 
wounded Philoctetes from Lemnos to Troy. According to 
Euripides, with whom Apollodorus, Quintus Smyrnaeus, and 

c~ 

o 

and arrows of Hercules fighting on their side. On 
hearing that, Ulysses went with Diomedes to Philo- 
ctetes in Lemnos, and having by craft got possession 
of the bow and arrows he persuaded him to sail to 
Troy. So he went, and after being cured by Poda- 
lirius, he shot Alexander! ‘After the death of 
Alexander, Helenus and Deiphobus quarrelled as to 
which of them should marry Helen ; and as Deipho- 
bus was preferred, Helenus left Troy and abode in 
Ida.2_ But as Chalcas said that Helenus knew the 
oracles that protected the city, Ulysses waylaid and 
captured him and brought him to the camp; and 
Hlelenus was forced to tell how Ilium could be 

Hyginus (Fab. 103) agree, the envoys were Ulysses and 
Diomedes ; according to Sophocles, they were Ulysses and 
Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. See Dio Chrysostom, Or. lii. 
vol. ii. p. 161, ed. L. Dindorf; Jebb’s Introduction to his 
edition of Sophocles, Philoctetes (Cambridge, 1898), pp. xv. 
8qq.; Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, ed. A. Nauck?, pp. 
613 sgqg. However, while Sophocles diverges from what seems 
to have been the usual story by representing Neoptolemus in- 
stead of Diomedes as the companion of Ulysses on this errand, 
he implicitly recognizes the other version by putting it in the 
mouth of the merchant (Philoctetes, 570-597). A painting at 
the entrance to the acropolis of Athens represented Ulysses or 
Diomedes (it is uncertain which) in the act of carrying off the 
bow of Philoctetes. See Pausanias, i. 22. 6, with my com- 
mentary (vol. ii. pp. 263 sg.). The combat between Philoctetes 
and Paris is described by John Malalas, Chronogr. v. pp. 110 
8ᾳ., ed. L. Dindorf. 

“2 Compare Conon, Narrat. 34; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 
ii. 166. The marriage of Deiphobus to Helen after the death 
of Paris was related in the ‘Little Iliad. See Proclus, in 
Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 36. 
Compare J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 600 sq.; id. Schol. on 
Lycophron, 143, 168; Euripides, Troades, 959 sq. ; Scholiast 
on Homer, 11. xxiv. 251, and on Od. iv. 276; Dictys Cretensis, 
Bellum Trojanum, iv. 22. The marriage was seemingly 
known to Homer (Od. iv. 276). 

Ἴλιος, πρῶτον ἢ μὲν εἰ τὰ Πέλοπος ὀστᾶ Kope- 
σθείη παρ᾽ αὐτούς,3 ἔπειτα εἰ Νεοπτόλεμος συμμα- 
χρίη, τρίτον εἰ τὸ διιπετὲς παλλάδιον ἐκκλαπείη' 
τούτου γὰρ ἔνδον ὄντος οὐ δύνασθαι τὴν πόλιν 
ἁλῶναι. 

lL’ Ταῦτα “ ἀκούσαντες “ἕλληνες ὅ τὰ μὲν Πέλοπος 
ὀστᾶ μετακομίζουσιν, ᾿Οδυσσέα δὲ καὶ Φοίνικα 
πρὸς Λυκομήδην πέμπουσιν εἰς Σκῦρον, οἱ δὲ πεί- 
θουσι «αὐ;»τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον ὃ προέσθαι. παρα- 
γενόμενος δὲ οὗτος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ λαβὼν 
παρ᾽ ἑκόντος Ὀδυσσέως τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς πανο- 

1 ἡ Ἴλιος E: τὸ "Ἴλιον 8. 2 πρῶτον 8: καὶ πρῶτον E. 
8. αὐτούς Biicheler: αὐτοῖς Εἰ : αὐταῖς S. 
4 ταῦτα S: τούτων E. 5 Ἕλληνες wanting in S. 

© πείθουσι «αὐ» τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον Wagner (conjecture) : 
πείθουσι τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον S; πείθουσι Νεοπτόλεμον ΕἸ. 

1 As to the capture οὗ Helenus and his prophecy, see, ..« 
Sophocles, Philoctetes, 604 sqq., 1337 sqq.; Conon, Narrat.-. ς΄. 
34; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 571-579 ; td. Chiliades, vi. λ΄ “ 
508-515; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 166; Dictys Cretensis, - 
Bellum Trojanum, ii. 18. The mode of his capture and the ~ , 
substance of his prophecies were variously related. The need 
of fetching the bones of Pelops is mentioned by Tzetzes among 
the predictions of Helenus ; and the necessity of obtaining 
the Palladium is recorded by Conon and Servius. According 
to Pausanias (v. 13. 4), it was a shoulder-blade of Pelops 
that was brought from Pisa to Troy; on the return from 
Troy the bone was lost in a shipwreck, but afterwards | 
recovered by a fisherman. 

2 As to the Palladium, see above, iii. 12. 3. 

* As to the fetching of Neoptolemus from Scyros, see 
Homer, Od. xi. 506 eqq.; the Little Iliad of Lesches, summa- 
rized by Proclus, in Eptcorum Graecorum Fragmenia, ed. 

G. Kinkel, bp. 36 84.; Pindar, Paean, vi. 98 84ᾳ4.. ed. Sandys ; 
Sophocles, Philoctetes, 343-356 ; Philostratus Junior, Imag. 
2; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, vi. 57-113, vii. 169- 
430; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 523-534. Apollodorus agrees 
with Sophocles in saying that the Greek envoys who fetched 

taken,! to wit, first, if the bones of Pelops weré 
brought to them; next, if Neoptolemus fought for 
them; and third, if the Palladium,? which had fallen | 
from heaven, were stolen from Troy, for while it was 
within the walls the city could not be taken. ... 

On hearing these things the Greeks caused the 
bones of Pelops to be fetched, and they sent Ulysses 
and Phoenix to Lycomedes at Scyros, and these two 
persuaded him to let Neoptolemus go. On coming to 
the camp and receiving his father’s arms from Ulysses, 
who willingly resigned them, Neoptolemus slew many 

Neoptolemus from Scyros were Ulysses and Phoenix. Accord- 

ing to Quintus Smyrnaeus, they were Ulysses and Diomedes. 

Ulysses is the only envoy mentioned by Homer, Lesches, and 
Tzetzes ; and Phoenix is the only envoy mentioned by Philo- 

stratus. Pindar speaks vaguely of ‘‘ messengers.” In this pas- 

sage I have adopted Wagner's conjecture πείθουσι «αὐ» τὸν 

Νεοπτόλεμον προέσθαι, ‘* persuaded him to let Neoptolemus go.” 

If this conjecture is not accepted, we seem forced to translate 

the passage ‘‘ persuaded Neoptolemus to venture.” But I can- 

not cite any exact parallel to such a use of the middle of προΐημι. 
When employed absolutely, the verb seems often to convey 
a bad meaning. Thus Demosthenes uses it in the sense of 
‘“‘throwing away a chance,” ‘‘neglecting an opportunity ” 
(Or. xix. De falsa legatione, p. 388, 8ὲ 150, 152, μὴ πρόεσθαι, 

ov προήσεσθαι). Iphicrates employed it with the same signi- 
ficance (quoted by Aristotle, Rhetoric, ii. 23. 6 διότι προεῖτο). - 
Aristotle applied the verb to a man who had ““ thrown away.” 
his health (Nicom. Ethics, iii. 5. 14, τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξῆν αὐτῷ μὴ 
νοσεῖν, προεμένῳ δ᾽ οὐκέτι, Eowep οὐδ᾽ ἀφέντι λίθον ἔτ᾽ αὐτὸν 
δυνατὸν ἀναλαβεῖν). However, elsewhere Aristotle uses the 
word to describe the lavish liberality of generous men (Rhe- 
toric, i. 9. 6, εἶτα ἡ ἐλευθεριότης᾽ προΐενται γὰρ καὶ οὐκ ἀντα- 
γωνίζονται περὶ τῶν χρημάτων, ὧν μάλιστα ἐφίενται ἄλλοι). In 
the present passage οὗ Apolledorus, if Wagner’s emendation 
is not accepted, we might perhaps read -« μὴ: πρόεσθαι and 
translate, ‘‘ persuaded ‘Neoptolemus not to throw away the 
chance.” But it is better to acquiesce in Wagner’s simple 
and probable correction. 

VOL, II. Q 

12 πλίαν πολλοὺς τῶν Τρώων ἀναιρεῖ. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ 
ὕστερον Τρωσὶ σύμμαχος Εὐρύπυλος ὁ Τηλέφου 
πολλὴν Μυσῶν δύναμιν ἄγων" τοῦτον ἀριστεύ- 

Ἰξσαντα Νεοπτόλεμος ἀπέκτεινεν. ᾿Οδυσσεὺς δὲ 
μετὰ Διομήδους παραγενόμενος νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν 
πόλιν Διομήδην μὲν αὐτοῦ μένειν εἴα, αὐτὸς δὲ 
ἑαυτὸν αἰκισάμενος καὶ πενιχρὰν στολὴν ἐνδυ- 
σάμενος ξΣ ἀγνώστως εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται ὡς 
ἐπαίτης" γνωρισθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ ᾿Ελένης δι’ ἐκείνης τὸ 
παλλάδιον ἔκλεψε καὶ πολλοὺς κτείνας τῶν 
φυλασσόντων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς μετὰ Διομήδους 
κομίζει. 

1 ξαυτὸν Εἰ : αὑτὸν 8. . 

2 ἐνδυσάμενος ἀγνώστως eis τὴν πόλιν E: ἐνδὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν 
ἀγνώστως ὃ. Perhaps for ἀγνώστως we should read ἄγνωστος. 

8 ἔκλεψε S: ἐκκλέψας Εἰ. 

1 As to the single combat of Eurypylus and Neoptolemus, 
and the death of Kurypylus, see Homer, Od. xi. 516-521 ; the 
Inttle Iliad of Lesches, summarized by Proclus, in Hpicorum 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37; Quintus Smyr- 
naeus, Posthomerica, viii. 128-220; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 
560-565 ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, iv. 17. Eury- 
pulus was king of Mysia. At first his mother Astyoche 
refused to let him go to the Trojan war, but Priain overcame 
her scruples by the present of a golden vine. See Scholiast 
on Homer, Od. xi. 520. The brief account which Apollodorus 
gives of the death of Eurypylus agrees closely with the equally — 
summary narrative of Proclus. Sophocles composed a tragedy 
on the subject, of which some very mutilated Fragments have 
been discovered in Egypt. See The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vel. i. pp. 146 sgg.; A. 5. Hunt, Tragi- 
> corum Graecorum Fragmenta Papyracea nuper reperta (Ox- 

ford, the Clarendon Press ; no date, no pagination). 
“wr 5. These events were narrated in the Little Iliad of Lesches, 
‘as we learn from the summary of Proclus (Hpicorum Graec- 
orum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37), which runs thus: 
** And Ulysses, having disfigured himself, comes as a spy to 

~ 

of the Trojans. Afterwards, Eurypylus, son of Tele- 
phus, arrived to fight for the Trojans, bringing a great 
force of Mysians. He performed doughty deeds, but 
was slain by Neoptolemus.4. And Ulysses went with 
Diomedes by night to the city, and there he let Dio- 
medes wait, and after disfiguring himself and putting 
on mean attire he entered unknown into the city as 
a beggar. And being recognized by Helen, he with 
her help stole away the Palladium, and after killing 
many of the guards, brought it to the ships with the 
aid of Diomedes.? , 

Troy, and being recognized by Helen he makes a compact 
with her concerning the capture of the city; and having 
slain some of the Trojans he arrives at the ships. And after 
these things he with Diomedes conveys the Palladium out of 
Tlium.” From this it appears that Ulysses made two different 
expeditions to Troy: in one of them he went by himself as a 
spy in mean attire, and being recognized by Helen concerted 
with her measures for betraying Troy to the Greeks; in the 
other he went with Diomedes, and together the two stole the 
Palladium. ‘The former of these expeditions is described by 
Homer in the Odyssey (iv. 242 sqq.), where Helen tells how 
Ulysses disfigured himself with wounds, and disguising him- 
self in mean attire came as a beggar to Troy; how she alone 
detected him, wormed the secrets of the Greeks out of him, 
and having sworn not to betray him till he had returned in 
safety to the ships, let him go free, whereupon on his way 
back he killed many Trojans. Euripides also relates this 
visit of Ulysses to Troy, adding that Helen revealed his 
presence to Hecuba, who spared his life and sent him out of 
the country (Hecuba, 239-250). These two quite distinct 
expeditions of Ulysses have been confused and blended into 
one by Apollodorus. As to the joint expedition of Ulysses 
and Diomedes to Troy, and the stealing of the Palladium, see 
further Conon, Narrat. 34; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Postho- 
merica, x. 350-360; Scholiast on Homer, Ji. vi. 311; J. 
Malalas, Chronogr. v. pp. 109, 111 sg., ed. 1. Dindorf ; Zeno- 
bius, Cent. iii. 8; Apostolius, Cent. vi. 15; Suidas, s.vv. 
Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη and Παλλάδιον ; Hesychius, 8.0. Διομήδειος 

ῳ 2 

Cd \ 3 a / oa \ 
14 Ὕστερον δὲ ἐπινοεῖ δουρείου ἵππου κατασκευὴν 
καὶ ὑποτίθεται ᾿Επειῷ, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιτέκτων: οὗτος 

ἀνάγκη; Eustathius, on Homer, Jl. x. 531, p. 822; Scholiast 
on Plato, Republic, vi. 4938; Virgil, Aen. ii. 162-170; Ser- 
vius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 166; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Tro- 
janum, v. 5 and 8 sq. The narrative of Apollodorus suggests 
that Ulysses had the principal share in the exploit. But 
according to another and seemingly more prevalent tradition 
it was Diomedes who really bore off the image. This emerges 
particularly from Conon’s account. Diomedes, he tells us, 
mounted on the shoulders of Ulysses, and having thus scaled 
the wall, he refused to draw his comrade up after him, and 
went in search of the Palladium. Having secured it, he re- 
turned with it to Ulysses, and together. they retraced their 
steps to the Greek camp. But by the way the crafty Ulysses 
conceived the idea of murdering his companion and makin 

himself master of the fateful image. So he dropped behin 

Diomedes and drew his sword. But the moon shone full ; and 
as he raised his arm to strike, the flash of the blade in the 
moonlight caught the eye of the wary Diomedes. He faced 
round, drew his sword, and, upbraiding the other with his 
cowardice, drove him before him, while he beat the back of 
the recreant with the flat of his sword. This incident gave 
rise to the proverb, ‘‘ Diomedes’s compulsion,” applied to 
such as did what they were forced todo by dire necessity. 
The proverb is similarly explained by the other Greek proverb. 
writers and lexicographers cited above, except that, instead 
of the flash of the sword in the moonlight, they say it was 
the shadow of the sword raised to strike him which attracted 
the attention of Diomedes. The picturesque story appears to 
have been told in the Little Iliad (Hesychius, s.v. Διομήδειος 
ἀνάγκη). According to one account, Diomedes and Ulysses 
made their way into the Trojan citadel through a sewer (Ser- 
vius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 166), indeed a narrow and muddy 
sewer, as Sophocles called it in the play which he composed 
on the subject. See Julius Pollux, ix. 49; The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. p. 36, frag. 367. 
Some affirmed that the Palladium was treacherously surren- 
dered to the Greek heroes by Theano, the priestess of the 
goddess (Scholiast on Homer, 1]. vi. 311; Suidas, 8.0. Παλλά- 

But afterwards he invented the construction of 
the Wooden Horse and suggested it to Epeus, who 
was an architect.1 Epeus felled timber on Ida, 

διον) ; to this step she was said to have been instigated Ὁ 
her husband Antenor (J. Malalas, Chronogr. v. p. 109, ed. 
L. Dindorf ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, v. 5 and 8). 
As to Theano in her capacity of priestess, see Homer, J]. vi. 
297 sqq. 

The theft of the Palladium furnished a not infrequent sub- 
ject to Greek artists ; but the artistic, like the literary, tra- 
dition was not agreed on the question whether the actual 
thief was Diomedes or Ulysses. See my note on Pausanias, 
i. 22. 6 (vol. ii. pp. 264 sq.). 

1 Asto the stratagem of the Wooden Horse, by which Troy 
is said to have been captured, see Homer, Od. iv. 271-289, 
viii. 492-515, xi. 523-532; the Little Iliad of Lesches, 
summarized by Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37; the 1 Persis (‘‘Sack of Troy”) by 
Arctinus, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenia, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Post- 
homerica, xii. 23-83, 104-156, 218-443, 539-585, xiii. 21-59 ; 
Tryphiodorus, Ezcidium Ili, 57-541; J. Tzetzes, Posthom- 
erica, 629-723 ; id. Schol. on Lycophron, 930; Virgil, Aen. 
li. 13-267; Hyginus, Fab. 108; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum 
Trojanum, v. 9 and 11 sg. The story is‘only alluded to by 
Homer, but was no doubt fully told by Lesches and Arctinus, 
though of their narratives we possess only the brief abstracts 
of Proclus. The accounts of later writers, such as Virgil, 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Tryphiodorus, Tzetzes, and Apollodorus 
himself, are probably based on the works of these early cyclic 
poets. The poem of Arctinus, if we may judge by Proclus’s 
abstract, opened with the deliberations of the Trojans about 
the Wooden Horse, and from the similarity of the abstract to 
the text of Apollodorus we may infer that our author followed 
Arctinus generally, though not in all details ; for instance, he 
differed from Arctinus in regard to the affair of Laocoon and 
his sons. See below. 

With the stratagem of the Wooden Horse we may compare 
the stratagem by which, in the war of Independence waged by 
the United Provinces against Spain, Prince Maurice contrived 
to make himself master of Breda. The city was then held by 

ἀπὸ τῆς Ἴδης 1 ξύλα τεμὼν ἵππον κατασκευάζξει 
4 3 A 3 4 > 
κοῖλον ἔνδοθεν εἰς τὰς πλευρὰς ἀνεῳγμένον. εἰς 
τοῦτον Ὀδυσσεὺς εἰσελθεῖν πείθει πεντήκοντα 
\ > 7/ e y € A \ , 2 , 

τοὺς ἀρίστους, ὡς δὲ ὁ τὴν μικρὰν γράψας ᾿Ιλειάδα 
φησί, τρισχιλίους, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς γενομένης 
νυκτὸς ἐμπρήσαντας τὰς σκηνάς, ἀναχθέντας 
περὶ τὴν Τένεδον ναυλοχεῖν καὶ μετὰ τὴν 
15 ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα καταπλεῖν. οἱ δὲ πείθονται καὶ 
τοὺς μὲν ἀρίστους ἐμβιβάζουσιν εἰς τὸν ἵππον, 
ἡγεμόνα καταστήσαντες αὐτῶν ᾽Οδυσσέα, γράμ- 

1 ἀπὸ τῇς "Ἴδης Εἰ : ἐπὶ τῶν ᾿Ἴδης S. 
3 περὶ ὃ : ἐπὶ E. 

a Spanish garrison, which received its supply of fuel by boats. 
The master of one of these boats, Adrian Vandenberg by name, 
noticed that in the absence of the governor there was great 
negligence in conducting the examination to which all boats 
were subjected before they were allowed to enter the town. 
This suggested to Vandenberg a plan for taking the citadel by 
surprise. He communicated his plan to Prince Maurice, who 
readily embraced it. Accordingly the boat was loaded in 
appearance with turf as usual ; but the turf was supported by 
a floor of planks fixed at the distance of several feet from the 
bottom ; and beneath this floor seventy picked soldiers were 

laced under the command of an able officer named Harauguer. 

he boat had but a few miles to sail, yet through unexpected 
accidents several days passed before they could reach Breda. 
The wind veered against them, the melting ice (for it was the 
month of February) retarded their course, and the boat, having 
struck upon a bank, was so much damaged that the soldiers 
were for some time up to their knees in water. Their provi- 
sions were almost spent, and to add to their anxieties one of 
their number was seized with a violent cough, which, if it had 
continued, would inevitably have betrayed them to the enemy. 
The man generously entreated his comrades to kill him, 
offering them his own sword for the purpose; but they as 
generously refused, and happily the soldier’s cough left him 
before they approached the walls. Even the leak in the boat 

997A 

and constructed, the horse with a hollow interior and 
an opening in the sides. Into this horse Ulysses 

ersuaded fifty (or, according to the author of the 
Little Iliad, three thousand) of the doughtiest to 
enter,! while the rest, when night had fallen, were 
to burn their tents, and, putting to sea, to lie to off 
Tenedos, but to sail back to land after the ensuing 
night. They followed the advice of Ulysses and 
introduced the doughtiest into the horse, after 
appointing Ulysses their leader and engraving on 

was stopped by some accident. On reaching the fortifications 
the boat was searched, but only in the most superficial manner. 
Still the danger was great, for the turf was immediately 
purchased and the soldiers of the garrison set to ‘work to 
unload it. They would soon have uncovered the planks and 
detected the ambush, if the ready-witted master of the boat 
had not first amused them with his discourse and then invited 
them to drink wine with him. The offer was readily accepted. 
The day wore on, darkness fell, and the Spanish soldiers were 
all drunk or asleep. At dead of night Harauguer and his men 
issued from the boat, and dividing into two bodies they 
attacked the guards and soon made themselves masters of two 
gates. Seized with a panic, the garrison fied the town. 
Prince Maurice marched in and took possession of the citadel. 
These events happened in the year 1590. See Robert Watson, 
History of the Reign of Philip the Second, Fourth Edition 
(London, 1785), bk. xxi. vol. iii. pp. 157-161. 

1 According to Tzetzes the number of men who entered 
into the Wooden Horse was twenty-three, and he gives the 
names of them all (Posthomerica, 641-650). Quintus Smyr- 

- * naeus gives the names of thirty, and he says that there were 

more of them (Posthomerica, xii. 314-335). He informs us 
that the maker of the horse, Epeus, entered last and drew 
up the ladder after him ; and knowing how to open and shut 
the trapdoor, he sat by the bolt. To judge hy Homer’s 
description of the heroes in the Horse (Od. xi. 526 sqq.), the 
hearts of most of them failed them, for they blubbered and 
their knees knocked together; but Neoptolemus never 
blenched and kept fumbling with the hilt of his sword. 

a 

ματα ἐγχαράξαντες τὰ δηλοῦντα" τῆς εἰς οἶκον 
ἀνακομιδῆς 1 “Ἕλληνες ᾿Αθηνᾷ χαριστήριον. 
αὐτοὶ Σ δὲ ἐμπρήσαντες τὰς σκηνὰς καὶ καταλι- 
πόντες Σίνωνα, ὃς ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς πυρσὸν ἀνάπτειν, 
τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνάγονται καὶ περὶ Τένεδον ναυλο- 
οὔσιν. ΝΕ 

16 Ἡμέρας δὲ γενομένης ἔρημον οἱ Τρῶες τὸ “τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον θεασάμενοι ὃ καὶ νομί- 
σαντες αὐτοὺς πεφευγέναι, περιχαρέντες εἷλκον 
τὸν ἵππον καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Πριάμου βασιλείοις 
17 στήσαντες ἐβουλεύοντο τί χρὴ ποιεῖν. Κασάνδρας 
δὲ λεγούσης ἔνοπλον ἐν αὐτῷ δύναμιν εἶναι, καὶ 
προσέτι Λαοκόωντος τοῦ μάντεως, τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει 
κατακαίειν, τοῖς δὲ κατὰ βαράθρων ἀφιέναι" δόξαν 
δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἵνα αὐτὸν ἐάσωσι θεῖον ἀνάθημα, 

’ > \ , 9 a 3 ἥ ᾿ 4 

18 τραπέντες ἐπὶ θυσίαν εὐωχοῦντο. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ 
αὐτοῖς σημεῖον ἐπιπέμπει: δύο γὰρ δράκοντες 
διανηξάμενοι διὰ τὴς θαλάσσης ἐκ τῶν πλησίον “ 
Ι9νήσων τοὺς Λαοκόωντος υἱοὺς κατεσθίουσιν. ὡς 
δὲ ἐγένετο νὺξ καὶ πάντας ὕπνος κατεῖχεν, οἱ ἀπὸ 

1 τῆς εἷς οἶκον ἀνακομιδῇς S: τὴν εἰς οἶκον κομιδὴν EK. 
2 αὐτοὶ δὲ Εἰ : οἱ δὲ δ. 

3 στρατόπεδον θεασάμενοι Ἐὶ : θεασάμενοι στράτευμα ὃ. 
4 πλησίον Εἰ : πλησίων ὃ. 

1 As to these deliberations of the Trojans, compare Homer, 
Od. viii. 505 δᾳᾳ.; Arctinus, Jiu Persts, summarized Ὁ 
Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, 
p. 49; Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ils, 250 sqq. 

2 Compare the Jlit Persis of Arctinus, Summarized by 
Proclus, in Hpicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, 

. 49; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 48.2; ὦ 
Daintas Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xii. 444-497; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 347; Virgil, Aen. ii. 199-227 ; Hyginus, 
Fab. 135; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ii. 201; Scriptores rerum 

"32 

the horse an inscription which signified, “ For their 
return home, the Greeks dedicate this. thankoffering 
to Athena.” But they themselves burned their 
tents, and leaving Sinon, who was to light a beacon 
as a signal to them, they put to sea by night, and lay 
to off Tenedos. 

And at break of day, when the Trojans beheld the 
camp of the Greeks deserted and believed that they 
had fled, they with great joy dragged the horse, and 
stationing it beside the palace of Priam deliberated 
what they should do. As Cassandra said that there 
was an armed force in it, and she was further con- 
firmed by Laocoon, the seer, some were for burning 
it, and others for throwing it down a precipice; but 
as most were in favour of sparing it as a votive 
offering’ sacred to a divinity,1 they betook them to 
sacrifice and feasting., However, Apollo sent them 
a sign; for two serpents swam through the sea from 
the neighbouring islands and devoured the sons of 
Laocoon.2, And when night fell, and all were 

mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 144 8g. (Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 207). According to Arctinus, our 
oldest authority for the tragedy of Laocoon, the two serpents 
killed Laocoon himself and one of his sons. According to 
Virgil, Hyginus, and Servius, they killed Laocoon and both 
his sons. According to Quintus Smyrnaeus, the serpents 
killed the two sons but spared the father, who lived to lament 
their fate. This last seems to have been the version followed 
by Apollodorus. The reason of the calamity which befel 
Laocoon is explained by Servius on the authority of Kuphorion. 
He tells us that when the Greek army landed in the Troad, 
the Trojans stoned the priest of Poseidon to death, because 
he had not, by offering sacrifices to the sea-god, prevented 
the invasion. Accordingly, when the Greeks seemed to be 
departing, it was deemed advisable to sacrifice to Poseidon, 
no doubt in order to induce him to give the Greeks a stormy 
passage. But the priesthood was vacant, and it was necessary 

-APOLLODORUS 

, 4 ? 9 wn 3 N σι 
Τενέδου προσέπλεον, καὶ Σίνων αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
e nA 
᾿Αχιλλέως τάφου πυρσὸν ἧπτεν. “Ἑλένη δὲ ἐλθοῦ- 
σα περὶ τὸν ἵππον, μιμουμένη τὰς φωνὰς ἑκάστης 

“A A 4 wn 
τῶν γυναικῶν, τοὺς ἀριστέας ἐκάλει. ὑπακοῦσαι 
\ 3 , f > Ἁ A ’ ’ 
δὲ ᾿Αντίκλου θέλοντος ᾿Οδυσσεὺς τὸ στόμα κατέ- 
90 σχεν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐνόμισαν κοιμᾶσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, 
ἀνοίξαντες σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐξήεσαν: καὶ πρῶτος 
ἣ 4 ’ θέ 3 4 1 3 4] e 
μὲν ᾿Εχιίων Tlopfews ἀφαλλόμενος ὁ ἀπέθανεν, οἱ 
δὲ λοιποὶ σειρᾷ ἐξάψαντες ἑαυτοὺς 5 ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη 
παρεγένοντο καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντες ὑπεδέ- 

A 4 
21 Eavto τοὺς ἀπὸ Τενέδου καταπλεύσαντας. χωρή- 
9 ’ 

σαντες δὲ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων εἰς τὴν πόλιν, εἰς τὰς οἰκίας 

Ἢ ἀφαλλόμενος Εἰ : ἐφαλλόμενος S. 
2 ἑαυτοὺς Εἰ : αὐτοὺς ὃ. 

to choose a priest by lot. The lot fell on Laocoon, priest of 
the Thymbraean Apollo, but he had incurred the wrath of 
Apollo by sleeping with his wife in front of the divine image, 
and for this sacrilege he ‘perished with his two sons. This 
narrative helps us to understand the statement of Apollodorus 
that the two serpents were sent by Apollo for asign. Accord- 
ing to Tzetzes, the death of Laocoon’s son took place in the 
temple-of the Thymbraean Apollo, the scene of the crime 
thus becoming the scene of the punishment. Sophocles wrote 
a tragedy on the subject of Laocoon, but though a few frag- 
ments of the play have survived, its contents are unknown. 
See Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. A. Nauck?, 
pp. 211 sqg.; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A.C Pearson, 
vol. ii, pp. 38 8484. In modern times the story of Laocoon is 
probably even better known from the wonderful group of 
statuary in the Vatican than from the verses of Virgil. That 
group, the work of three Rhodian sculptors, graced the 
palace of the emperor Titus in the time of Pliny, who de- 
clared that it was to be preferred to any other work either of 
sculpture or painting (Nat. Hest. xxxvi. 37). Lessing took 
the group for the text of his famous essay on the comparative 
limitations of poetry and art. 

1 The beacon-light kindled by the deserter and traitor 

plunged in sleep, the Greeks. drew near by sea from 
Tenedos, and Sinon kindled the beacon on the grave 
of Achilles to guide them.! And Helen, going round 
the horse, called the chiefs, imitating the voices ot 
each of their wives. But when Anticlus would 
have answered, Ulysses held fast his mouth.?, And 
when they thought that their foes were asleep, they 
opened the horse and came forth with their arms. 
The first, Echion, son of Portheus, was killed by leap- 
ing from it; but the rest let themselves down by a 
rope, and lighted on the walls, and having opened the 
gates they admitted their comrades who had landed 
from Tenedos. And marching, arms in hand, into 

Sinon to guide the Greeks across the water to the doomed 
city is a regular feature in the narratives of the taking of 
Troy ; but the only other writer who mentions that it shone 
from the grave of Achilles is Tryphiodorus, who adds that all 
night long there blazed a light Tike the full moon above Helen’s 
-chamber, for she too was awake and signalling to the enemy, _ 
while all the town was plunged in darkness and silence; the 
sounds of revelry and music had died away, and not even the 
barking of a dog broke the stillness of the summer night. 
See Tryphiodorus, Hacidtum Ilti, 487-521. That the poet 
conceived the fall of Troy to have happened in the summer 
time is shown by his describing how the Trojans wreathed 
the mane of the Wooden Horse with flowers culled on river 
banks, and how the women spread carpets of roses under 
its feet (verses 316 84., 340-344). For these flowers of fancy 
Tryphiodorus is severely taken to task by the pedantic 
Tzetzes on the ground that Troy fell at midwinter ; and he 
clinches the lesson administered to his predecessor by observ- 
ing that he had learned from Orpheus, ‘‘who had it from <— 
another man,” never to tell a lie. Such was the state of the 
Higher Criticism at Byzantium in the twelfth century of our 
era. See J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 700-707. 

2 This incident is derived from Homer, Od. iv. 274-289. - 
It is copied and told with fuller details by Tryphiodorus, who 
says that Anticlus expired under the iron grip of Ulysses 
(Excidium Ist, 463-490). - 

ἐπερχόμενοι κοιμωμένους ἀνήρουν. καὶ Νεοπτό- 
λεμος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἑρκείου Διὸς βωμοῦ κατα- 

E φεύγοντα Πρίαμον ἀνεῖλεν: []ἔ Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ καὶ 
Μενέλαος Τ᾽ λαῦκον τὸν ᾿Αντήνορος 1 εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν 
φεύγοντα γνωρίσαντες μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐλθόντες ὃ ἔσω- 
σαν. Αἰνείας δὲ ᾿Αγχίσην τὸν πατέρα βαστάσας 
ἔφυγεν, οἱ δὲ “EXAnves αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν εὐσέβειαν 

ES 22 εἴασαν. | Μενέλαος δὲ AnidoBov κτείνας “EXévny 
ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἄγει" ἀπάγουσι δὲ καὶ τὴν Θησέως 

E μητέρα Αἴθραν οἱ Θησέως παῖδες | Δημοφῶν καὶ 
᾿Ακάμας" καὶ γὰρ τούτους λέγουσιν εἰς Τροίαν 

1 ᾿Αντήνορος Wagner: ἀγήνορος E. 
2 δλθόντες Frazer: θέλοντες E, Wagner. 

1 As to the death of Priam at the altar, compare Arctinus, 
1 Persts, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Euripides, Troadea, 16 aq., 
481-483 ; sd. Hecuba, 22-24; Pausanias, iv. 17. 4; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiii. 220-250 ; Tryphiodorus, Excs- 
dium Ilsi, 634-639 ; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 732 sq. ; Virgil, 
Aen. ii. 533-558 ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, v. 12. 
According to Lesches, the ruthless Neoptolemus dragged 
Priam from the altar and despatched him at his own Toor. 
See Pausanias, x. 27. 2, with my note (vol. v. p. 371). The 
summary account of Proclus agrees almost verbally with the ἢ 
equally summary account of Apollodorus. 

2 Ulysses and Menelaus.were bound by ties of hospitality 
to Antenor; for when they went as ambassadors to Troy to 
treat of the surrender of Helen, he entertained them hospi- 
tably in his house. See Homer, Jl. iii. 203-207. Moreover, 
Antenor had advocated the surrender of Helen and her 
property to the Greeks. See Homer, Ji. iii. 347-353. 
According to Lesches, one of Antenor’s sons, Lycaon, was 
wounded in the sack of Troy, but Ulysses recognized him 
and carried him safe out of the fray. See Pausanias, x. 26. 8. 
Sophocles composed a tragedy on the subject of Antenor and 
his sons, in which he said that at the storming of Troy the 
Greeks hung a leopard’s skin in front of Antenor’s house in 

f 

- EPITOME, v. 21-22 

the city, they entered the houses and slew the 
sleepers. Neoptolemus slew Priam, who had taken 
refuge at the altar of Zeus of the Courtyard.1 But 
when Glaucus, son of Antenor, fled to his house, 
Ulysses and Menelaus recognized and rescued him 
by their armed intervention. Aeneas took up his 
father Anchises and fled, and the Greeks let him 
alone on account of his piety. But Menelaus slew 
Deiphobus and led away Helen to the ships‘; and 
Aethra, mother of Theseus, was also led away by 
Demophon and Acamas, the sons of Theseus; for 
they say that they afterwards went to Troy.’ And 

token that it was to be respected by the soldiery. See Strabo,’ 

xiii. 1. 53, p. 608. In Polygnotus’s great picture of the sack 
of Troy, which was one of. the sights of Delphi, the painter 
depicted the house of Antenor with the leopard’s skin hung 
on the wall; in front of it were to be seen Antenor and his 
wife, with their children, including Glaucus, while beside 
them servants were lading an ass, to indicate the long journey 
which the exiles were about to undertake. See Pausanias, x. 
27. 3 sq. According to Roman tradition, Antenor led a colony 
of Enetians to the head of the Adriatic, where the people 
were thenceforth called Venetians (Livyi. ]). As to Sophocles’s 
play, The Antenorids, see Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, 
ed. A. Nauck?, p. 160; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. 
©. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 86 sqq. 

3 Compare Xenophon, Ο᾽ οἷ, 15; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Posthomerica, xiii. 315-327 ; Virgil, Aen. ii. 699 sqq. 

4 Compare Arctinus, 17 Persts, summarized by Proclus, 
in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49: 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiii. 354 894. ; Tryphio- 
dorus, Excidium Ilit, 627-633; J. Tzetzes, Posthomerica, 
729-731 ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, v. 12. Dei- 
phobus had married Helen after the death of Paris. See 
above, Epitome, v. 8. 9. 

. > Compare Arctinus, Ili Persts, summarized by Proclus, 
in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenia, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 50; 
Pausanias, x. 25. 8; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, 
xiii, 496-543; Scholia on Euripides, Hecuba, 123, and 

΄ 
e 

ἐλθεῖν ὕστερον. Αἴας δὲ ὁ Λοκρὸς Κασάνδραν 
ὁρῶν περιπεπλεγμένην τῷ ξοάνῳ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 
βιάξεται: διὰ «τοῦ το τὸ ξόανον εἰς οὐρανὸν 
βλέπειν.2 
ES 2351 Κτείναντες δὲ τοὺς Τρῶας τὴν πόλιν ἐνέπρησαν 
“΄ καὶ τὰ λάφυρα ἐμερίσαντο. καὶ θύσαντες πᾶσι 
τοῖς θεοῖς ᾿Αστυάνακτα ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἔρριψαν, 
Πολυξένην δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αχιλλέως τάφῳ κατέ- 

1 διὰ «Στοῦ; τὸ τὸ Wagner: 8:a:7d τὸ E. 
3 For βλέπειν we should perhaps read βλέπει. 

on Troades, 31; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, 
v. 13. Homer mentions Aethra as one of the handmai<s of 
Helen at Troy (Jl. iii. 53). Quintus Smyrnaeus (i.c.) has 
described at length the recognition of the grandmother by 
the grandsons, who, according to Hellanicus, went to Troy 
for the purpose of rescuing or ransoming her (Scholiast on 
Euripides, Hecuba, 123). The recognition was related also 
by Lesches (Pausanias, ἰ.6.). Aethra had been taken prisoner 
at Athens by Castor and Pollux when they rescued their 
sister Helen. See above, iii. 7. 4, Epitome, i. 23. On the 
chest of Cypselus at Olympia the artist portrayed Helen 
setting her on Aethra’s head and tugging at her hand- 
maid’s hair. See Pausanias, v. 19. 3; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 
xi. vol. i. p. 179, ed. L. Dindorf. 

1 As to the violence offered to Cassandra by Ajax, com- 
pare Arctinus, 1{Ὶ Perats, summarized by Proclus, in Fpi- 
corum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Rinkel, pp. 49 aq. ; 
Scholiast on Homer, Ji. xiii. 66, referring to Callimachus ; 
Pausanias, i, 15. 2, v. 11. 6, v. 19. 5, x. 26. 3, x. 31. 2; 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiii. 420-429; Tryphio- 
dorus, Havidium Ili, 647-650; Virgil, Aen. ii. 403-406; 

* Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, v. 12; Scripiores rerum 
mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. p. 55 (First 
Vatican Mythographer, 181). Arctinus described how, in 
dragging Cassandra from the image of Athena, at which she 
had taken refuge, Ajax drew down the image itself. This 
incident was carved on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia 
(Pausanias, v. 19. 5), and painted by Polygnotus in his great 

the Locrian Ajax, seeing Cassandra clinging to the 
wooden image of Athena, violated her; therefore 
they say that the image looks to heaven! 

And having slain the Trojans, they set fire to the 
city and divided the spoil among them. And having 
sacrificed to all the gods, they threw Astyanax from 
the battlements? and slaughtered Polyxena on the 

picture of the sack of Troy at Delphi (Pausanias, x. 26. 3). 
The Scholiast on Homer (l.c.) and Quintus Smyrnaeus describe 
how the image of Athena turned up its eyes to the roof in 
horror at the violence offered to the suppliant. 

2 Compare Arctinus, [li Persis, summarized by Proclus, 
in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 50; 
Euripides, T'roades, 719-739, 1133-1135; td. Andromache, 
8-11; Pausanias, x. 26.9; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, 
xiii. 251-257 ; Tryphiodorus, Lacidium Iti, 644-646; Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 1263; Scholiast on Euripides, Andro- 
mache, 10; Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 415-417; Hyginus, Fao. 
109; Seneca, Troades, 524 sqqy., 1063 sqg. While ancient 
writers generally agree that Astyanax was killed by being 
thrown from a tower at or after the sack of Troy, they differ 
as to the agent of hisdeath. Arctinus, as reported by Proclus, 
says merely that he was killed by Ulysses. Tryphiodorus 
reports that he was hurled by Ulysses from a high tower. On 
the other hand, Lesches in the Jnttle Iliad said that it was — 
Neoptolemus who snatched Astyanax from his mother’s la 
and cast him down from the battlements (J. Tzetzes an 
Pausanias, UJ.cc.). According to Euripides and Seneca, the 
murder of the child was not perpetrated in hot blood during 
the sack of Troy, but was deliberately executed after the 
capture of the city in pursuance of a decree ed by the 
Greeks in a regular assembly. This seems to have been the 
version followed by Apollodorus, who apparently regarded the 
death of Astyanax as a sacrifice, like the slaughter of Polyxena 
on the grave of Achilles. But the killing of Astyanax was 
not thus viewed by our other ancient authorities, unless we 
except Seneca, who describes how Astyanax leaped voluntarily 
from the wall, while Ulysses was reciting the words of the 
soothsayer Calchas and invoking the cruel gods to attend the 
rite. 

σφαξαν. λαμβάνει δὲ ᾿Αγαμέμνων μὲν κατ᾽ ἐξαί- 
ρετον Κασάνδραν, Νεοπτόλεμος δὲ ᾿Ανδρόμαχην, 
᾿Οδυσσεὺς δὲ ᾿Εκάβην. ὡς δὲ ἔνιοε λέγουσιν, 
Ελενος αὐτὴν λαμβάνει, καὶ διακομισθεὶς εἰς 

Χερρόνησον σὺν αὐτῇ κύνα γενομένην θάπτει, 
ἔνθα νῦν λέγεται Κυνὸς σῆμα. Λαοδίκην μὲν γὰρ 

κάλλει τῶν Πριάμου θυγατέρων διαφέρουσαν βλε- 
πόντων πάντων γῆ χάσματι ἀπέκρυψεν. | ὡς δὲ 

1 As to the sacrifice of Polyxena on the grave of Achilles, 
see Arctinus, 7{{Ὶ Persis, summarized by Proclus, in pt 
Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 50; Euripides, 
Hecuba, 107 sqq., 218 sqq., 391-393, 521-582; Quintus Smyr- 
naeus, Posthomerica, xiv. 210-328 ; Tryphiodorus, Ezcidium 
Ilit, 686 sqg.; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 323; Hyginus, 
Fab. 110; Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 439-480; Seneca, Troades, 
168 sqq., 9388-944, 1118-1164; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Tro- 
janum, v.13; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 322. According to 
Euripides and Seneca, the ghost of Achilles appeared above 
his grave and demanded the sacrifice of the maiden. Others 
said that the spirit of the dead showed himself in a dream to 
Neoptolemus (so Quintus Smyrnaeus) or to Agamemnon (so 
Ovid). In Quintus Smyrnaeus the ghost threatens to keep 
the Greeks windbound at Troy until they have complied with 
his demand, and accordingly the offering of the sacrifice is 
followed by a great calm. LKuripides seems to have contem- 
plated the sacrifice, in primitive fashion, as a means of 

urnishing the ghost with the blood needed to quench his 

thirst (Hecuba, 391-393, 536 sq.) ; but Seneca represents the 
ghost as desiring to have Polyxena as his wife in the Elysian 

ields (Troades, 938-944). A more romantic turn is given 
to the tradition by Philostratus, who says that after the 
death of Achilles, and before the fall of Troy, the amorous 
Polyxena stole out from the city and stabbed herself to death 
on the grave of Achilles, that she might be his bride in the 
other world. See Philostratus, Heroica, xx. 18; id. Vit. 
Apollon. iv. 16.4. According to the usual tradition, it was 
Neoptolemus who slew the maiden on his father’s tomb. 
Pictures of the sacrifice were to be seen at Athens and Per- 

grave of Achilles. And as special awards Agamem- 
non got Cassandra, Neoptolemus got Andromache, 
and Ulysses got Hecuba.2 But some say that 
Helenus got her, and crossed over with her to the 
Chersonese?; and that there she turned into a 
bitch, and he buried her at the place now called 
the Bitch’s Tomb.‘ As for Laodice, the fairest of the 
daughters of Priam, she was swallowed up by a 
chasm in the earth in the sight of all. When they 

! 
gamus (Pausanias, i. 22. 6, x. 25. 10). Sophocles wrote a 
tragedy on the theme. See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. 
A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 161 sqq. 

2 Compare Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiv. 20—23, 
who agrees with Apollodorus as to the partition of these 
captive women among the Greek leaders. 

3 This is the version of the story adopted by Dares 
Phrygius, who says that Helenus went to the Chersonese 
along with Hecuba, Andromache, and Cassandra (De Excidio 
Trojae, 43). 

4As to the transformation of Hecuba into a bitch, com- 
pare Euripides, Hecuba, 1259-1273; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Posthomerica, xiv. 347-351; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxii. 
vol. ii. p. 20, ed. L. Dindorf; Agatharchides, De Erythraeo 
Mari, in Photius, Bibliotheca, Ὁ. 442a 23 sq., ed. Bekker; 
Julius Pollux, v. 45; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 315, 
1176; Cicero, Tuscul. Disput. iii. 26. 63; Ovid, Metamorph. 
xiii. 565-571 ; Hyginus, Fad. 111; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 
iii. 6; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. p. 145 (Second Vatican Mythographer, 209). A ration- 
alistic version of the story is told by Dictys Cretensis (Bellum 
Trojanum, v. 16). We may conjecture that the fable of the 
transformation originated in the resemblance of the name 
Hecuba to the name Hecate ; for Hecate was supposed to be 
attended by dogs, and Hecuba is called an attendant of Hecate 
(Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1176). 

δ Compare Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiii. 544-551; 
Tryphiodorus, Hxcidium Ili, 660-663; J. Tzetzes, Post- 
homerica, 736 ; id. Schol on Lycophron, 314. 

VOL, Il. R 

ES 

ES 

ἔμελλον ἀποπλεῖν πορθήσαντες Τροίαν, ὑπὸ Kda- 
χαντος κατείχοντο, μηνίειν ᾿Αθηνᾶν αὐτοῖς λέγον- 
tos διὰ τὴν Αἴαντος ἀσέβειαν. | καὶ τὸν μὲν 
Αἴαντα κτείνειν ἔμελλον, φεύγοντα" δὲ ἐπὶ 
βωμὸν εἴασαν. . 

VI. [Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα συνελθόντων εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, 
᾿Αγαμέμνων καὶ Μενέλαος ἐφιλονείκουν, Μενε- 
λάου λέγοντος ἀποπλεῖν, ᾿Αγαμέμνονος δὲ ἐπιμέ- 
νειν κελεύοντος καὶ θύειν ᾿Αθηνᾷ. | ἀναχθέντες 3 
δὲ Διομήδης «καὶ; Νέστωρ καὶ Μενέλαος ἅμα, 
οἱ μὲν εὐπλοοῦσιν, ὁ δὲ Μενέλαος χειμῶνι περι- 
πεσών, τῶν λοιπῶν ἀπολομένων σκαφῶν, πέντε 
ναυσὶν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἀφικνεῖται. 

᾿Αμφίλοχος δὲ καὶ Κάλχας καὶ Λεοντεὺς καὶ 
Ποδαλείριος καὶ Πολυποίτης év Ἰλίῳ τὰς ναῦς 
ἀπολιπόντες ἐπὶ Κολοφῶνα πεζῇ πορεύονται, 
κἀκεῖ θάπτουσι Κάλχαντα τὸν μάντιν: ἦν γὰρ 
αὐτῷ λόγιον τελευτήσειν, ἐὰν ἑαυτοῦ 5 σοφωτέρῳ 
περιτύχῃ μάντει. ὑποδεχθέντων οὖν ὑπὸ Μόψου 
μάντεως, ὃς ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Μαντοῦς παῖς ὑπῆρ- 
xev, οὗτος ὁ Μόψος περὶ μαντικῆς ἤρισε Κάλ- 
χαντι. καὶ Κάλχαντος ἀνακρίναντος ἐρινεοῦ 

1. καὶ τὸν μὲν Αἴαντα κτείνειν S: τὸν μέντοι Αἴαντα διὰ τὴν 
ἀσεβείαν κτείνειν KE. 

3 φεύγοντα ES: we should perhaps read φυγόντα. 

8 ἀναχθέντες δὲ Διομήδης Νέστωρ καὶ Meveddos ἅμα, of μὲν 
ἀποπλοοῦσιν, ὁ δὲ Μενέλαος χειμῶνι περιπεσὼν Εἰ : Διομήδης μὲν 
οὖν καὶ Νέστωρ εὐπλοοῦσι, Μενέλαος δὲ μετὰ τούτων ἀναχθεὶς 
χειμῶνι περιπεσὼν ὃ. Inthe text I have corrected the ἀπο- 
πλοοῦσιν of E by the εὐπλοοῦσιν of BS. ‘ 

4 καὶ inserted by Frazer.: 

5 καὶ Ποδαλείριος καὶ Πολυποίτης Ἐς, wanting in δ. 

6 ἑαυτοῦ 8: αὑτοῦ E. 

had laid Troy waste and were about to sail away, 
they were detained by Calchas, who said that 
Athena was angry with them on account of the 
impiety of Ajax. And they would have killed 
Ajax, but he fled to the altar and they let him 
alone.} 

VI. After these things they met in assembly, and 
Agamemnon and Menelaus quarrelled, Menelaus 
advising that they should sail away, and Agamemnon 
insisting that they should stay and sacrifice to 
Athena. When they put to sea, Diomedes, Nestor, 
and Menelaus in company, the two former had a 
prosperous voyage, but Menelaus was overtaken by a 
storm, and after losing the rest of his vessels, arrived 
with five ships in Egypt.? 

But Amphilochus, and Calchas, and Leonteus, 
and Podalirius, and Polypoetes left their ships in 
Ilium and journeyed by land to Colophon, and 
there buried Calchas the diviner®; for it was fore- 
told him that he would die if he met with a wiser 
diviner than himself. Well, they were lodged by 
the diviner Mopsus, who was a son of Apollo and 
Manto, and he wrangled with Calchas about the 
art of divination. <A wild fig-tree grew on the spot, 

1 Compare Arctinus, 11 Persts, summarized by Proclus, 
in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 49 sq. 
Ulysses advised the Greeks to stone Ajax to death for his 
crime against Cassandra (Pausanias, x. 31. 2). 

3 Compare Homer, Od. iii. 130 sqqg., 276 sqq.; Hagias, 
Returns (Nostoi), summarized by Proclus, in Hpicorumt Grae- 
corum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53. » 

5 Compare Hagias, Returns, summarized by Proclus, in 
Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53; 

— Strabo, xiv. 1. 27, p. 642; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
427-430, 980. 

R 2 

ἑστώσης “locous! ὀλύνθους φέρει; ᾿ ὁ Moose 
“ Μυρίους" ἔφη “καὶ μέδιμνον καὶ ἕνα ὄλυνθον 
περισσόν"" καὶ εὑρέθησαν οὕτω. Μόψος δὲ σνὸς 
οὔσης ἐπιτόκοι ἠρώτα Κάλχαντα,Σ πόσους χοί- 
ρους ὃ κατὰ γαστρὸς ἔχει καὶ πότε τέκοι" "] τοῦ δὲ 
εἰπόντος." ““ Οκτώ,᾽ μειδιάσας ὁ Μόψος ἔφη" 
“Κάλχας τῆς ἀκριβοῦς μαντείας ἀπεναντιῶς ὃ 
διακεῖται, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Μαντοῦς παῖς 
ὑπάρχων τῆς ἀκριβοῦς μαντείας τὴν ὀξυδορκίαν 
πάντως πλουτῶ, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ὁ Κάλχας ὀκτώ, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐννέα κατὰ γαστρός, καὶ τούτους ἄρρενας ὅλους 
ἔχειν μαντεύομαι, καὶ αὔριον ἀνυπερθέτως ἐν ἕκτῃ 
ὥρᾳ τεχθήσεσθαι.᾽" | oy? γενομένων Κάλχας ἀθυ- 
μήσας ἀπέθανε] καὶ ἐτάφη ἐν Νοτίῳ. 

1 «ἐ πόσους ὀλύνθους... καὶ εὑρέθησαν οὕτω EB: ““ πόσα ἔχει; 
τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος μύρια καὶ μέτρῳ μέδιμνον καὶ ty περισσόν," κατα- 
στήσας Κάλχας μυριάδα εὗρε καὶ μέδιμνον καὶ ἕν πλεονάζον κατὰ 
τὴν τοῦ Μόψου πρόρρησιν S. Here καταστήσας is clearly 
wrong. Herwerden conjectured κατασείσας (Mnemosyne, 
N.S. xx. (1892), p. 200): Wagner suggested καταπλήσας (viz. 
τὸ μέτρον). Perhaps we should read καταμετρήσας (comparing 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 427, καὶ perphoavres et pov οὕτω). 

2 ρώτα Κάλχαντι (sic) S: ἠρώτησε Κάλχαντα Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 427 : ἠρώτα KE. 

8 πόσους χοίρους S (compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
980, Πόσους χοίρους ἔχει κατὰ yarrpds): πόσους E. 

4 καὶ πότε τέκοι Εἰ, wanting in S. 

5 χοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος. .. ἐν Extn ὥρᾳ τεχθήσεσθαι S: τοῦ δὲ 
μηδὲν εἰπόντος αὐτὸς ἔφη δέκα χοίρους ἔχειν καὶ τὸν ἕνα τούτων 
ἄρρενα, τέξεσθαι δὲ αὔριον Εἰ, ““8Ἃπὶ when he (Calchas) said 
nothing, he himself (Mopsus) said that the sow had ten pigs, 
and that one of them was a male, and that she would farrow 
on the morrow.” Thus the versions of δὶ and E differ on some 
points. The version of Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 980) 
agrees substantially, though not verbally, with that of E. 
It runs thus: Μόψος δὲ συὸς ἐπὶ τόκον ἑστώσης, ἤρετο, Πόσους 

’sous ἔχει κατὰ γαστρός, καὶ πότε τέξεται; Κάλχαντος δὲ μὴ 

ναμένον, αὐτὸς ὁ Μόψος πάλιν εἶπε, Δέκα χοίρους ἔχει, ὧν 

and when Calchas asked, “ How many figs does it 
bear?’’ Mopsus answered, “Ten thousand, and a 
bushel, and one fig over,” and they were found to 
be so. And when Mopsus asked Calchas concerning 
a pregnant sow, “ How many pigs has she in her 
womb, and when will she farrow?’’ Calchas 
answered, “ Eight.’”” But Mopsus smiled and said, 
‘ The divination of Calchas is the reverse of exact; 
but I, as a son of Apollo and Manto, am extremely 
rich in the sharp sight which comes of exact 
divination, and I divine that the number of pigs in 
the womb is not eight, as Calchas says, but nine, 
and that they are all male and will be farrowed 
without fail to-morrow at the sixth hour.” So when 
these things turned out so, Calchas died of a broken 
heart and was buried at Notium.? 

1 Compare Strabo, xiv. 1. 27, pp. 642 sg. ; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 427-430, 980. From Strabo we learn that 
the riddle of Calchas concerning the wild fig-tree was re- 
corded by Hesiod, and that the riddle of Mopsus concerning 
the sow was recorded by Pherecydes. Our authorities vary 
somewhat in regard to the latter riddle. According to Phe- 
recydes, the true answer was, ‘‘ Three little pigs, and one of 
them a female.” According to Tzetzes, Calchas could not 
solve the riddle, so Mopsus solved it by saying that the sow 
would farrow ten little pigs, of which one would be a male. 
Strabo also tells us that the oracle which doomed Calchas to 
death whenever he should meet a diviner more skilful than 
himself, was mentioned by Sophocles in his play The Demand 

™ for Helen. As to that play, see The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 12] 8484. A different story of 
the rivalry of the two seers is told by Conon (Narrat. 6). - 

ὁ εἷς Kppny- τέξεται δὲ κατὰ τὴν αὔριον. οὗ γενομένου Κάλχας 
ἀθυμήσας τελευτᾷ. The same version is repeated by Tzetzes 
elsewhere (Schol. on Lycophron, 427) with a few verbal 
variations, 6 ἀπεναντιῶς Frazer: ἀπεναντίας 8. 

7 ὧν E: τούτων γοῦν 8. 

ὃ ἀπέθανε S: τελευτᾷ E, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 427 
and 980, 

2: 

ES 6 

᾿Αγαμέμνων δὲ θύσας ἀνάγεται καὶ Τενέδῳ προσ- 
ίσχει, Νεοπτόλεμον δὲ πείθει Θέτις ἀφικομένη 
ἐπιμεῖναι δύο ἡμέρας καὶ θνσιάσαι, καὶ ἐπιμένει. 
οἱ δὲ ἀνάγονται καὶ περὶ Τῆνον χειμάζονται. 
᾿Αθηνᾶ γὰρ ἐδεήθη Διὸς τοῖς “Ελλησι χειμῶνα 
ἐπιπέμψαι. καὶ πολλαὶ νῆες βυθίζονται. 

᾿Αθηνᾶ δὲ! ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴαντος ναῦν κεραυνὸν 
βάλλει, ὁ δὲ τῆς νεὼς διαλυθείσης ἐπί τινα πέτραν 
διασωθεὶς παρὰ τὴν θεοῦ ἔφη πρόνοιαν σεσῶσθαι. 
Ποσειδῶν δὲ πλήξας τῇ τριαίνῃ τὴν πέτραν 
ἔσχισεν, ὁ δὲ πεσὼν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν τελευτᾷ, 
καὶ ἐκβρασθέντα θάπτει Θέτις ἐν Μυκόνῳ. 

Τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Εὐβοίᾳ προσφερομένων νυκτὸς 
Ναύπλιος ἐπὶ τοῦ Καφηρέως ὄρουςὃ πυρσὸν 
ἀνάπτει' οἱ δὲ νομίσαντες εἶναί τινας τῶν 
σεσωσμένων προσπλέουσι, καὶ περὶ τὰς Καφη- 
ρίδας πέτρας θραύεται τὰ σκάφη καὶ πολλοὶ 

1 ᾿Αθηνᾶ 8S: Ὅτι ᾿Αθηνὰᾶ E. 
3 πλήξας τῇ τριαΐνῃ S: τριαίνῃ πλήξας E. 
8 ὕρους Εἰ : ὄρους τῆς Εὐβοίας ὃ. 

1 As to the shipwreck and death of the Locrian Ajax, com- 
pare Homer, Od. iv. 499-511; Hagias, Returns, summarized 
», Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. 

inkel, p. 53; Scholiast on Homer, 71. xiii. 66; Quintus 
Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiv. 530-589; Tzetzes, Schol. 
on Lycophron, 365, 387, 389, 402; Virgil, Aen. i. 39-45; 
Hyginus, Fab. 116; Seneca, Agamemnon, 532-556 ; Dictys 
Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, vi. 1. In his great picture of 
the underworld, which Polygnotus painted at Delphi, the 
artist depicted Ajax as a castaway, the brine forming a scurf 
on his skin (Pausanias, x. 31. 1). According to the Scholiast 
on Homer (i.c.) Ajax was cast up on the shore of Delos, where 
Thetis found and buried him. Bat as it was unlawful to be 

‘ried or even to die in Delos (Thucydides, iii. 104), the 

- 

Ὶ 

After sacrificing, Agamemnon put to sea and 
touched at Tenedos. But Thetis camé and persuaded 
Neoptolemus to wait two days and to offer sacrifice ; 
and he waited. But the others put to sea and 
encountered a storm at Tenos; for Athena entreated 
Zeus to send a tempest against the Greeks; and 
many ships foundered. 

And Athena threw a thunderbolt at the ship οἱ 
Ajax ; and when the ship went to pieces he made 
his way safe to a rock, and declared that he was 
saved in spite of the intention of Athena. But Posei- 
don smote the rock with his trident and split it, and 
Ajax fell into the sea and perished; and his body, 
being washed up, was buried by Thetis in Myconos.! 

The others being driven to Euboea by night, 
Nauplius kindled a beacon on Mount Caphareus ; and 
they, thinking it was some of those who were saved, 
stood in for the shore, and the vessels were wrecked 
on the Capherian rocks, and many men perished.? 

statement of Apollodorus that Ajax was buried in Myconus, 
a small island to the east of Delos, is more probable. It is 
said that on hearing of his death the Locrians mourned for 
him and wore black for a year, and every year they laded a 
vessel with splendid offerings, hoisted a black sail on it, and, 
setting the ship on fire, let it drift out to sea, there to burn 
down to the water’s edge as a sacrifice to the drowned hero. 
See Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 365. Sophocles wrote a 
tragedy, The Locrian Ajaz, on the crime and punishment of 
the hero. See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. 
Pearson, vol. i. pp. 8 sqq. 

2As to the Bise lights kindled by Nauplius to lure the 
Greek ships on to the breakers, see above, ii. 1.5; Euripides, 
Helen, 766 sq., 1126 sqg.; Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 
432; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, xiv. 611-628; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 384; Propertius, v. 1. 115 94. ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 116; Seneca, Agamemnon, 557-575; Dictys 
Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, vi, 1; Servius on Virgil, Aen. 

E 8 τελευτῶσιν. | ὁ yap τοῦ Ναυπλίου" καὶ Κλυμένης 
τῆς Κατρέως υἱὸς Παλαμήδης ἐπιβουλαῖς ’Odve- 
σέως λεθοβοληθεὶς ἀναιρεῖται. τοῦτο μαθὼν Ναύ- 
πλιος ἔπλευσε πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας καὶ τὴν τοῦ 

9 παιδὸς ἀπήτει ποινήν' ἄπρακτος δὲ ὑποστρέψας, 
ὡς πάντων χαριζομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι, 
μεθ᾽ οὗ τὸν Παλαμήδην ἀνεῖλεν ᾿Οδυσσεύς, παρα- 
πλέων τὰς χώρας τὰς ᾿Ελληνίδας παρεσκεύασε 
τὰς τῶν Ἑλλήνων γυναῖκας μοιχευθῆναι, Κλυ- 
ταιμνήστραν Αἰγίσθῳ, Αἰγιάλειαν τῷ Σθενέλου 

10 Κομήτῃ, τὴν ᾿Ιδομενέως Μήδαν ὑπὸ Λεύκου' ἣν 
καὶ ἀνεῖλε Λεῦκος ἅμα Κλεισιθύρᾳ 3 τῇ θυγατρὶ 
ταύτης ἐν τῷ ναῷ 8 προσφυγούσῃ, καὶ δέκα πόλεις 
ἀποσπάσας τῆς Κρήτης ἐτυράννησε' καὶ μετὰ 
τὸν Τρωικὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὸν ldopevéa κατάραντα 

1179 Κρήτῃ ἐξήλασε. ταῦτα πρότερον κατασκευά- 
σας ὁ Ναύπλιος, ὕστερον μαθὼν τὴν εἰς τὰς 
πατρίδας τῶν Ἑ) λλήνων ἑπάνοδον, τὸν εἰς τὸν 
Καφηρέα, νῦν δὲ Ἐυλοφάγον λεγόμενον, ἀνῆψε 
φρυκτόν' ἔνθα προσπελάσαντες “Ελληνες ἐν τῷ 

οκεῖν λιμένα εἶναι. διεφθάρησαν. 

1 τοῦ Ναυπλίου Frazer: αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ναυπλίου E, Wagner. 

2 Κλεισιθύρᾳ KE: Κλεισιθήρα Lycophron, Alexandra, 1222, 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 384, id. Chiliadea, iii. 294. 

8 The name of the deity of the temple seems wanting, 
perhaps τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς. 

4 ἀποσπάσας EK, Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 384. We 
should perhaps read ἀποστήσας, ‘‘ having caused to revolt.” 

xi. 260; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achitl. i. 93 ; Serip- 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G.H Bode, vol. i. pp. 
46, 14] (First Vatican Mythographer, 144; Second Vatican 
Mythographer, 201). The story was probably told by Hagias 
in his epic The Returns (Nostot), though in the abstract of 

248 . 

For Palamedes, the son of Nauplius and Clymene 
daughter of Catreus, had been stoned to death 
through the machinations of Ulysses... And when 
Nauplius learned of it,? he sailed to the Greeks 
and claimed satisfaction for the death of his son; 
but when he returned unsuccessful (for they all 
favoured King Agamemnon, who had been the accom- 
plice of Ulyssés in the murder of Palamedes), he 
coasted along the Grecian lands and contrived 
that the wives of the Greeks should play their hus- 
bands false, Clytaemnestra with Aegisthus, Aegialia 
with Cometes, son of Sthenelus, and Meda, wife of 
Idomeneus, with Leucus. But Leucus killed her, 
together with her daughter Clisithyra, who had 
taken refuge in the temple; and having detached 
ten cities from Crete he made himself tyrant of 
them ; and when after the Trpjan war Idomeneus 
landed in Crete, Leucus drove him out.’ These 
were the earlier contrivances of Nauplius; but after- 
wards, when he learned that the Greeks were on 
their way home to their native countries, he kindled 
the beacon fire on Mount Caphereus, which is now 
called Xylophagus; and there the Greeks, standing 
in shore in the belief that it was a harbour, were 
cast away. | 

that poem there occurs merely a mention of ‘‘ the storm at the 
Capherian Rocks.” See Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. 
G. Kinkel, p. 53. The wrecker Nauplius was the subject of 
a tragedy by Sophocles. See The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 80 sqq. 

1 As to the death of Palamedes, see above, Epitome, iii. 8. 

2 This passage, down to the end of § 12, is quoted with 
some slight verbal changes, but without citing his authority, 
by qzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 384-386; compare id. on 
vp. . 

3 See Appendix, ‘‘ The vow of Idomeneus.” 

12 Νεοπτόλεμος δὲ μείνας ἐν Τενέδῳ δύο ἡμέρας 
ὑποθήκαις τῆς Θέτιδος εἰς Μολοσσοὺς πεζῇ ἀπῆει 

€ ’ Α 4 \ eQs 2 Ld 
peta “EXévou, καὶ παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀποθανόντα 
Φοίνικα θάπτει, καὶ νικήσας μάχῃ Μολοσσοὺς 

’ 4 3 7 A a 
βασιλεύει, καὶ ἐξ Ανδρομάχης γεννᾷ Μολοσσόν. 
’ A δὰ 
13 “λενος δὲ κτίσας ἐν τῇ Μολοσσίᾳ πόλιν κατοικεῖ, 
[4 A a 

καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ Νεοπτόλεμος εἰς γυναῖκα τὴν 
μητέρα Δηιδάμειαν. Πηλέως δὲ ἐκ Φθίας ἐκβλη 
θέντος ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ακάστου παίδων καὶ ἀποθαν- 

1 Compare Hagias, Returns, summarized by Proclus, in 
Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 902, quoting ‘‘ Apollodorus 
and the rest.” According to Servius (on Virgil, Aen. ii. 166), 
it was the soothsayer Helenus who, foreseeing the shipwreck 
of the Greek leaders, warned Neoptolemus to return home 
by land; hence in gratitude for this benefit Neoptolemus at 
his death bequeathed Afdromache to Helenus to be his wife 
(Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 297). Neoptolemus was on 
friendly terms with Helenus, because the seer had revealed 
to the Greeks the means by which Troy could be taken, and 
because in particular he had recommended the fetching of 
Neoptolemus himself from Scyros. See above, Hptiome, v. 

—10. A different tradition is recorded by Eustathius, on 
Homer, Od. iii. 189, p. 1463. He says that Neoptolemus 
sailed across the sea to Thessaly and there burned his ships 
by the advice of Thetis; after which, being directed by the 
soothsayer Helenus to settle wherever he should find a house 
with fonndations of iron, walls of wood, and roof of wool, he 
marched inland till he came to the lake Pambotis in Epirus, 
where he fell in with some people camping under blankets 
supported by spears, of which the blades were stuck into the 
earth. Compare Scholiast on Homer, Od. iii. 188, who adds 
that, ‘‘having laid waste Molossia, he begot Molossus by 
Andromache, and from Molossus is descended the race of the 
kings of Molossia, as Eratosthenes relates.” The lake Pam- 
botis is believed to be what is now called the lake of Joannina, 
near which Dodona was situated. Pausanias (i. 11. 1) men- 
tions that Pyrrhus (Neoptolemus) settled in Epirus ‘in 

After remaining in Tenedos two days at the advice 
of Thetis, Neoptolemus set out for the country of the 
Molossians by land with Helenus, and on the way 
Phoenix died, and Neoptolemus buried him ;! and 
having vanquished the Molossians in battle he reigned 
as king and begat Molossus on Andromache. And 
Helenus founded a city in Molossia and inhabited 
it, and Neoptolemus gave him his mother Deidamia 
to wife.2, And when Peleus was expelled from Phthia 
by the sons of Acastus® and died, Neoptolemus 

compliance with the oracles of Helenus,” and that he had 
Molossus, Pielus, and Pergamus by Andromache. 

*“As to Deidamia, mother of Neoptolemus, see above, iii. 
13. 8. The marriage of Helenus to Deidamia appears not to 
be mentioned by any other ancient writer. . 

8 According to Euripides (Troades, 1126-1130), while 
Neoptolemus was still at Troy, he heard that his grand- 
father Peleus had been expelled by Acastus; hence he de- 
parted for home in haste, taking Andromache with him. 

he Scholiast on this passage of Euripides (v. 1128) says that 
Peleus was expelled by Acastus’s two sons, Archander and 
Architeles, and that the exiled king, going to meet his grand- 
son Neoptolemus, was driven by a storm to the island of 
Cos, where he was entertained by a certain Molon and died. 
As to an early connexion between Thessaly and Cos, see W. 
R. Paton and E. L. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos, pp. 344 aqq. 
A different and much more detailed account of the exile of 
Peleus is furnished by Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, 
vi. 7-9. According to it, when Neoptolemus was refittin 
his shattered ships in Molossia, he heard that Peleus h 
been deposed and expelled by Acastus. Hastening to the aid 
of his aged grandfather, he found him hiding in a dark cave 
on the shore of one of the Sepiades Islands, where he eagerly 
scanned every passing sail in Hopes that one of them would 
bring his grandson to his rescue. By disguising himself 
Neoptolemus contrived to attack and kill Acastus’s two sons, 
Menalippus and Plisthenes, when they were out hunting. 

Afterwards, disguising himself as a Trojan captive, he lured . 

Acastus himself to the cave and would have slain him there, 

ὄντος, Νεοπτόλεμος τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ πατρὸς 
14 παρέλαβε. καὶ μανέντος ᾿Ορέστου ἁρπάξει τὴν 
ἐκείνου γυναῖκα ᾿Ερμιόνην κατηγγνημένην αὐτῷ 
πρότερον ἐν Τροίᾳ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ 

if it had not been for the intercession of Thetis, who had 
op ortunely arrived from the sea to visit her old husband 
Peleus, appy at his escape, Acastus resigned the kingdom 
on the spot to Neoptolemus, and that hero at once took pos- 
session of the realm in company with his grandfather, his 
divine grandmother Thetis, and the companions of his voyage. 
This romantic narrative may be based on a lost Greek tragedy, 
perhaps on the Peleus of Sophocles, a play in which the dra- 
matist appears to have dealt with the fortunes of Peleus in 
his old age. See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. ° 
Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 140 δήᾳφ. The statement of Dictys Cre- 
tensis that Peleus took refuge in one of the Sepiades Islands 
suggests that in the scholium on Euripides (l.c.) the name 
Icos should be read instead of Cos, as has been argued by 
several scholars (A. C. Pearson, op. cit. ii. 141); for Icos was 
a small island near Euboea (Stephanus Byzantius, ¢.v. Inés), 
and would be a-much more natural place of refuge for Peleus 
than the far more distant island of Cos. Moreover, we have 
the positive affirmation of the poet Antipater of Sidon that 
Peleus was buried in Icos (Anthologia Palatina, vii. 2. 9 sq.). 
The connexion of Peleus with the Sepiades Islands is further 
supported by Euripides ; for in his play Andromache (vv. 
1253-1269) he tells how Thetis bids her old husband Peleus 
tarry in a cave of these islands, till she should come with a 
band of Nereids to fetch him away, that he might dwell with 
her as a god for ever in the depths of the sea. In the same 
play (vv. 22 eq.) Euripides says that Neoptolemus refused 
to accept the sceptre of Pharsalia in the lifetime of his grand- 
father Peleus. Apellod fell 

—~ In this passage Apollodorus appears to follow the account 
given by Euripides in his Andromache, 967-981. According 
to that account, Menelaus gave his daughter Hermione in 
marriage to her cousin Orestes, the son of Agamemnon and 
Clytaemnestra. But in the Trojan war he alterwards pro- 
mised the hand of Hermione to Neoptolemts, if Neoptolemus 
should succeed in capturing Troy. Accordingly on his return 

“852 

succeeded to his father’s kingdom. And when 
Orestes went mad, Neoptolemus carried off his wife 
Hermione, who had previously been betrothed to him 
in Troy; and for that reason he was slain by Orestes 

from the war Neoptolemus claimed his bride from her husband 
Orestes, who was then haunted and maddened by the Furies 
of his murdered mother Clytaemnestra. Orestes protested, 
but in vain ; Neoptolemus insolently reproached him with his 
crime of matricide and with the unseen avengers of blood by 
whom he was pursued. So Orestes was obliged to yield up 
his wife to his rival, but he afterwards took his revenge by 
murdering Neoptolemus at Delphi. This version of the legend 
is followed also by Hyginus (Ε αὖ. 123). An obvious difficulty 
is presented by the narrative ; for if Menelaus had given his 
daughter in marriage to Orestes, how could he afterwards 
have promised her to Neoptolemus in the lifetime of her first 
husband? This difficulty was met by another version of the 
story, which alleged that Hermione was betrothed or married 
to Orestes by her grandfather Tyndareus in the absence of 
her father Menelaus, who was then away at the Trojan war ; 
that meantime, in ignorance of this disposal of his daughter, 
Menelaus had promised her hand to Neoptolemus before Troy, 
and that on his return from the war Neoptolemus took her 
by force from Orestes. See Eustathius, on Homer, Od. iv. 3, 
p. 1479; Scholiast on Homer, Od. iv. 4; Ovid, Heroides, viii. 
31 sgg. ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 330, compare éd. on v. 
297. According to-the tragic poet Philocles, not only had 
Hermione been given in marriage by Tyndareus to Orestes, 
but she was actually with child by Orestes when her father 
afterwards married her to Neoptolemus, See Scholiast on 
Euripides, Andromache, 32. This former marriage of Her- — 
mione to Orestes, before she became the wife of Neoptolemus, 
is recognized by Virgil (Aen. iii. 330), and Ovid (Heroides, 
viii. passim), but it is unknown to Homer. On the other 
hand, Homer records that Menelaus betrothed Hermione to 
Neoptolemus at Troy, and celebrated the marriage after his 
return to Sparta (Od. iv. 1-9). Sophocles wrote a tragedy 
Hermione, the plot of which seems to have resembled that of 
the Andromache of Euripides. See The Fragments of So- 
phocies, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii, pp. 141 egg. Euripides 
does not appear to have been consistent in his view that 

Ὀρέστου κτείνεται. ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτόν φασι παρα- 
γενόμενον εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀπαιτεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρὸς 
τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα δίκας καὶ συλᾶν τὰ ἀναθήματα 
καὶ τὸν νεὼν ἐμπιμπράναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ 
Μαχαιρέως 1 τοῦ Φωκέως ἀναιρεθῆναι. 

1 Μαχαιρέως Wagner : βαχαιρέως EK. 

Neoptolemus forcibly deprived Orestes of Hermione and 
married her himself; for in his play Orestes (vv. 1653-1657) 
he makes Apollo prophesy to Orestes that he shall wed Her- 
mione, but that Neoptolemus shall never do so. 

1 The murder of Neoptolemus at Delphi, as Apollodorus 
observes, was variously related. According to Puripides, 
Neoptolemus paid two visits to Delphi. On the first occa- 
sion he went to claim redress froin Apollo, who had shot his 
father Achilles at Troy (see above, E’'pttome, v. 3). On the 
second occasion he went to excuse himself to the god for the 
rashness and impiety of which he had been guilty in calling 
the deity to account for the murder; and it was then that 
Orestes, enraged at having been robbed of his wife Hermione 
by Neoptolemus, waylaid and murdered his rival in the 
temple of Apollo, the fatal blow being struck, however, not 
by Orestes but by ‘‘a Delphian man.” See Euripides, 
Andromache, 49-55, 1086-1165; compare td. Orestes, 1656 
eq. This is the version of the story which Apollodorus 
appears to prefer. It is accepted also by Hyginus (Fab. 
123), Velleius Paterculus (i. 1. 3), Servius (on Virgil, Aen. 
iii, 297 and 330), and somewhat ambiguously by Dictys - 
Cretensis (Bellum Trojanum, vi. 12 eg.). The murder of 
Neoptolemus by Orestes is mentioned, but without any 
motive assigned, by Heliodorus (ii. 34) and Justin (xvii. 3. 7). 
A different account is given by Pindar. He says that Neopto- 
lemus went to consult the god at Delphi, taking with him 
first-fruit offerings of the Trojan spoil; that there he was 
stabbed to death by a man in a brawl concerning the flesh of 
the victim, and that after death he was supposed to dwell 
within the sacred precinct and to preside over the processions 
and sacrifices in honour of heroes. See Pindar, Nem. vii. 34 
(50)-47 (70); compare td. Paean, vi. 117 sqq., ed. Sandys. 
The Scholiast on the former of these passages of Pindar, verse 

‘4 

at Delphi. But some say that he went to Delphi 
to demand satisfaction from Apollo for the death ot 
his father, and that he rifled the votive offerings 
and set fire to the temple, and was on that account 
slain by Machaereus the Phocian.! 

42 (62). explains the brawl by saying that it was the custom 
of the Delphians to appropriate (ἁρπάζειν) the sacrifices; that 
Neoptolemus attempted to prevent them from taking posses- 
sion of his offerings, and that in the squabble the Delphians 
despatched him with their swords. This explanation seems 
to be due to Pherecydes, for a Scholiast on Euripides 
(Orestes, 1655) quotes the following passage from that early 
historian: ‘‘ When Neoptolemus married Hermione, daughter 
of Menelaus, he went to Delphi to inquire about offspring ; 
for he had no children by Hermione. And when at the 
oracle he saw the Delphians scrambling for (διαρπάζονταΞς) the 
flesh, he attempted to.take it from them. But their priest 
Machnereus killed him and buried him under the threshold 
of the temple.” This seems to have been the version of the 
story followed by Pausanias, for he mentions the hearth at 
Delphi on which the priest of Apollo slew Neoptolemus 
(x. 24. 4), and elsewhere he says that ‘‘the Pythian priestess 
ordered the Delphiansa to kill Pyrrhus (Neoptolemus), son of 
Achilles” (i. 13. 9; compare iv. 17. 4). That the slayer of 
Neoptolemus was called Machaereus is mentioned also by a 
Scholiast on Euripides (Andromache, 53) and by Strabo 
(ix. 3. 9, p. 421), who says that Neoptolemus was killed 
‘because he demanded satisfaction from the god for the 
murder of his father, or, more probably, because he had 
made an attack on the sanctuary.” Indeed, Asclepiades, in 
his work Tragodoumena, wrote as follows: ‘‘ About his death 
almost all the poets agree that he was killed by Machaereus 
and buried at first under the threshold of the temple, but 
that afterwards Menelaus came and took up his body, and 
made his grave in the precinct. He says that Machaereus 
was a son of Daetas.” See Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. vii. 
42 (62). The story that Neoptolemus came to Delphi to 
plunder the sanctuary, which is noticed by Apollodorus and 
preferred by Strabo, is mentioned by Pausanias (x. 7. 1) and 
a Scholiast on Pindar (Nem. vii. 58, Boeckh). It is probably 

E15 [Ὅτι πλανηθέντες; “Ἕλληνες ἄλλοι ἀλλαχοῦ 

κατάραντες κατοικοῦσιν, οἱ μὲν εἰς Λιβύην, οἱ 
δὲ εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν, εἰς Σικελίαν ἕτεροι, τινὲς δὲ 
πρὸς τὰς πλησίον ᾿Ιβηρίας νήσους, ἄλλοι παρὰ 
τὸν Σαγγάριον ποταμόν' εἰσὶ δὲ of καὶ Κύπρον 
ῴκησαν. | τῶν δὲ ναυαγησάντων περὶ τὸν Καφη- 
péa® ἄλλος ἀλλαχῆ φέρεται, Γουνεὺς μὲν εἰς 
Λιβύην, “Avtidos & ὁ Θεσσαλοῦ eis Πελασγοὺς 
καὶ «τὴν» χώραν κατασχὼν Θεσσαλίαν ἐκάλε- 
σεν, ὁ δὲ Φιλοκτήτης πρὸς ᾿Ιταλίαν εἰς Καμπανούς, 

1 “Ὅτι πλανηθέντες... Κύπρον ᾧκησαν. This passage is 
from Εἰ : the passage immediately following (τῶν δὲ γαναγη- 
odvrwy ... καὶ ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ) is from δ. The two passages 
are perhaps duplicate versions of the same passage in the 
original unabridged work of Apollodorus; but as they 
supplement each other, each giving details which are omitted 
by the other, I have printed them consecutively in the text. 
Wagner prints them in parallel columns to indicate that 
they are duplicates. 

3 Καφηρέα Kerameus: κηφέα S. 

8 «τὴν» χώραν Wagner (comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 911, καὶ τὴν χώραν κατασχώ»). 

not inconsistent with the story that he went to demand 
satisfaction from, or to inflict punishment on, the god for the 
death of his father ; for the satisfaction or punishment would 
naturally take the shape of a distress levied on the goods and 
chattels of the defaulting deity. The tradition that the slain 
Neoptolemus was buried under the threshold of Apollo’s 
temple is remarkable and, so far as I remember, unique in 
Greek legend. The statement that the body was afterwards 
taken up and buried within the precinct agrees with the 
observation of Pausanias (x. 24. 6) that ‘‘ quitting the temple 
and turning to the left you come to an enclosure, inside of 
which is the grave of Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. The 
Delphians offer sacrifice to him annually as to a hero.” 
From Pindar (Nem. vii. 44 (65) 6qq.) we learn that Neo- 
ptolemus even enjoyed a pre-eminence over other heroes at 

After their wanderings the Greeks landed and 
settled in various countries, some in Libya, some 
in Italy, others in Sicily, and some in the 
islands near Iberia, others on the banks of the San- 
garius river ; and some settled also in Cyprus. And οἱ 
those that were shipwrecked at Caphereus, some 
drifted one way and some another. ! Guneus went to 
Libya; Antiphus, son of Thessalus, went to the Pelas- 
gians, and, having taken possession of the country, 
called it Thessaly. Philoctetes went to the Cam- 

Delphi, being called on to preside over the processions and 
sacrifices in their honour. The Aenianes of Thessaly used 
to send a grand procession and costly sacrifices to Delphi 
every fourth year in honour of Neoptolemus. The ceremony 
fell at the same time as the Pythian games. See Heliodorus, 
Aethiop. ii. 34-iii. 6. It is a little difficult to understand how 
& man commonly accused of flagrant impiety and sacrilege 
should have been raised to such a pitch of glory at the very 
shrine which he was said to have attacked and robbed. The 
apparent contradiction might be more intelligible if we could 
suppose that, as has been suggested, Neoptolemus was publicly 
sacrificed as a scapegoat, perhaps by being stoned to death, 
as seems to have been the fate of the human victims at the 
Thargelia, whose sacrifice was justified by a legend that the 
first of their number had stolen some sacred cups of Apollo. 
See Harpocration, s.v. φάρμακος ; and as to the suggestion that 
Neoptolemus may have been sacrificed as a scapegoat, see 
J. Toepffer, ‘‘ Thargelienbrauche,” Bettrdge zur griechtschen 
Altertumswissenschaft (Berlin, 1897), pp. 132 sg., who points 
out that according to Euripides (Andromache, 1127 qq.) 
Neoptolemus was stoned as well as stabbed at the altar of 
Apollo. As to the custom of burying the dead under a 
threshold, see Folk-lore in the Old Testament, iii. 13 8g. 

1 The wanderings described in the remainder of this para- 
graph, except those of Agapenor, are resumed and told some- 
what more fully in the following three paragraphs (15a, 15b, 
15c), which do not occur in our text of the Hpitome, but are 
conjecturally restored to it from the scholia on Lycophron of 
Tzetzes, who probably had before him the full text of Apollo- 
dorus, and not merely the Epitome. 

VOL. 11. 8 

Φείδιππος μετὰ τῶν Κῴων ἐν “Avipw κατῴκησεν, 
᾿Αγαπήνωρ ἐν Κύπρῳ, καὶ ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ. 

TZ 15a «902: ᾿Απολλόδωρος δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ οὕτω 
φασί: Touveds εἰς Λιβύην λιπὼν τὰς ἑαυτοῦ ναῦς 
ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ Kivuda? ποταμὸν κατοικεῖ. Μέγης 8 δὲ 
καὶ ἸΠΙρόθοος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ περὶ τὸν Καφηρέα σὺν 
πολλοῖς ἑτέροις διαφθείρεται. . . τοῦ δὲ Προθόου 
περὶ τὸν Καφηρέα ναναγήσαντος, οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ 
Μάγνητες εἰς Κρήτην ῥιφέντες ῴᾧκησαν.;» 

160 <911: Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰλίου πόρθησιν Μενεσθεὺς 
Φείδιππός τε cat“ Avrigos καὶ οἱ Ἐλεφήνορος" καὶ 
Φιλοκτήτης μέχρι Μίμαντος κοινῇ ἔπλευσαν. εἶτα 
Μενεσθεὺς μὲν εἰς Μῆλον ἐλθὼν βασιλεύει, τοῦ 
ἐκεῖ βασιλέως Πολνάνακτος τελευτήσαντος. “Av- 
τιφος δὲ ὁ Θεσσαλοῦ εἰς Πελασγοὺς ἐλθὼν καὶ 
τὴν χώραν κατασχὼν Θεσσαλίαν ἐκάλεσε. Dei- 
διππος δὲ μετὰ Κῴων ἐξωσθεὶς περὶ τὴν "Ανδρον,ῇ 
εἶτα περὶ Κύπρον ἐκεῖ κατῴκησεν. ᾿Ελεφήνορος 
δὲ ἀποθανόντος ἐν Τροίᾳ, οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκριφέντες 
περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον κόλπον ᾿Απολλωνίαν ῴκησαν τὴν 
ἐν Ἠπείρῳ. καὶ οἱ τοῦ Τληπολέμου προσίσχουσι 

1 The following three paragraphs are extracted from the 
Scholia on Lycophron of Tzetzes, who seems to have borrowed 
them from Apollodorus. 

2 Klyvpa Tzetzes: Κίνυπα Wagner. Either form is legiti- 
mate. See Pape, Worterbuch griech. Higennamen, 8.0. 
Κίνυψ, p. 663. 

ὃ Μέγης Stiehle, Wagner. The MSS. of Tzetzes read 
Μέγας or Μάγνητες. ᾿ 

4 οἱ Ἐλεφήνορος. Some MSS. of Tzetzes read ᾿Ελεφήνωρ. 
δ χὴν "Avbpoy Wagner: τὸν ἀδρίαν Tzetzes. 

1 Compare Pausanias, viii. 5. 2, who says that, driven by 
the storm to Cyprus, Agapenor founded Paphos and built the 
sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old Paphos. Compare Aristotle, 
Peplos, 30 (16), in Bergk’s Poetae Lyrici Graect*, ii. 654. 

panians in Italy ; Phidippus with the Coans se ttled in 
ros, Agapenor in Cyprus,! and others elsewhere. 

Apollodorus and the rest? say as follows. Guneus 
left his own ships, and having come to the Cinyps 
river in Libya he dwelt there. But Meges and 
Prothous, with many others, were cast away at 
Caphereus in Euboea‘* . . . and when Prothous was 
shipwrecked at Caphereus, the Magnesians with him 
drifted to Crete and settled there. 

After the sack of Ilium,5 Menestheus, Phidippus 
and Antiphus, and the people of Elephenor, and 
Philoctetes sailed together as far as Mimas. Then 
Menestheus went to Melos and reigned as king, be- 
cause the king there, Polyanax, had died. And 
Antiphus the son of Thessalus went to the Pelasgians, 
and having taken possession of the country he called 
it Thessaly.6 Phidippus with the Coans was driven 
first. to Andros, and then to Cyprus, where he settled. 
Elephenor died in Troy,’ but his people were cast 
away in the Ionian gulf and inhabited Apollonia in 
Epirus. And the people of Tlepolemus touched 

2 This paragraph is quoted from Tzetzes, Scho]. on Lyco- 
phron, 902. 

8 According to another account, Guneus was drowned at 
sea. See Aristotle, Peplos, 32 (37), in Bergk’s Poetae Lyrics 
Graeci®, ii. 654. 

4 Epitaphs on these two drowned men are ascribed to 
Aristotle, Peplos, 25 (19) and 28 (38). See Bergk’s Poeiae 
Lyrict Graect®, ii. 653, 654. Meges was leader of the 
Dulichians, and Prothous waa leader of the Magnesians. See 
Epitome, iii. 12 and 14. 

δ This paragraph is quoted from Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 911. 

6 Compare Strabo, ix. 5. 23, p. 444. 

7 Elephenor was killed in battle by Agenor. See Homer, 
Il. iv. 463-472. Compare Aristotle, Peplos, 33 (4), in Bergk’s 
Poetae Lyrici Graect*, ii. 654. 

s 2 

Κρήτῃ, εἶτα ὑπ᾽ ἀνέμων ἐξωσθέντες περὶ τὰς 
ἸἸβηρικὰς νήσους @xnaav. . . . οἱ τοῦ Πρωτεσι- 
λάου εἰς Πελλήνην 1 ἀπερρίφησαν πλησίον πεδίου 
Κανάστρον. Φιλοκτήτης δὲ ἐξώσθη εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν 
πρὸς Καμπανοὺς καὶ πολεμήσας Λευκανοὺς πλη- 
σίον Κρότωνος καὶ Θουρίου Κρίμισσαν κατοικεῖ" 
καὶ παυθεὶς τῆς ἄλης ᾿Αλαίου ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν 
κτίξει, ᾧ καὶ τὸ τόξον αὑτοῦ ἀνέθηκεν, ὥς φησιν 
Εὐφορίων.;» 

Ις «92] : Ναύαιθος] ποταμός ἐστιν ᾿Ιταλίας" 
ἐκλήθη δὲ οὕτω κατὰ μὲν ᾿Απολλόδωρον καὶ τοὺς 
λοιπούς, ὅτε μετὰ τὴν ᾿Ιλίον ἅλωσιν αἱ Λαομέ- 

1 eis Πελλήνην omitted by Wagner in his edition of 
Apollodorus, probably by mistake. For Πελλήνην we should 
perhaps read Παλλήνην. See exegetical note. 

' Canastrum, or Canastra, is the extreme southern cape of 
the peninsula of Pallene (Pellene) in Macedonia. See Hero- 
dotus, vii. 123; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 599, with the 
Scholiast ; Strabo, vii. frag. 25, p. 330 (vol. ii. p. 462, ed. 
Meineke); Apostolius, Cent. ii. 20; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 526 ; Livy, xxx. 45. 15, xliv. 11. 3. 

2 It is said that in a sedition Philoctetes was driven from 
his city of Meliboea in Thessaly (Homer, 1]. ii. 717 sq.), and 
fled to southern Italy, where he founded the cities of Petilia, 
Old Crimissa, and Chone, between Croton and Thurii. See 
Strabo, vi. 1. 3, p. 254, who, after recording the foundation 
of Petilia and Old Crimissa by Philoctetes, proceeds as follows : 
‘* And Apollodorus, after mentioning Philoctetes in his Book 
of the Ships, says that some people relate how, on arriving 
in the country of Croton, he founded Crimissa on the headlan 
and above it the city of Chone, from which the Chonians 
hereabout took their name, and how men sent by him to 
Sicily fortified Segesta near Eryx with the help of Aegestes 
the Trojan.” The book from which Strabo makes this 
quotation is not the Library of our author, but the Catalogue 

- ve 5 ς6---........Ἅ σὉ--“-.-πἰἰἰππππιπ............. 

at Crete ; then they were driven out of their course 
by winds and settled in the Iberian islands. . . . The 
people of Protesilaus were cast away on Pellene near 
the plain of Canastrum.! And Philoctetes was driven 
to Campania in Italy, and after making war on the 
Lucanians, he settled in Crimissa, near Croton and 
Thurium?; and, his wanderings over, he founded 
a sanctuary of Apollo the Wanderer (Alaios), to 
whom also he dedicated his bow, as Euphorion 
says.® | 

Navaethus is a river of Italy.4 It was called so, 
according to Apollodorus and the rest, because after 
the capture of Ilium the daughters of Laomedon, the 

of the Ships, a work on the Homeric Catalogue by the 
Athenan grammarian Apollodorus. According to Strabo (viii. 
3. 6, p: 339), Apollodorus borrowed most of his materials for 
this work from Demetrius of Scepsis. For the fragments of 
the work see Heyne’s Apollodorus (Second Edition, 1803), 
vol. i, pp. 417 sqq.; Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, 
ed. C. Miiller, i. 453 sqq. 

3 Compare Aristotle, Miradb. Auscult. 107 (115): ‘It is 
said that Philoctetes is worshipped by the Sybarites ; for on 
his return from Troy he settled in the territory of Croton at. 
the place called Macalla, which they say is distant a hundred 
and twenty furlongs, and they relate that he dedicated the 
bow of Hercules in the sanctuary of the Halian Apollo. But 
they say that in the time of their sovereignty the people of 
Croton fetched the bow from there and dedicated it in the 
sanctuary of Apollo in their country. It is said, too, that 
when he died he was buried beside the river Sybaris ; for he 
had gone to the help of the Rhodians under Tlepolemus, who 
had been carried out of their course to these regions and had 
engaged in battle with the barbarous inhabitants of that 
country.” This war with the barbarians is no doubt the ‘‘ war 
on the Lucanians,” in which Apollodorus, or at all events, 
Uzetzes here tells us that Philoctetes engaged after his arrival 
in Italy. 

4 This paragraph is quoted from Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 921, 

= 

APOLLODORUS - 

δοντος θυγατέρες, Πριάμου δὲ ἀδελφαί, Αἴθυλλα 
᾿Αστυόχη Μηδεσικάστη μετὰ τῶν λοιπῶν αἶχμα- 
λωτίδων ἐκεῖσε γεγονυῖαι τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, εὐλαβού- 
pevas τὴν ἐν τῇ ᾿“Ελλάδι δουλείαν. τὰ σκάφη 
ἐνέπρησαν, ὅθεν ὁ ποταμὸς Ναύαιθος ἐκλήθη καὶ 
αἱ γυναῖκες Ναυπρήστιδες" οἱ δὲ σὺν αὐταῖς 
Ἕλληνες ἀπολέσαντες τὰ σκάφη ἐκεῖ κατῴκησαν.» 

E16 | Δημοφῶν δὲ 3 Θρᾳξὶ Βισάλταις pet’ ὀλίγων 

νεῶν προσίσχει, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐρασθεῖσα Φυλλὶς ἡ 
θυγάτηρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ προικὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ 
συνευνάζξεται ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός. ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος 
εἰς τὴν πατρίδα ἀπιέναι, πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ὁμόσας 
ἀναστρέψειν ἀπέρχεται: καὶ Φυλλὶς αὐτὸν ἄχρι 
τῶν ᾿Εννέα ὁδῶν ® λεγομένων προπέμπει καὶ 
δίδωσιν αὐτῷ κίστην, εἰποῦσα ἱερὸν «τῆς; μητρὸς " 
Ῥέας ἐνεῖναι, καὶ ταύτην μὴ ἀνοίγειν, εἰ μὴ ὅταν 

1 Πριάμου δὲ ἀδελφαὶ. These words are omitted, doubtless 
by accident, in Wagner’s edition of Apollodorus. 

2 The following story of the loves of Demophon and 
Phyllis is repeated by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 495) in 
a passage which to a great extent agrees verbally with the 
present passage of Apollodorus. 

3 Ἐννέα ὁδῶν Wagner (comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 495): ἐννεάδων KE. 

4 «τῆς» μητρὸς Wagner (comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 495): μητρὸς E. 

1 The same story is told by Strabo, who calls the river 
Neaethus (vi. 1. 12, p. 262). Stephanus Byzantius agrees 
with Apollodorus in giving Navaethus (Nava:6os) as the form 
of the name. Apollodorus derives the name from vais, ‘‘a 
ship,” and aféw, ‘‘to burn.” Virgil tells a similar tale of the 
founding of Segesta or, as he calls it, Acesta in Sicily. ᾿ See 
Virgil, Aen. v. 604-771. 

2 Demophon and his brother Acamas, the sons of Theseus, 
had gone to Troy to rescue their grandmother Aethra from 

> ΄ 

----.5-5.Ζ : «-. 

sisters of Priam, to wit, Aethylla, Astyoche, and 
Medesicaste, with the other female captives, finding 
themselves in that part of Italy, and dreading slavery 
in Greece, set fire to the vessels ; whence the river 
was called Navaethus and the women were called 
Nauprestides ; and the Greeks who were with the 
women, having lost the vessels, settled there.! 
Demophon with a few ships put in to the land of 
the Thracian Bisaltians,? and there Phyllis, the king’s 
daughter, falling in love with him, was given him in 
marriage by her father with the kingdom for her 
dower. But he wished to depart to his own country, 
and after many entreaties and swearing to return, he 
did depart. And Phyllis accompanied him as far as 
what are called the Nine Roads, and she gave him a 
casket, telling him that it contained a sacrament of 
Mother Rhea, and that he was not to open it until he 

captivity. See above, Hpitome, v. 22. The following story 
of the loves and sad fate of Demophon and Phyllis is told in 
almost the same words by Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 495, 
except that for the name of Demophon he substitutes the 
name of his brother Acamas. Lucian also couples the names 
of Acamas and Phyllis (De saltatione, 40). A pretty story is 
told of the sad lovers by Servius. He says that Phyllis, 
despairing of the return of Demophon, hanged herself and was 
turned into a leafless almond tree; but that when Demophon 
came and embraced the trunk of the tree, it responded to his 
endearments by bursting into leaf; hence leaves, which had 
been called petala before, were ever after called phylla in 
Greek. See Servius, on Virgil, Hcl. v.10. Compare Scrip- ᾿ 
tores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 
δ] and 146 sg. (First Vatican Mythographer, 159; Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 214). The story is told in a less 
romantic form by Hyginus (Fab. 59, compare 243). He says 
that when Phyllis died for love, trees grew on her grave and 
mourned her death at the season when their leaves withered 
and fell. 

17 ἀπελπίσῃ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν avodov.! Δημοφῶν δὲ 
ἐλθὼν εἰς Κύπρον ἐκεῖ κατῴκει. καὶ τοῦ τακτοῦ 
χρόνου διελθόντος Φυλλὲς ἀρὰς θεμένη κατὰ Δημο- 
φῶντος ἑαυτὴν ἀναιρεῖ: Δημοφῶν δὲ τὴν κίστην 
ἀνοίξας φόβῳ κατασχεθεὶς ὃ ἄνεισιν ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον 
καὶ τοῦτον ἐλαύνων ἀτάκτως ἀπόλλυται: τοῦ γὰρ 
ἵππου σφαλέντος κατειεχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸ ξίφος ἔπεσεν. 
οἵ δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ κατῴκησαν ἐν Κύπρῳ. 

18 Ποδαλείριος δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐχρᾶτο 
ποῦ κατοικήσει: χρησμοῦ δὲ δοθέντος, εἰς ἣν 
πόλιν τοῦ περιέχοντος οὐρανοῦ πεσόντος οὐδὲν 
πείσεται, τῆς Καρικῆς Χερρονήσου τὸν πέριξ 
οὐρανοῦ κυκλούμενον ὄρεσι τόπον κατῴκησεν. 

19 ᾿Αμφίλοχος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος, κατά τινας 
ὕστερον παραγενόμενος εἰς Τροίαν, κατὰ [τὸν] " 
χειμῶνα ἀπερρίφη πρὸς Μόψον, καί, ὥς τινες 
λέγουσιν, ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας μονομαχοῦντες 
ἔκτειναν ἀλλήλους. 

1 τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀνόδου E: τὴν πρὸς αὐτὴν ἄνοδον Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 495. 

2 φόβῳ κατασχεθεὶς Εἰ : φάσματι κρατηθεὶς Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 495. 

3 οὐδὲν πείσεται E. Wagner conjectures οὐδὲν « δεινὸν» 
πείσεται, comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1047, οὐ- 
δὲν δεινὸν πείσεται. 

4 κατὰ [τὸ»] χειμῶνα. As Wagner observes, the article 
should perhaps be omitted, as in the quotation of the passage 
by Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 440, κατὰ χειμῶνα ἀπερρίφη 
πρὸς Μόψον, who cites Apollodorus by name. Yet perhaps 
our author was thinking of the famous storm that overtook 
the Greeks on their return from Troy and wrecked so many 
gallant ships. 

1 The same story is told, nearly in the same words, by 
Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 1047), who probably copied 
Apollodorus. As to the settlement of Podalirius in Caria, 

should have abandoned all hope of returning to her. 
And Demophon went to Cyprus and dwelt there. 
And when the appointed time was past, Phyllis 
called down curses on Demophon and killed herself ; 
and Demophon opened the casket, and, being struck 
with fear, he mounted his horse and galloping wildly 
met his end; for, the horse stumbling, he was thrown 
and fell on his sword. But his people settled in 
Cyprus. 
᾿ς Podalirius went to Delphi and inquired of the 
oracle where he should settle; and on receiving an 
oracle that he should settle in the city where, if the 
encompassing heaven were to fall, he would suffer no 
harm, he settled in that place of the Carian Cherson- 
nese which is encircled by mountains all round the 
horizon. 

Amphilochus son of Alemaeon, who, according to 
some, arrived later at Troy, was driven in the storm 
to the home of Mopsus ; and, as some say, they fought 
a single combat for the kingdom, and slew each 
other.? 

compare Pausanias, iii. 26. 10; Stephanus Byzantius, 9.0. 
Σύρνα. Podalirius was worshipped as a hero in Italy. He had 
a shrine at the foot of Mount Drium in Daunia, and the seer 
Calchas was worshipped in a shrine on the top of the same 
mountain, where his worshippers sacrificed black rams and 
slept in the skins of the victims for the purpose of receiving 
revelations in dreams. See Strabo, vi. 3. 9, p. 284; Lyco- 
phron, Cassandra, 1047 sqg. Hence Lycophron said that 
Podalirius was buried in Italy, and for so saying he was 
severely taken to task by his learned but crabbed commen- 
tator Tzetzes, who roundly accused him of lying (Schol. on 
Lycophron, 1047). 

3 This passage is quoted from Apollodorus, with the 
author’s name, by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 440-442), 
who says that according to the usual tradition Amphilochus 
and Mopsus had gone together to Cilicia after the capture of 

20 Λοκροὶ δὲ μόλις τὴν ἑαυτῶν καταλαβόντες, ἐπεὶ 
μετὰ τρίτον ἔτος τὴν Λοκρίδα; κατέσχε φθορά, 
δέχονται χρησμὸν ἐξιλάσασθαι τὴν ἐν Trim ᾿Αθη- 
νᾶν καὶ δύο παρθένους πέμπειν ἱκέτιδας ἐπὶ ἔτη 
χίλια. καὶ λαγχάνουσι πρῶται Περίβοια καὶ 

2] Κλεοπάτρα. αὗται δὲ εἰς Τροίαν ἀφικόμεγαι, 
διωκόμεναι παρὰ τῶν ἐγχωρίων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κατέρ- 
χονται" καὶ τῇ μὲν θεᾷ οὐ προσήρχοντο, τὸ δὲ 

ἱερὸν ἔσαιρόν 2 τε καὶ ἔρραινον' ἐκτὸς δὲ τοῦ νεὼ 

οὐκ ἐξήεσαν, κεκαρμέναι δὲ ἦσαν καὶ μονοχίτωνες 
1 Λοκρίδα Wagner (comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 

1141): Λοκρίαν E. 

2 ἔσαιρον Wagner (comparing Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 

1141): ἔσηρον E. 

Troy. This statement is confirmed by the testimony of 
Strabo (xiv. 5. 16, pp. 675 sq.), who tells us that Amphi- 
lochus and Mopsus came from Troy and founded Mallus in 
Cilicia. The dispute between Amphilochus and Mopsus is 
related more fully both by Tzetzes and Strabo (W.cc.). 
According to them, Amphilochus wished to go for a time to 
Argos (probably Amphilochian Argos; see above, iii. 7. 7). 
So he departed after entrusting the kingdom or priesthood 
to Mopsus in his absence. Dissatisfied with the state of 
affairs at Argos, he returned in a year and reclaimed the 
kingdom or priesthood from Mopsus. But, acting on the 
principle Beatt possidentes, the viceroy refused to cede the 
crown or the mitre to its proper owner; accordingly they 
had recourse to the ordeal of battle, in which both com- 
batants perished. Their bodies were buried in graves which 
could not be seen from each other; for the people built a 
tower between them, in order that the rivals, who had fought 
each other in life, might not scow] at each other in death. 
However, their rivalry did not prevent them working an 
oracle in partnership after their decease. In the second 
century of our era the oracle enjoyed -the highest reputation 
for infallibility (Pausanias, i. 34. 3). The leading partner of 
the firm was apparently Amphilochus, for he is usually men- 

The Locrians regained their own country with 
difficulty, and three years afterwards, when Locris 
was visited by a plague, they received an oracle bid- 
ding them to propitiate Athena at Ilium and to send 
two maidens as suppliants for a thousand years. The 

lot first fell on Periboea and Cleopatra. And when 
_ they came to Troy they were chased by the natives 
and took refuge in the sanctuary. And they did not 
approach the goddess, but swept and sprinkled the 
sanctuary ; and they did not go out of the temple, and 
their hair was cropped, and they wore single garments 

tioned alone in connexion with the oracle; Plutarch (De 
defectu oraculorum, 45) is the only ancient writer from whom 
we learn that Mopsus took an active share in the business, 
though Cicero mentions the partners together (De divina- 
tione, i. 40. 88). According to Plutarch and Dio Cassius 
(Ixxii. 7), the oracles were communicated in dreams; but 
Lucian says (Philopseudes, 38) that the inquirer wrote down 
his question on a tablet, which he handed to the prophet. 
The charge for one of these infallible communications was 
only two obols, or about twopence halfpenny. See Lucian, 
Alexander, 19; id. Deorum concilium, 12. The ancients 
seem to have been divided in opinion on the important 
question whether the oracular Amphilochus at Mallus was 
the son or the grandson of Amphiaraus. Apollodorus calls 
him the son of Alemaeon, which would make him the grand- 
son of Amphiaraus, for Alcmaeon was a son of Amphijaraus. 
But Tzetzes, in reporting what he describes as the usual 
version of the story, calls Amphilochus the son, not the 

andson of Amphiaraus (Schol. on Lycophron, 440-442). 
Com are Strabo, xiv. 1. 27, p. 642; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
Pos rica, xiv. 365-369. Pacian is inconsistent on the 
point ; for while in one passage he calls Amphilochus the son 
of Amphiaraus (Aleza , 19), in another passage he speaks 
of him sarcastically as the noble son of an accurst matricide, 
by whom he means Alcmaeon (Deorum conctlium, 12). Else- 
where Apollodorus mentions both Amphilochus, the son of 
Amphiaraus, and Amphilochus, the son of Alemaeon. See 
above, iii, 7. 2 and 7. 

22 καὶ ἀνυπόδετοι. τῶν δὲ πρώτων ἀποθανουσῶν 
ἄλλας ἔπεμπον" εἰσήεσαν δὲ εἰς τὴν πόλιν νύκτωρ, 
ἵνα μὴ φανεῖσαι τοῦ τεμένους ἔξω φονευθῶσι: 
μετέπειτα δὲ βρέφη μετὰ τροφῶν ἔπεμπον. χιλίων 
δὲ ἐτῶν παρελθόντων μετὰ τὸν Φωκικὸν πόλεμον 
ἱκέτιδας ἐπαύσαντο πέμποντες. 

ES 23 [᾽Αγαμέμνων δὲ καταντήσας εἰς Μυκήνας μετὰ 
Κασάνδρας ἀναιρεῖται ὑπὸ Αἰγίσθου καὶ λυται- 
μνήστρας" δίδωσι γὰρ αὐτῷ χιτῶνα ἄχειρα καὶ 
ἀτράχηλον, καὶ τοῦτον ἐνδυόμενος φονεύεται, καὶ 

- βασιλεύει Μυκηνῶν Αἴγισθος" κτείνουσι δὲ καὶ 

1 The story of the custom οὗ propitiating Athena at Troy 
by sending two Locrian virgins to her every year is similarly 
told by Tzetzes, who adds some interesting particulars 
omitted by Apollodorus. From him we learn that when the 
maidens arrived, the Trojans met them and tried to catch 
them. If they caught the maidens, they killed them and 
burned their bones with the wood of wild trees which bore 
no fruit. Having done so, they threw the ashes from Mount 
Traron into the sea. But if the maidens escaped from their 
pursuers, they ascended secretly to the sanctuary of Athena 
aud became her priestesses, sweeping and sprinkling-the 
sacred precinct; but they might not approach the goddess, 
nor quit the sanctuary except by night. Tzetzes agrees with 
Apollodorus in describing the maidens during their term of 

service as barefoot, with cropped hair, and clad each in a 
single tunic. He refers to the Sicilian historian Timaeus as 
his authority for the statement that the custom was observed 
_ for a thousandyears, and that it came to an end after the 
Phocian war (357-346 B.c.). See Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 
1141. The maidens were chosen by lot from the hundred 
noblest families in Locris (Polybius, xii. 5); and when they 
escaped death on landing, they served the goddess in the 
sanctuary for the term of their lives (Plutarch, De sera 
numinis vindicta, 12), or, at all events, till their successors 
arrived (Suidas, 4.v. xareyfpacay). For other references to 
this very remarkable custom, which appears to be well 

and no shoes. And when the first maidens died, they 
sent others ; and they entered into the city by night, 
lest, being seen outside the precinct, they should be 
put to the sword; but afterwards they sent babes 
with their nurses. And when the thousand years 
were passed, after the Phocian war they ceased to 
send suppliants.! 

After Agamemnon had returned to Mycenae with 
Cassandra, he was murdered by Aegisthus and 
Clytaemnestra; for she gave him a shirt without 
sleeves and without a neck, and while he was 
putting it on he was cut down, and Aegisthus 
reigned over Mycenae.? And they killed Cassandra 

authenticated, see Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 sg. ; Scholiast 
on Homer, 71. xiii. 66; Iamblichus, De Pythagorica υἷα, 
viii, 42 ; Suidas, ¢.e. ποινή (quoting Aelian) ; Servius, on Virgil, 
Aen. i. 41. Servius, in contradiction to our other autho- 
rities, says that only one maiden was sent annually. Strabo 
appears to affirm that the custom originated as late as the 
Persian period (τὰς δὲ Aoxpidas πεμφθῆναι Περσῶν ἤδη κρατούν- 
των συνέβη). This view is accepted by Clinton, who accord- 
ingly holds that the custom lasted from 559 Β.0. to 346 B.c. 
(Fast: Hellenic, i. 134 aq.). 

2As to the murder of Agamemnon, see Homer, Od. iii. 
193 8ᾳ., 303-305, iv. 529-537, xi. 404-134; Hagias, Returns, 
‘summarized by Proclus, in Eptcorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53; Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1379 qq. ; 
ad. Humenides, 631-635 ; Sophocles, Hlectra, 95-99; Euri- 
pides, Electra, 8-10; id. Orestes, 25 sq.; Pausanias, ii. 16. 6; 

zetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1108 and 1375; Hyginus, 
Fab. 117; Seneca, Agamemnon, 875-909; Servius, on Vir- 
gil, Aen. xi. 268; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, 
ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 47, 126, 141 eg. (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 147; Second Vatican Mythographer, 147 and 
202) ; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, vi. 2, According 
to Homer and the author of the Returns, with whom Pau- 
sanias agrees, it was Aegisthus who killed Agamemnon ; 
according to Aeschylus, it was Clytaemnestra. Sophocles 
and Euripides speak of the murder being perpetrated by the 

2 Κασάνδραν. Ἠλέκτρα δὲ pia τῶν ᾿Αγαμέμνονος 

θυγατέρων ᾿Ορέστην τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκκλέπτει καὶ 
“a { Q 

δίδωσι Στροφίῳ Φωκεῖ 3 τρέφειν, ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκτρέ- 
φει μετὰ Πυλάδου παιδὸς idiov. τελειωθεὶς δὲ 
"Opéarns εἰς Δελφοὺς παραγίνεται καὶ τὸν θεὸν 
ἐρωτᾷ," εἰ τοὺς αὐτόχειρας τοῦ πατρὸς μετέλθοι. 

25 τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπιτρέποντος ὃ ἀπέρχεται εἰς 
Μυκήνας * μετὰ Πυλάδου λαθραίως καὶ κτείνει 5 
τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν Αἴγισθον, καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ 
μανίᾳ κατασχεθεὶς ὑπὸ ᾿Ερινύων διωκόμενος εἰς 
δ [4 
᾿Αθήνας παραγίνεται καὶ xpiverar’ ἐν *Apeip 
πάγῳ," | ὡς μὲν λέγουσί τινες ὑπὸ ᾿Ερινύων, ὡς 

4 ’ 

é τινες ὑπὸ Τυνδάρεω, ὡς δέ τινες ὑπὸ ᾽Ηρυγονης 
τῆς Αἰγίσθον καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρας, καὶ κριθεὶς 
ἴσων γενομένων τῶν ψήφων ἀπολύεται. 

1 Στροφίῳ Φωκεῖ Εἰ : Φωκεῖ Στροφίφ ὃ. 

2 καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐρωτᾷ ὃ : κἀκεῖ ἐρωτᾷ E. 

8 τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπιτρέποντος S: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐπιτρακεὶς E. 

4 ἀπέρχεται Μυκήνας Εἰ : ἀπερχόμενος εἰς Μυκήνας 8. 

δ καὶ κτείνει τὴν τε μήτερα καὶ τὸν Αἴγισθον E: τόν τε 
Αἴγισθον καὶ τὴν μητέρα κτείνει S. 

© Ἐρινύων ὃ: "ριννύων EB. 

7 καὶ κρίνεται E: κρίνεται δὲ ᾽᾿ορέστης ὃ. 
ὃ ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ S: ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ καὶ ἀπολύεται K. 

two jointly. The sleeveless and neckless garment in which 
Clytaemnestra entangled her husband, while she cut him 
down, is described with tragic grandiloquence and vagueness 
by Aeschylus, but more explicitly by later writers (Tzetzes, 
Seneca, Servius, and the Vatican Mythographers). 

1 As to the murder of Cassandra, vee Hcmer, Od. xi. 491-- 
423; Pindar, Pyth. xi. 19 (29) sqq.; Philostratus, Imagines, 
ii. 10; Athenaeus, xiii. 3, p. 556c; Hyginus, Fab. 117. 
According to Hyginus, both Clytaemnestra and Aegisthus 
had a hand in the murder of Cassandra; according to the 
other writers, she was despatched by Clytaemnestra alone. 

3 Compare Pindar, Pyth. xi. 34 (52) sgg.; Sophocles, 
Electra, 11 sqq.; Euripides, Hilectra, 14 sgqg.; Hyginus, Fad. 

also.! But Electra, one of Agamemnon’s daughters, 
smuggled away her brother Orestes and gave him to 
Strophius, the Phocian, to bring up; and he brought 
him up with Pylades, his own son.2, And when Orestes 
was grown up, he repaired to Delphi and asked the 
god whether he should take vengeance on his father’s 
murderers. The god gave him leave, so he departed 
secretly to Mycenae in company with Pylades, and 
killed both his mother and Aegisthus.? And not long 
afterwards, being afflicted with madness and pursued 
by the Furies, he repaired to Athens and was tried 
in the Areopagus. He is variously said to have been 
brought to trial by the Furies, or by Tyndareus, or by 
Erigone, daughter of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra ; 
and the votes at his trial being equal he was acquitted.‘ 

117. Pindar tells how, after the murder of his father Aga- 
memnon, the youthful Orestes was conveyed to the aged 
Strophius at the foot of Parnassus; but he does not say who 
rescued the child and conveyed him thither. According to 
Sophocles and Euripides, it was an old retainer of the family 
who thus saved Orestes, but Sophocles says that the old man 
had received the child from the hands of Electra. Hyginus, 
in agreement with Apollodorus, relates how, after the murder 
of Agamemnon, Electra took charge of (sustultt) her infant 
brother Orestes and committed him to the care of Strophius 
in Phocis. 

8 This vengeance for the murder of Agamemnon is the 
theme of three extant Greek tragedies, the Choephori of 
Aeschylus, the Electra of Sophocles, and the Electra of Euri- 
pides. It was related by Hagias in his epic, the Returns, as 
we learn from the brief summary of Proclus (Epicorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53). Compare Pindar, 
Pyth. xi. 36 (55) eq.; Hyginus, Fab, 119. Homer briefly 
mentions the murder of Aegisthus by Orestes (Od. i. 29 aq., 
298-300, iii. 306 sqqg.); he does not expressly mention, but 
darkly hints at, the murder of Clytaemnestra by her son 
(Od. iii. 309 8q.). 

4 The trial and acquittal of Orestes in the court of the 
Areopagus at Athens is the subject of Aeschylus’s tragedy, 

ES 26 | ᾿Ερομένῳ 1 δὲ αὐτῷ, πῶς ἂν ἀπαλλαγείη τῆς 
νόσου, ὁ θεὸς εἶπεν, εἰ τὸ ἐν Ταύροις ξόανον μετα- 

5. κομίσειεν.2 | οἱ δὲ Ταῦροι μοῖρά ἐστι Σκυθῶν, οἱ 
τοὺς ξένους φονεύουσι καὶ εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν «πῦρ; 8 

- ῥίπτουσι. τοῦτο ἦν ἐν τῷ τεμένει διά τινος πέτρας 

ES 27 ἀναφερόμενον ἐξ "Ardov. | παραγενόμενος οὖν εἰς 

1 For ἐρομένῳ we should perhaps read χρωμένφ. 

2 ἐρομένῳ St... ξόανον μετακομίσειεν S: καὶ λαμβάνει χρησ- 
μὸν ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς νόσον, εἰ τὸ ἐν Ταύροις μετακομίσοι βρέ- 
τας HK. 

8 εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν «-κῦρ: ῥίπτουσι Herwerden (Mnemosyne, 
xx. (1892), p. 200) (compare Euripides, Iphigenia tn Tauris, 
626, πῦρ ἱερόν) : els τὸ ἱερὸν ῥίπτουσι S, Wagner. 

the Humenides, where the poet similarly represents the matri- 
cide as acquitted because the votes were equal (verses 752 84.). 
The Parten Chronicte also records the acquittal on the same 
round, and dates it in the reign of Demophon, king of Athens. 
Bee Marmor Pariwum, 40 sq. (Fragmenta Historicorum Grae- 
f- corum, ed. C. Miiller, i. 546). Compare Euripides, Iphigenia 
in Tauris, 940-967, 1469-1472; τά. Orestes, 1648-1652 ; 
Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1374; Pausanias, i. 28. 5, 
viii. 34. 4; Dictys Cretensis, Bellum Trojanum, vi. 4. In the 
Eumenides the accusers of Orestes are the Furies. According 
to the Parian Chronicler, it was Erigone, the daughter of 
Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra, who instituted the prosecution 
for the murder of her father ; the chronicler does not mention 
the murder of Clytaemnestra as an article in the indictment 
of Orestes. According to the author of the Etymologicum 
Magnum (p. 42, 8.v. Alépa), the prosecution was conducted 
at Athens jointly by Erigone and her grandfather Tyndareus, 
and when it failed, Erigone hanged herself. Peloponnesian 
antiquaries, reported by Pausanias (viii. 34. 4), alleged that 
the accuser was not Tyndareus, who was dead, but Perilaua, 
a cousin of Clytaemnestra. According to Hyginus (Fab. 119), 
Orestes was accused by Tyndareus before the people of My- 
cenae, but was suffered to retire into banishment for the sake 
of his father. As to the madness of Orestes, caused by the 
Furies of his murdered mother, see Euripides, Orestes, 931 sqq.; 
Pausanias, iii. 22. 1, viii. 34. 1-4. The incipient symptonis of 

aa 

When he inquired how he should be rid of his 
disorder, the god answered that he would be rid of it if 
he should fetch the wooden image that was in the 
land of the Taurians.1_ Now the Taurians are a part 
of the Scythians, who murder strangers? and throw 
them into the sacred fire, which was in the pre- 
cinct, being wafted up from Hades through a 
certain rock. So when Orestes was come with 

madness, showing themselves immediately after the com- 
mission of the crime, are finely described by Aeschylus 
(Choephort, 1021 sqq.). 

1 As to the oracle, compare Euripides, Iphigenta in 
Tauris, 77-92, 970-978 ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1374 ; 
Hyginus, Fab. 120. 

2 The Taurians inhabited the Crimea. As to their custom 
of sacrificing castaways and strangers, see Herodotus, iv. 103; 
kKuripides, Iphigenta in Tauris, 34—41 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 

- 44. 7; Pausanias, i. 43. 1; Orphica, Argon. 1075 δᾳ., ed 
—— Abel; Ovid, Ex Ponto, iii. 2. 45-58 ; Mela, ii. 11; Ammianus 
Marcellinus, xxii. 8. 34. According to Herodotus, these 
Taurians sacrificed human beings to a Virgin Goddess, whom 
they identified with Iphigenia, daughter of Agamemnon. 
The victims were shipwrecked persons and any Greeks on 
whom they could lay hands. They were slaughtered by 
being knocked on the head with a club, after which their 
heads were set up on stakes and their bodies thrown down a 
recipice into the sea or buried in the ground; for reports 
differed in regard to the disposal of the corpses, though all 
agreed as to the setting of the heads on stakes. Ammianus 
arcellinus says that the native name of the goddess was 
~_Orsiloche. 

3 This account of the disposa] of the bodies of the victims 

is based on Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 625 sq. :— 
ΟΡ, τάφος δὲ ποῖος δέξεταί μ᾽, ὅταν θάνω; 
Id. πῦρ ἱερὸν ἔνδον χάσμα τ᾽ ebpwrdy πέτραΞ. 
Compare td. 1154 sq. :--- 
ἤδη τῶν ξένων κατήρξατο, 
ἀδύτοις 7 ἐν ἁγνοῖς σῶμα λάμπονται πυρί; 
Thus Apollodorus differs from the account which Herodotus 
gives of the disposal of the bodies. See the preceding note. 

VOL. II. T 

Tavpovs Opéotns 1 μετὰ Πυλάδου φωραθεὶς ἑάλω 
καὶ ἄγεται πρὸς Θόαντα τὸν βασιλέα δέσμιος, 
ὁ δὲ ἀμφοτέρους πρὸς τὴν ἱέρειαν ἀποστέλλει. 
ἐπιγνωσθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἱερὰ ποιούσης 
ἐν Tavpos,? ἄρας τὸ ξόανον σὺν αὐτῇ φεύγει. 
 κομισθὲν δὲ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας νῦν λέγεται τὸ τῆς Ταυ- 
ροπόλου" ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτὸν κατὰ χειμῶνα προσενε- 

1 παραγενόμενος οὖν εἰς Ταύρου: ᾿Ορέστης S: καὶ δὴ παραγενό- 
μενος ἂν Ταύροις E. 
2 τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἱερὰ ποιούσης ἐν Ταύροις S: τῆς ἀδελφῆς E. 

1 This account of the expedition of Orestes and Pylades to 
the land of the Taurians, and their escape with the image of 
Artemis, is the subject of Euripides’s play Iphigenta in Tauris, 
which Apollodorus seems to have followed closely. The gist 
of the play is told in verse by Ovid (Hz Ponto, iii. 2. 43-96) 
and in prose by Hyginus (fab. 120). Compare Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 1374; Scriptores rerum mythicarum 
Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, vol. i. pp. 7, 141 ag. (First Vatican 
Mythographer, 20; Second Vatican Mythographer, 202). 

2 In saying that the image of the Tauric Artemis was 
taken to Athens our author follows Euripides. See Iphi- 
genta in Taurts, 89-91, 1212-1214. But according to Kuri- 
pides the image was not to remain in Athens but to be 
carried to a sacred place in Attica called Halae, where it was 
to be set up in a temple specially built for it and to be called 
the image of Artemis Tauropolus or Brauronian Artemis 
(Iphigenta in Tauris, 1446-1467).4 An old wooden image of 
Artemis, which purported to be the one brought from the 
land of the Taurians, was shown at Brauron in Attica as late 
as the second century of our era; Iphigenia is said to have 
landed with the image at Brauron and left it there, while she 
herself went on by land to Athens and afterwards to Argos. 
See Pausanias, i. 23. 7, i. 33. 1. But according to some the 
original image was carried off by Xerxes to Susa, and was 
afterwards presented by Seleucus to Laodicea in Syria, where 
it was said to remain down to the time of Pausanias in the 
second century of our era (Pausanias, iii. 16. 8, viii. 46. 3). 

Pylades to the land of the Taurians, he was detected, 
caught, and carried in bonds before Thoas the king, 
who sent them both to the priestess. But being re- 
cognized by his sister, who acted as priestess among 
the Taurians, he fled with her, carrying off the 
wooden image.'! It was conveyed to Athens and is 
now called the image of Tauropolus.? But some say 

Euripides has recorded, in the form of prophecy, two in- 
teresting features in the ritual of Artemis at Halae or Brauron. Ἂς 
In sacrificing to the goddess the priest drew blood with a 
sword from the throat of a man, and this was regarded as a 
substitute for the sacrifice of Orestes, of which the goddess 
had been defrauded by his escape. Such a custom is ex- 
plained most naturally as a mitigation of an older practice of 
actually sacrificing human beings to the goddess; and the 
tradition of such sacritices at Brauron would suffice to give 
rise to the story that the image of the cruel goddess had 
been brought from the land of ferocious barbarians on the 
Black Sea. For similar mitigations of an old custom of 
human sacrifice, see The Dying God, PP. 214 ϑηᾳ. The other 
feature in the ritual at Brauron which Euripides notices was 
that the garments of women dying in childbed used to be 
dedicated to Iphigenia, who was believed to be buried at 
Brauron. See Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1458—1487. 
As to Brauron and Halae, see my note on Pausanias, i. 33. 1 
(vol. ii. pp. 445 egq.). But other places besides Brauron 
claimed to possess the ancient idol of the Tauric Artemis 
The wooden image of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, at whose 
altar the Spartan youths were scourged to the effusion of 
blood, was supposed by the Lacedaemonians to be the true 
original image brought by Iphigenia herself to Sparta; and 
their claim was preferred. by Pausanias to that of the Athe- 
nians (Pausanias, iii. 16. 7-10). Others said that Orestes 
and Iphigenia carried the image, hidden in a bundle of 
faggots, to Aricia in Italy. See Servius, on Virgil, ii. 116, 
vi. 1386; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latimt, ed. G. H. 
Bode, vol. i. pp. 7, 142 (First Vatican Mythographer, 20 ; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 202); compare Strabo, v. 3. 
12, p. 239. Indeed, it was affirmed by some people that on 
his wanderings Orestes had deposited, not one, but many 

Tt 2 

χθῆναι τῇ νήσῳ “Pod@ λέγουσιν. .. αὐτὸν καὶ 

ES 28 κατὰ χρησμὸν ἐν τείχει καθοσιωθῆναι.3 | καὶ δὴ 

E 

ἐλθὼν eis Μνκήνας Πυλάδῃ μὲν τὴν ἀδελφὴν 
᾿Ηλέκτραν συζεύγνυσιν," αὐτὸς δὲ γήμας Ἑρμιόνην, 
ἢ κατά τινας ᾿᾽Ηριγόνην,3 τεκνοῖ Trcapevor,* | καὶ 
δηχθεὶς ὑπὸ ὄφεως ἐν ᾿Ορεστείῳ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας 
θνήσκει. 

1 λέγουσιν αὐτὸν καὶ κατὰ χρησμὸν ἐν τείχει καθοσιωθῆναι 8. 
There seems to be a lacuna after λέγουσιν. Biicheler pro- 
posed to correct the passage and supply the lacuna as follows: 
λέγουσι «καὶ τὸ ξόανον μεῖναι» αὐτοῦ καὶ κατὰ χρησμὸν ἐν 
τείχει καθοσιωθῆναι, ‘‘They say that the image remained 
there and in accordance with an oracle was dedicated in a 
fortification wall.” This may give the sense. Kerameus 
proposed to change αὐτὸν into vavaydy, but this would still 
leave the verb καθοσιωθῆναι without a proper subject. 

2 καὶ δὴ ἐλθὼν eis Μυκήνας Πυλάδῃ μὲν τὴν ἀδελφὴν Ἤλέκτραν 
συ(ζεύγνυσιν E: Ὀρέστης δὲ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ᾿Ηλέκτραν Πυλάδῃ 
συνῴκισεν ὃ. 

3 4 κατά τινας ριγόνην E, wanting in S. 

4 ἐγέννησε Τισαμενόν ὃ : τεκνοῖ (without an accusative) E. 
The original text of Apollodorus in this passage is probably 
reproduced more fully by Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 1374) 
as follows: Ὕστερον δὲ ἦλθεν els ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ Πυλάδῃ μὲν 
Ἠλέκτραν (ενγνύει, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀνελὼν Νεοπτύ- 
λεμον τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέως ἔγημεν Ἑ, ρμιόνην, ἐξ ἧς γεννᾷ Τισαμενόν, ἣ 
κατά τινας ᾿Ηριγόνην γήμας, τὴν Αἰγίσθου, Πένθιλον γεννᾷ, οἰκῶν 
ἐν ᾽Ορεστίᾳ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας, ὅπου ὑπὸ ὕφεως δηχθεὶς ἀναιρεῖται. 
‘‘ Afterwards he came to Athens and united Electra in 
marriage to Pylades, but he himself, with the help of his 
brothers, killed Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, and married 
Hermione, by whom he begat Tisamenus; or, according to 
some, he married Erigone, daughter of Aegisthus, and begat 
Penthilus, dwelling in Orestia, a district of Arcadia, where 
he was killed by the bite of a snake.” 

images of Artemis in many places (Aelius Lampridius, Helso- 
gabalus, 7). Such stories have clearly no historical value. 
In every case they were probably devised to explain or excuse 
a cruel and bloody ‘ritual by deriving it from a barbarous 
country. 

that Orestes was driven in a storm to the island 
of Rhodes, and in accordance with an oracle the 
image was dedicated in a fortification wall.1 And 
having come to Mycenae, he united his sister Electra 
in marriage to Pylades,? and having himself married 
Hermione, or, according to some, Erigone, he begat 
Tisamenus,’ and was killed by the bite of a snake at 
Oresteum in Arcadia.* 

1 This drifting of Orestes to Rhodes seems to be mentioned 
by no other ancient writer. The verb (καθοσιωθῆναι), which 
I have taken to refer to the image and have translated by 
‘* dedicated,” may perhaps refer to Orestes; if so, it would 
mean ‘‘ purified” from the guilt of matricide. According to 
Hyginus (Fab. 120), Orestes sailed with Iphigenia and Pylades 
to the island of Sminthe, which is otherwise unknown. 
Another place to which Orestes and Iphigenia were supposed 
to have come on their way from the Crimea was Comana in 
Cappadocia; there he was said to have introduced the wor- 
ship of Artemis Tauropolus and to have shorn his hair in 
token of mourning. Hence the city was said to derive its 
name (Κόμανα from κόμη). See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535. 
According to Tzetzes (Schol. on Lycophron, 1374), Orestes 
was driven by storms to that part of Syria where Seleucia 
and Antioch afterwards stood; and Mount Amanus, on the 
borders of Syria and Cilicia, was so named because there the 
matricide was relieved of his madness (‘Auavés, from μανία 
‘*madness” and & privative). Such is a sample of Byzantine 
etymology. 

2 As to the marriage of Electra to Pylades, see Euripides, 
Electra, 1249 ; τὰ. Orestes, 1658 sg. ; Hyginus, Fab. 122. 

3 As to the marriage of Orestes and Hermione, see above, 
Epitome, v. 14, with the note. According to Pausanias 
(ii. 18. 6), Orestes had by Hermione a son Tisamenus, who 
‘succeeded his father on the throne of Sparta. But Pausanias 
also mentions a tradition that Orestes had a bastard son 
Penthilus by Erigone, daughter of Aegisthus, and for this 
tradition he cites as his authority the old epic poet Cinae- 
thon. Compare Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 1474. 

4 Compare Scholiast on Euripides, Orestes, 1645, quoting 
Asclepiades as his authority; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- 
phron, 1374. In the passage of Euripides on which the 

ES 29 | Μενέλαος δὲ πέντε vais τὰς πάσας 1 ἔχων μεθ᾽ 
ἑαυτοῦ προσσχὼν " Σουνίῳ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἀκρω- 
τηρίῳ κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Κρήτην ἀπορριφεὶς πάλεν ὑπὸ 
ἀνέμων μακρὰν ἀπωθεῖται, καὶ πλανώμενος ἀνά 

lA 4 [4 7 N wv 
τε Λιβύην καὶ Φοινίκην καὶ Κύπρον καὶ Αἴγυπτον 
πολλὰ συναθροίζει χρήματα. καὶ κατά τινας 
εὑρίσκεται παρὰ ΤΙρωτεῖ τῷ τῶν Atyurrriov βασι- 
λεῖ ᾿Ελένη, μέχρι τότε εἴδωλον ἐκ νεφῶν ἐσχη- 
’ -Ὁ"᾿ 4 9 3 A N 4 
κότος τοῦ Μενελάου. ὀκτὼ δὲ πλανηθεὶς ἔτη 
κατέπλευσεν εἰς Μυκήνας, κἀκεῖ κατέλαβεν ᾽Ορέ- 
, 4 a Ἁ “ Ἁ 
στὴν μετεληλυθότα τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς φόνον. ἐλθὼν 
’ 
δὲ εἰς Σπάρτην τὴν ἰδίαν ὃ ἐκτήσατο βασιλείαν. 
S καὶ ἀποθανατισθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἥρας εἰς τὸ ᾿Ηλύσιον 
ἦλθε πεδίον μεθ᾽ “Ἑλένης. 
VII. Ὁ δὲ Ὀδυσσεύς, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, 
ἐπλανᾶτο κατὰ Λιβύην, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι κατὰ Σικελίαν, 

1 ras πάσας S: τὰς ὅλας E. 

2 προσσχὼν Σουνίῳ. . . Κύπρον καὶ Αἴγυπτον S: πολλὰς 
χώρας παραμείψας KE. 3 τὴν ἰδίαν Εἰ : ἰδίαν S. 

4 Here the Vatican Epitome ends. What follows is found 
in the Sabbaitic fragments alone. 

Scholiast comments (Orestes, 1643—1647), Orestes is bidden 
by Apollo to retire to Parrhasia, a district of Arcadia, for 
the space of a year, after which he is to go and stand his 
trial for the murder of his mother at Athens. This year to 
be spent in Arcadia is no doubt the year of banishment to 
which homicides had to submit before they were allowed to 
resume social intercourse with their fellows. See above note 
on ii. δ. 11 (vol. i. pp. 218 8g.). The period is so interpreted by 
a Scholiast on Euripides (Orestes, 1645). As to Oresteum in 
Arcadia, sce Pausanias, viii. 3. 1 94., who says that it was 
formerly called Oresthasium. A curious story of the madness 
of Orestes in Arcadia is told by Pausanias (viii. 34. 1-4). He 
says that, when the Furies were about to drive him mad, they 
appeared to him black, but that he bit off one of his own 

Menelaus, with five ships in all under his command, 
put in at Sunium, a headland of Attica; and being 
again driven thence by winds to Crete he drifted far 
away, and wandering up and down Libya, and Phoe- 
nicia, and Cyprus, and Egypt, he collected much 
treasure.! And according to some, he discovered 
Helen at the court of Proteus, king of Egypt ; for till 
then Menelaus had only a phantom of her made of 
clouds.*_ And after wandering for eight years he came 
to port at Mycenae, and there found Orestes, who 
had avenged his father’s murder. And having come 
to Sparta he regained his own kingdom,’ and being 
made immortal by Hera he went to the Elysian Fields 
with Helen.‘ 

VII. Ulysses, ‘as some say, wandered about 
Libya, or, as some say, about Sicily, or, as others 

fingers, whereupon they appeared to him white, and he 
immediately recovered his wits. The grave of Orestes was 
near Tegea in Arcadia ; from there his bones were stolen by 
a Spartan and carried to Sparta in compliance with an oracle, 
which assured the Spartans of victory over their stubborn 
foes the Tegeans, if only they could get possession of these 
valuable relics. See Herodotus, i. 67 sq. ; Pausanias, iii. 3. 
5 84., iii. 11. 10, viii. 54. 3. 

1 For the wanderings of Menelaus on the voyage from Troy, 
see Homer, Od. iii. 276-302 ; compare Pausanias, x. 25. 2. 

2 As to the real and the phantom Helen, see above, Hpt- 
tome, iii. 5, with the note. 

?The return of Menelaus to his home was related by 
Hagias in the Returns, as we learn from the brief abstract of 
that poem by Proclus (Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed, 
G. Kinkel, p. 53). 

4 Homer in the Odyssey (iv. 561-569) represents Proteus 
prophesying to Menelaus that he was fated not to die but to 

e transported by the gods to the Elysian Fields, there to 
dwell at ease where there was neither snow, nor storm, or 
rain, because he had married Helen and was thereby a son- 
in-law of Zeus. Compare Euripides, Helen, 1676-1679. 

ὡς δὲ ἄλλοι κατὰ τὸν ᾿᾽Ωκεανὸν ἢ κατὰ τὸ Tuppn- 
νικὸν πέλαγος. 

2 ᾿Αναχθεὶς δὲ ἀπὸ Ἰλίου προσίσχει πόλει Κικό- 
νων ᾿Ισμάρῳ καὶ ταύτην αἱρεῖ πολεμῶν καὶ λαφυ- 
ραγωγεῖ, μόνου φεισάμενος Μάρωνος, ὃς ἦν ἱερεὺς 
᾿Απόλλωνος. αἰσθόμενοι δὲ οἱ τὴν ἥπειρον οἷ- 
κοῦντες Κίκονες σὺν ὅπλοις ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν παραγίνονται" 
ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης δὲ νεὼς ἐξ ἀποβαλὼν ἄνδρας ἀνα- 

8 χθεὶς ἔφευγε. καὶ καταντᾷ εἰς τὴν Λωτοφάγων 
χώραν καὶ πέμπει τινὰς μαθησομένους τοὺς 
κατοικοῦντας" οἱ δὲ γευσάμενοι τοῦ λωτοῦ κατέ- 
μειναν' ἐφύετο γὰρ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καρπὸς ἡδὺς 
λεγόμενος λωτῦς, ὃς τῷ γευσαμένῳ πάντων ἐποίει 
λήθην. Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ αἰσθόμενος, τοὺς λοιποὺς 
κατασχών, τοὺς γευσαμένους μετὰ βίας ἐπὶ τὰς 
ναῦς ἄγει, καὶ προσπλεύσας 5 τῇ Κυκλώπων γῇ 
προσπελάζει. 

4 Καταλιπὼν δὲ τὰς λοιπὰς ναῦς ἐν τῇ πλησίον 
νήσῳ, μίαν ἔχων τῇ Κυκλώπων γῇ προσπελάζει, 
μετὰ δώδεκα ἑταίρων ἀποβὰς τῆς νεώς. ἔστι δὲ 
τῆς θαλάσσης πλησίον ἄντρον, εἰς ὃ ἔρχεται ἔχων 

1 τινὰς Wagner: τοὺς ὃ. 

3 προσπλεύσας 8. Wagner conjectures ἀποπλεύσας, which 
would be better. 

1 As to the adventures of Ulysses with the Cicones, see 
Homer, Od. ix. 39-66. The Cicones were a Thracian tribe ; 
Xerxes and his army marched through their country (Hero- 
dotus, vii. 110). As to Maro, the priest of Apollo at Ismarus, 
see Homer, Od. ix. 196-211. He dwelt in a wooded grove 
of Apollo, and bestowed splendid presents and twelve jars of 
red honey-sweet wine, in return for the protection which he 
and his wife received at the hands of Ulysses. 

2 As to the adventures of Ulysses with the Lotus-eaters, 
see Homer, Od. ix. 82-104; Hyginus, Fab. 125. The Lotus- 

say, about the ocean or about the Tyrrhenian 
Sea. 

And putting to sea from Ilium, he touched at 
Ismarus, a city of the Cicones, and captured it in 
war, and pillaged it, sparing Maro alone, who was 
priest of Apollo.! And when the Cicones who inhab- 
‘ited the mainland heard of it, they came in arms to 
withstand him, and having lost six men from each ship 
he put to sea and fled. And he landed in the country 
of the Lotus-eaters,2 and sent some to learn who 
inhabited it, but they tasted of the lotus and remained 
there ; for there grew in the country a sweet fruit 
called lotus, which caused him who tasted it to forget 
everything. When Ulysses was informed of this, he 
restrained the rest of his men, and dragged those 
who had tasted the lotus by force to the ships. And 
having sailed to the land of the Cyclopes, he stood 
in for the shore. ΕΝ 

And having left the rest of the ships in the neigh- 
bouring island, he stood in for the land of the Cyclopes 
with a single ship, and landed with twelve compan- 
ions.* And near the sea was a cave which he entered, 

eaters were a tribe of northern Africa, inhabiting the coast 
of Tripolis (Scylax, Periplus, 110; Pliny, Nat. Hest. v. 28). 
As to the lotus, see Herodotus, iv. 177; Polybius, xii. 2. 1, 
uoted by Athenaeus, xiv. 65, p. 651 p-¥; Theophrastus, 
tet. Plant. iv. 3. leg. The tree is the Ztzyphus Lotus of 
the botanists. Theophrastus says that the tree was common 
in Libya, that is, in northern Africa, and that an army 
marching on Carthage subsisted on its fruit alone for several 
days. The modern name of the tree is ssodr or ssidr. A whole 
district in Tripolis is named Ssodria after it. See A. Wiede- 
mann, Herodots zwettes Buch, p. 385, note on Herodotus, ii. 96. 
* As to the adventures of Ulysses and his companions 
among the Cyclopes, see Homer, Od. ix. 105-542 ; Hyginus, 
Fab. 125. The story is a folk-tale found in many lands. See 

Appendix, ‘‘ Ulysses and Polyphemus,” 

° APOLLODORUS 

9 τὰς ἐκείνου χεῖρας. ἦν δὲ λόγιον Κύκλωπι εἰρη- 
μένον ὑπὸ μάντεως τυφλωθῆναι ὑπὸ ᾽Οδυσσέως. 
καὶ μαθὼν τὸ ὄνομα πέτρας ἀποσπῶν ἠκόντιζεν 
εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, μόλις δὲ ἡ ναῦς σώξεται 
πρὸς τὰς πέτρας. ἐκ τούτου δὲ μηνίει ἸΤοσειδῶν 
᾿Οδυσσεῖ. 

10 ᾿Αναχθεὶς δὲ συμπάσαις «ναυσὶ; 1 παραγίνεται 
εἰς Αἰολίαν νῆσον, ἧς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἦν Αἴολος. 
οὗτος ἐπιμελητὴς ὑπὸ Διὸς τῶν ἀνέμων καθεσ- 
τήκει καὶ παύειν καὶ προΐεσθαι. ὃς ξενίσας ᾿δυσ- 
σέα δίδωσιν αὐτῷ ἀσκὸν βόειον, ἐν ᾧ κατέδησε 
τοὺς ἀνέμους, ὑποδείξας οἷς δεῖ χρῆσθαι πλέοντα, 
τοῦτον" ἐν τῷ σκάφει καταδήσας. ὁ δὲ ᾿Οδυσσεὺς 
ἐπιτηδείοις ἀνέμοις χρώμενος εὐπλοεῖ, καὶ πλησίον 

᾿ Ἰθάκης ὑπάρχων ἤδη τὸν ἀναφερόμενον ἐκ τῆς 

ll πόλεως καπνὸν ἰδὼν ἐκοιμήθη. οἱ δὲ ἑταῖροι 
νομίζοντες χρυσὸν ἐν τῷ ἀσκῷ κομίξειν αὐτόν, 
λύσαντες τοὺς ἀνέμους ἐξαφῆκαν, καὶ πάλιν εἰς 
τοὐπίσω παρεγένοντο ὑπὸ τῶν πνευμάτων apTra- 
σθέντες. ᾽Οδυσσεὺς δὲ ἀφικόμενος πρὸς Αἴολον 
ἠξίον πομπῆς τυχεῖν, ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκβάλλει τῆς 
νήσου λέγων ἀντιπρασσόντων τῶν θεῶν μὴ δύνα- 
σθαι σώζειν. - 

12 Πλέων οὖν κατῆρε πρὸς Λαιστρυγόνας, καὶ... 
τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ναῦν καθώρμισεν ἐσχάτως. Λαιστρυ- 
yoves δ᾽ ἦσαν ἀνδροφάγοι, καὶ αὐτῶν ἐβασίλευεν 
᾿Αντιφάτης. μαθεῖν οὖν ᾿Οδυσσεὺς βουλόμενος 

1 ναυσὶ conjectured by Kerameus, wanting in 8. 
2 Perhaps we should read καὶ τοῦτον. 

1 As to the adventures of Ulysses with Aeolus, the Keeper 
of the Winds, see Homer, Od. x. 1-76; Hyginus, Fab. 125 ; 
Ovid, Metamorph. xiv. 223-232. 

out of his hands. Now the Cyclops had been fore- 
warned by a soothsayer that he should be blinded by 
Ulysses; and when he learned the name, he tore 
away rocks and hurled them into the sea, and hardly 
did the ship evade the rocks. From that time 
Poseidon was wroth with Ulysses. 

Having put to sea with all his ships, he came to 
the island of Aeolia, of which the king was Aeolus.} 
He was appointed by Zeus keeper of the winds, both 
to calm them and to send them forth. Having enter- 
tained Ulysses, he gave him an ox-hide bag in which 
he had bound fast the winds, after showing what 
winds to use on the voyage and binding fast the bag 
in the vessel. And by using suitable winds Ulysses 
had a prosperous voyage; and when he was near Ithaca 
and already saw the smoke rising from the town,? 
he fell asleep. But his comrades, thinking he carried 
gold in the bag, loosed it and let the winds go 
free, and being swept away by the blasts they were 
driven back again. And having come to Aeolus, 
Ulysses begged that he might be granted a fair 
wind ; but Aeolus drove him from the island, saying 
that he could not save him when the gods opposed. 

So sailing on he came to the land of the Laestry- 
gones,> and his own ship he moored last. Now 
the Laestrygones were cannibals, and their king was 
Antiphates. Wishing, therefore, to learn about the 

2 Homer says (Od. x. 30) they were so near land that they 
could already see the men tending the fires (πυρπολέονταΞ) ; 
but whether the fires were signals to guide the ship to port, 
or watch-fires of shepherds tending their flocks on the hills, 
does not appear. 

3 As to the adventures of Ulysses and his comrades among 
the Lacetrygones, see Homer, Od. x. 80-132; Hyginus, Fab. 
125 ; Ovid, Metamorph. xiv. 233-244. 

τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἔπεμψέ τινας πευσομένους. 
τούτοις δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως θυγάτηρ συντυγχάνει 

13 καὶ αὐτοὺς ἄγει πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. ὁ δὲ ἕνα μὲν 
αὐτῶν ἁρπάσας ἀναλίσκει, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐδίωκε 
φεύγοντας κεκραγὼς καὶ συγκαλῶν τοὺς ἄλλους 
Λαιστρυγόνας. οἱ δὲ ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν 
καὶ βάλλοντες πέτροις τὰ μὲν σκάφη κατέαξαν, 
αὐτοὺς δὲ ἐβίβρωσκον. ᾿Οδυσσεὺς δὲ κόψας τὸ 
πεῖσμα τῆς vews ἀνήχθη, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ σὺν τοῖς 
πλέουσιν ἀπώλοντο. 

14 Μίαν δὲ ἔχων ναῦν Alain νήσῳ προσίσχει. 
ταύτην κατῴκει Κίρκη, θυγάτηρ Ἡλίου καὶ Tép- 
σης, Αἰήτου δὲ ἀδελφή, πάντων ἔμπειρος οὖσα 
φαρμάκων. διελὼν! τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτὸς μὲν 
κλήρῳ μένει παρὰ τῇ νηί, Εὐρύλοχος δὲ πορεύεται 
μεθ᾽ ἑταίρων 3 εἰκοσιδύο τὸν ἀριθμὸν πρὸς Κίρκην. 

15 καλούσης δὲ αὐτῆς χωρὶς Εὐρυλόχον πάντες 
εἰσίασιν. ἡ δ᾽ ἑκάστῳ κυκεῶνα πλήσασα τυροῦ 
καὶ μέλιτος καὶ ἀλφίτων καὶ οἴνου δίδωσι, μίξασα 
φαρμάκῳ. πιόντων δὲ αὐτῶν, ἐφαπτομένη ῥάβδῳ 
τὰς μορφὰς ἠλλοίου, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐποίει λύκους, 
τοὺς δὲ σῦς, τοὺς δὲ ὄνους, τοὺς δὲ λέοντας. 

16 Εὐρύλοχος δὲ ἰδὼν ταῦτα ᾿Οδυσσεῖ ἀπαγγέλλει. 

1 Wagner conjectures διελὼν -«δὲ;», which would be better. 
3. ἑταίρων Kerameus: ἑτέρων ὃ. 

1 As to the adventures of Ulysses and his comrades with 
the enchantress Circe, see Homer, Od. x. 133-574; Hyginus, 
Fab. 125; Ovid, Metamorph. xiv. 246-440. The word (φάρ- 
paxa) here translated ‘‘enchantments” means primarily 
drugs; but in the early stages of medicine drugs were sup- 
posed to be endowed with magical potency, partly in virtue 
of the spells, that is, the form of words, with which the 

' EPITOME, vit. 12-16 

inhabitants, Ulysses sent some men to inquire. But 
the king’s daughter met them and led them to her 
father. And he snatched up one of them and de- 
voured him; but the rest fled, and he pursued them, 
shouting and calling together the rest of the Laestry- 
gones. They came to the sea, and by throwing stones 
they broke the vessels and ate the men. Ulysses cut 
the cable of his ship and put to sea; but the rest ot 
the ships perished with their crews. 

. With one ship he put in to the Aeaean isle. It was 
inhabited by Circe, a daughter of the Sun and of 
Perse, and a sister of Aeetes; skilled in all enchant- 
ments was she.1 Having divided his comrades, 
Ulysses himself abode by the ship, in accordance 
with the lot, but Eurylochus with two and twenty 
comrades repaired to Circe. At her call they all 
entered except Eurylochus; and to each she gave a 
tankard she had filled with cheese and honey and 
barley meal and wine, and mixed with an enchant- 
ment. And when they had drunk, she touched them 
with a wand and changed their shapes, and some she. 
made wolves, and some swine, and some asses, and 
some lions.2, But Eurylochus saw these things and 

medical practitioner administered them tothe patient. Hence 
druggist and enchanter were nearly synonymous terms. As 
Circe used her Knowledge of drugs purely for magical pur- 

ses, without any regard to the medical side of the profession, 
it seems better to translate her φάρμακα by ‘‘ enchantments ” 
or ‘‘charms” rather than ‘‘ drugs,” and to call her an en- 
chantress instead of a druggist. 

2 In Homer (Od. x. 237 8qq.) the companions of Ulysses are 
turned into swine only; nothing is said. about a transforma- 
tion of them into wolves, lions, and asses, though round about 
the house of the enchantress they saw wolves and lions, which 
stood on their hind legs, wagged their tails, and fawned upon 
them, because they were men enchanted (Od. x. 210-219). 

ὁ δὲ λαβὼν portv παρὰ Ἑρμοῦ πρὸς Κίρκην 
ἔρχεται, καὶ βαλὼν εἰς τὰ φάρμακα τὸ μῶλν 
νος πιὼν οὗ φαρμάσσεται’ σπασάμενος δὲ τὸ 
ξίφος ἤθελε! Κίρκην ἀποκτεῖναι. ἡ δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν 
παύσασα τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀποκαθίστησι. καὶ λαβὼν 
ὅρκους Ὀδυσσεὺς παρ᾽ αὐτῆς μηδὲν ἀδικηθῆναι 
συνευνάξεταει, καὶ γίνεται αὐτῷ παῖς Τηλέγονος. 
17 ἐνιαυτὸν δὲ μείνας ἐκεῖ, πλεύσας Σ τὸν ᾿Ωκεανόν, 
σφάγια ταῖς ψυχαῖς ποιησάμενος μαντεύεται 
παρὰ Τειρεσίου, Κίρκης ὑποθεμένης, καὶ θεωρεῖ 
τάς Te τῶν ἡρώων ψυχὰς καὶ" τῶν ἡρωΐδων. 
βλέπει δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα ᾿Αντίέκλειαν καὶ ᾿Ελπή- 
vopa, ὃς ἐν τοῖς Κίρκης πεσὼν ἐτελεύτησε. 
18 Παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς Κίρκην ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης 
προπεμφθεὶς ἀνήχθη, καὶ τὴν νῆσον παρέπλει 5 
1 ἄθελε Biicheler: ἦλθε S. 
3 Perhaps we should read πλεύσας <eis> τὸν ᾿Ωκεανόν. 
8 Wagner conjectured «καὶ» σφάγια. 

4 Perhaps we should read καὶ τὰς. 
5 wapéwAes Wagner: παραπλέει 8. 

1 As to moly, see Homer, Od. x. 302-306. Homer says 
that it was a plant dug up from the earth, with a black root 
and a white flower. According to Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 
ix. 15. 7), moly resembled Alltum nigrum, which was found 
in the valley of Pheneus and on Mount Cyllene in northern 
Arcadia ; he says it had a round root, like an onion, and a 
leaf like a squill, and that it was used as an antidote to spells 
and enchantments. But probably the moly of Homer grew 
on no earthly hill or valley, but only in ‘‘ fairyland forlorn.” 

3 Telegonus is unknown to Homer, who mentions no off- 
spring of Ulysses by the enchantress Circe. He is named 
as a son of Ulysses and Circe by Hesiod in a line which is 
suspected, however, of being spurious (Theogony, 1014). He 
was recognized by Hagias in his epic, The Returns, and by 
another Cyclic poet Eugammon of Cyrene ; indeed Eugammon 
composed an epic called the Telegony on the adventures of 
Telegonus, but according to him Telegonus was a son of 

reported them to Ulysses. And Ulysses went to Circe 
with moly,! which he had received from Hermes, 
and throwing the moly among her enchantments, he 
drank and alone was not enchanted. Then drawing 
his sword, he would have killed her, but she appeased 
his wrath and restored his comrades. And when he 
had taken an oath of her that he should suffer no harm, 
Ulysses shared her bed, and a son, Telegonus, was 
born to him.? Having tarried a year there, he sailed 
the ocean, and offered sacrifices to the souls,’ and by 
Circe’s advice consulted the soothsayer Tiresias,* and 
beheld the souls both of heroes and of heroines. He 
also looked on his mother Anticlia® and Elpenor, 
who had died of a fall in the house of Circe.® 

And having come to Circe he was sent on his way 
by her, and put to sea, and sailed past the isle of the 

Ulysses by Calypso, not by Circe. See Hpicorum Graecorum 
Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 56, 57 sg.; Eustathius on 
Homer, Od. xvi. 118, p. 1796. According to Hyginus (Fab. 
125), Ulysses had two sons, Nausithous and Telegonus, by 
Circe. As to Telegonus, see also below, Epitome, vii. 36 sq. 

ὃ The visit of Ulysses to the land of the dead is the theme 
of the eleventh book of the Odyssey. Compare Hyginus, 
Fab. 125. The visit was the subject of one of the two great 
pictures by Polygnotus at Delphi. See Pausanias, x. 28-31. 

* As to the consultation with Tiresias, see Homer, Od. xi. 
90-151. 

5 As to the interview of Ulysses with his mother, see 
Homer, Od. xi. 153-224. 

6 In the hot air of Circe’s enchanted isle Elpenor had 
slept for coolness on the roof of the palace; then, sud- 
denly wakened by the noise and bustle of his comrades 
making ready to depart, he started up and, forgetting to 
descend by the ladder, tumbled from the roof and broke his 
neck. In his hurry to be off, Ulysses had not stayed to bury 
his dead comrade; so the soul of Elpenor, unwept and un- 
buried, was the first to meet his captain on the threshold of 
the spirit land. See Homer, Od. x. 552-560, xi. 51-83, 

28a 
VOL. 11. υ 

τῶν Σειρήνων. ai δὲ Σειρῆνες ἦσαν Ἀχελῴου 
καὶ Μελπομένης μιᾶς τῶν Μουσῶν θυγατέρες, 
Πεισινόη ᾿Αγλαόπη Θελξιέπεια. τούτων ἡ μὲν 
ἐκιθάριξεν, ἡ δὲ ἦδεν, ἡ δὲ ηὔλει, καὶ διὰ τούτων 
19 ἔπειθον καταμένειν τοὺς παραπλέοντας. εἶχον δὲ 
ἀπὸ τῶν μηρῶν ὀρνίθων μορφάς. ταύτας παρα- 
πλέων Odvacers, τῆς ὠδῆς βουλόμενος ὑπακοῦσαι, 
Κίρκης ὑποθεμένης τῶν μὲν ἑταίρων τὰ ὦτα ἔβυσε 
κηρῷ, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἐκέλευσε προσδεθῆναι τῷ ἱστῷ. 
πειθόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Σειρήνων καταμένειν ἠξίου 
λυθῆναι, οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ἐδέσμευον, καὶ οὕτω 

1 As to the return of Ulysses to the isle of Circe, and his sail- 
ing past the Sirens, see Homer, Od. xii. 1-200 ; Hyginus, Fab. 
125. Homer does not name the Sirens individually nor men- 
tion their parentage, but by using the dual in reference to them 
(verses 52, 167) he indicates that they were two in number. 
Sophocles, in his play Ulysses, called the Sirens daughters of 
Phorcus, and agreed with Homer in recognizing only two of 
them, See Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. ix. 14.6; The Frag- 
ments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. iii. p. 66, frag. 
861. Apollonius Rhodius says that the Muse Terpsichore 
bore the Sirens to Achelous (Argonaut. iv. 895 sq.). Hyginus 
names four of them, Teles, Raidne, Molpe, and Thelxiope 
(Fabulae, praefat. p. 30, ed. Bunte), and, in agreement with 
Apollodorus, says that they were the offspring of Achelous 
by the Muse Melpomene. Tzetzes calls them Parthenope, 
Leucosia, and Ligia, but adds that other people named them 
Pisinoe, Aglaope, and Thelxiepia, and that they were the 
children of Achelous and Terpsichore. With regard to the 
parts which they took in the bewitching concert, he agrees 
with Apollodorus. See Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 712. 
According to a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (Argonaut. 
iv. 892), their names were Thelxiope, or Thelxione, Molpe, 
and Aglaophonus. As j;to their names and parents see also 
Eustathius on Homer, Od. xii. p. 1709, Scholiast on Homer, 
Od. xii. 39, who mention the view that the father of the 
Sirens was Achelous, and that their mother was either the 
Muse Terpsichore, or Sterope, daughter of Porthaon. 

Sirens.1 Now the Sirens were Pisinoé, Aglaope, and 
Thelxiepia, daughters of Achelous and Melpomene, 
one of the Muses. One of them played the lyre, 
another sang, and another played the flute, and by 
these means they were fain to persuade passing 
mariners to linger; and from the thighs they had the 
forms of birds.* Sailing by them, Ulysses wished 
to hear their:song, so by Circe’s advice he stopped 
the ears of his comrades with wax, and ordered that 
he should himself be bound to the mast. And being - 
persuaded by the Sirens to linger, he begged to be 
released, but they bound him the more, and so he 

2 Similarly Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. iv. 898 54.) 
describes the Sirens as partly virgins and partly birds, 
Aelian tells us (De natura animaliiwum, xvii. 23) that poets 
and painters represented them as winged maidens with the 
feet of birds. bvid says that the Sirens had the feet and 
feathers of birds, but the faces of virgins; and he asks why 
these daughters of Achelous, as he calls them, had this hybrid 
form. Perhaps, he thinks, it was because they had been 
playing with Persephone when gloomy Dis carried her off, 
and they had begged the gods to grant them wings, that the 
might search for their lost playmate over seas as well as land. 
See Ovid, Metamorph. v. 552-562. In like manner Hyginus 
describes the Sirens as women above and fowls below, but he 
says that their wings and feathers were a punishment in- 
flicted on them by Demeter for not rescuing Persephone from 
the clutches of Pluto. See Hyginus, Fab. 125,141. Another 
story was that they were maidens whom Aphrodite turned 
into birds because they chose to remain unmarried. See 
Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xii. 47, p. 1709. It is said that 
they once vied with the Muses in singing, and that the Muses, 
being victorious, plucked off the Siren’s feathers and made 
crowns out of them for themselves (Pausanias, ix. 34. 3). 
In ancient art, as in literature, the Sirens are commonly re- 

resented as women above and birds below. See Miss J. E. 

arrison, Myths of the Odyssey (London, 1882), pp. 146 eqq. 
Homer says nothing as to the semi-bird shape of the Sirens, 
thus leaving us to infer that they were purely human. 

u 2 

παρέπλει. εἦν δὲ αὐταῖς 1 Σειρῆσι λόγιον τελευ- 
τῆσαι νεὼς ἡ παρελθούσης. αἱ μὲν οὖν ἐτελεύτων. 
2 M ετὰ δὲ τοῦτο παραγίνεται ἐπὶ δισσὰς ὁδούς. 
ἔνθεν μὲν ἦσαν αἱ Πλαγκταὶ πέτραι, ἔνθεν δὲ 
ὑπερμεγέθεις σκόπελοι δύο. ἦν δὲ ἐ ἐν μὲν θατέρῳ 
Σκύλλα, Κραταιίδος θυγάτηρ καὶ Tt Τριήνου 5 ἢ 
Φόρκου, πρόσωπον ἔχουσα καὶ στέ να γυναικός, 
ἐκ λαγόνων δὲ κεφαλὰς ἐξ καὶ δώδεκα πόδας 
21 κυνῶν. ἐν δὲ θατέρῳ [τῷ σκοπέλῳ] ἢ ἦν Χάρυβδις, 
ἣ τῆς ἡμέρας τρὶς ἀνασπῶσα“ τὸ ὕδωρ πάλεν 
ἀνίει. ὑποθεμένης δὲ Κίρκης, τὸν μὲν παρὰ τὰς 
Πλαγκτὰς πλοῦν ἐφυλάξατο, παρὰ δὲ τὸν τῆς 
Σκύλλης σκόπελον «πλέων» ἐπὶ τῆς π ὕμνης 
ἔστη καθωπλισμένος. ἐπιφανεῖσα δὲ ἡ Σκύλλα 

1 abraisS. Wagner conjectures αὖ ταῖς. 

3 νεὼς Wagner: νηὸς S. 

8 Τριήνου 5: Τυρρήνου Scholiast on Plato, Republic, ix. 

. 588 c. Biicheler conjectured Τριαίον « or Τυφῶνος (compare 

yginus, Fab., p. 31, ed. Bunte): er proposed Topl- 
TWVOS, comparing Eustathius on Homer, ¢ d. xil. 85, p. 1714. 

4 τρὶς ἀνασπῶσα Wagner: τρίτον σπῶσα S: τρὶς σπῶσα 
Kerameus. 

Ν φκόπελον «πλέων; ἐπὶ Wagner (conjecture): σκόπελον 
ἐπὶ ὃ. 

1 This is not mentioned by Homer, but is affirmed by 
Hyginus (Fab. 125, 141). Others said ‘that the Sirens cast 
themselves into the sea and were drowned from sheer vexa- 
tion at the escape of Ulysses. See Scholiast on Homer, Od. 
xii. 39; Eustathius on Homer, Od, xii. 167, p. 1708 Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 712 ; compare Strabo, vi. ΟἹ, p. 252. 

2 As to Ulysses and the Wandering Rooke, ‘Bee Homer, 
Od. xii. 52-72, 201-221. The poet mentions (verses 70-72) 
the former passage of the Argo between the Wandering or 
Clashing Rocks, as to which see above i. 9. 22, with the 
note. It has been suggested that in the story of the 
Wandering Rocks we have a confused reminiscence of some 

sailed past. Now it was predicted of the Sirens that 
they should themselves die when a ship should pass. 
them; so die they did. 

And after that he came to two ways. On the one 
side were the Wandering Rocks,? and on the other 
side two huge cliffs, and in one of them was Scylla,° 
a daughter of Crataeis and Trienus or Phorcus,‘ with 
the face and breast of a woman, but from the flanks 
she had six heads and twelve feet of dogs. And in 
the other cliff was Charybdis, who thrice a day drew up 
the water and spouted it again. By the advice of Circe 
he shunned the passage by the Wandering Rocks, 
and in’sailing past the cliff of Scylla he stood fully 
armed on the poop. But Scylla appeared, snatched 

sailor’s story of floating icebergs. See Merry, on Homer, 
Od. xii. 61. | 

2 As to the passage of Ulysses between Scylla and 
_Charybdis, see Homer, Od. xii. 73-126, 222-259 ; Hyginus, 
Fab. 125, 199. 

4 Homer mentions Crataeis as the mother of Scylla, but 
says nothing as to her father (Od. xii. 124 sqg.). According 
to Stesichorus, the mother of Scylla was Lamia. See Scho- 
liast on Homer, Od. xii. 124; Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xii. 
85, p. 1714. Apollonius Rhodius represents Scylla as a 
daughter of Phorcus by the night-wandering hag Hecate 
(Argonaut. iv. 828 sq.), and this parentage had the support 
of Acusilaus, except that he named her father Phorcys 
instead of Phorcus (Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. 
iv. 828; compare Eustathius, l.c.). Hyginus calls her a 
daughter of Typhon and Echidna (Fab. 125, 151, and praefat. 
p. 31, ed. Bunte). A Scholiast on Plato (Repub. ix. p. 588¢), 
who may have copied the present passage of Apollodorus, calls 
Scylla a daughter of Crataeis and Tyrrhenus or Phorcus, 
adding that she had the face and breasts of a woman, but 
from the flanks six heads of dogs and twelve feet. Some said 
that the father of Scylla was Triton (Eustathius, 1.6.) ; and 
perhaps the name Triton should be read instead of Trienus 
in the present passage of Apollodorus. See the-Critical Note. 

δξ ἑταίρους ἁρπάσασα τούτους κατεβίβρωσκεν. 

22 ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐλθὼν εἰς Θρινακίαν νῆσον οὖσαν 
Ἡλίου, ἔνθα βόες ἐβόσκοντο, καὶ ἀπλοίᾳ κατα- 
σχεθεὶς ἔμεινεν αὐτοῦ. τῶν δὲ ἑταίρων σφαξάν- 
των ἐκ τῶν βοῶν καὶ θοινησαμένων, λειφθέντων 
τροφῆς, “Ηλεος ἐμήνυσε Διί. καὶ ἀναχθίντα 

23 κεραυνῷ ἔβαλε. λυθείσης δὲ τῆς νεὼς ᾽Οδυσσεὺς 
τὸν ἱστὸν κατασχὼν παραγίνεται εἰς τὴν Χάρυβ- 
διν. τῆς δὲ Χαρύβδεως καταπινούσης τὸν ἱστόν, 
ἐπιλαβόμενος ὑπερπεφυκότος ἐρινεοῦ περιέμεινε. 
καὶ πάλεν ἀνεθέντα τὸν ἱστὸν θεωρήσας, ἐπὶ τοῦ- 
τον ῥίψας εἰς ᾿Ωγυγίαν νῆσον διεκομίσθη. 

24 "Exel δὲ ἀποδέχεται Καλυψὼ θυγάτηρ "Ατ- 
λαντος, καὶ συνευνασθεῖσα γεννᾷ παῖδα Λατῖνον. 
μένει δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῇ πενταετίαν, καὶ σχεδίαν 
ποιήσας ἀποπλεῖ. ταύτης δὲ ἐν τῷ πελάγει Ssa-_ 
λυθείσης ὀργῇ Ποσειδῶνος, γυμνὸς πρὸς Φαίακας 

25 ἐκβράσσεται. Ναυσικάα δέ, ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως 
θυγάτηρ ᾿Αλκινόου, πλύνουσα τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἱκετεύ- 
σαντα αὐτὸν ἄγει πρὸς ᾿Αλκίνοον, ὃς αὐτὸν ξενίζει 

1 λειφθέντων Kerameus: ληφθέντων 8. 

8. ἐμήνυσε Kerameus: ἐμήνισε 8. 
8 ὑπερπεφυκότος Kerameus: ὑπερφυκότος S. 

1 As to the adventures of Ulysses in Thrinacia, the island 
of the Sun, see Homer, Od. xii. 127—141, 260—402. 

8 See Homer, Od. xii. 403—425. 

8 See Homer, Od. xii. 426-450, compare v. 128-135. 

* As to the stay of Ulysses with Calypso in the island of 
Ogygia, and his departure in a boat of his own building, see 

omer, Od. v. 13-281, vii. 243-266; Hyginus, Fab. 125. 
According to Homer (Od. vii. 259), Ulysses stayed seven years 
with Calypso, not five years, as Apollodorus says. Hyginus 
limits the stay to one year. Homer does not mention that 

six of his comrades, and gobbled them up. And 
thence he came to Thrinacia, an island of the Sun, 
where kine were grazing, and being windbound, he 
tarried there.! But when his comrades slaughtered 
some of the kine and banqueted on them, for lack 
of food, the Sun reported it to Zeus, and when 
Ulysses put out to sea, Zeus struck him with a 
thunderbolt.2, And when the ship broke up, Ulysses 
clung to the mast and drifted to Charybdis. And 
when Charybdis sucked down the mast, he clutched 
an overhanging wild fig-tree and waited, and when 
he saw the mast shot up again, he cast himself on it, 
and was carried across to the island of Ogygia.® 
There Calypso, daughter of Atlas, received him, 
and bedding with him bore a son Latinus. He stayed 
with her five years, and then made a raft and sailed 
away. But on the high sea the raft was broken in 
pieces by the wrath of Poseidon, and Ulysses was 
washed up naked on the shore of the Phaeacians.5 
Now Nausicaa, the daughter of king Alcinous, was 
washing the clothes, and when Ulysses implored 
her protection, she brought him to Alcinous, who 
entertained him, and after bestowing gifts on him 

Calypso bore a son to Ulysses. In the Theogony of Hesiod 
(verses 1111 sqq.) it is said that Circe (not Calypso), bore two 
sons, Agrius and Latinus, to Ulysses ; the verses, however, 
are probably not by Hesiod but have been interpolated by a 
later poet of the Roman era in order to provide the Latins 
with a distinguished Greek ancestry. The verses are quoted 
by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonaut. iii. 200. 
Compare Joannes Lydus, De menstbus, i. 13, p. 7, ed. Bekker. 
Eustathius says (on Homer, Od. xvi. 118, p. 1796) that, 
according to Hesiod, Ulysses had two sons, Agrius and 
Latinus, by Circe, and two sons, Nausithous and Nausinous, 
by Calypso. 
δ See Homer, Od. ν. 282-493; Hyginus Fab. 125. 

και δῶρα δοὺς μετὰ πομπῆς αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα 
ἐξέπεμψε. Ποσειδῶν δὲ Φαίαξι μηνίσας τὴν μὲν 
ναῦν ἀπελίθωσε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ὄρει περικαλύπτει. 
26 Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν πατρίδα 
εὑρίσκει τὸν οἶκον διεφθαρμένον: νομίσαντες γὰρ 
αὐτὸν τεθνάναι Πηνελόπην ἐμνῶντο ἐκ Δουλιχίου 
21 μὲν νζ΄. ᾿Αμφίνομος Θόας Δημοπτόλεμος ᾿Αμφί- 
paxos Εὐρύαλος, Πάραλος Εὐηνορίδης Κλυτίος 
᾿Αγήνωρ Εὐρύπυλος, Πυλαιμένης ' ᾿Ακάμας Θερ- 
σίλοχος “Aytos Κλύμενος, Φιλόδημος Meve- 
πτόλεμος Δαμάστωρ Βίας Τέλμιος, Πολύιδος 
᾿Αστύλοχος Σχεδίος ᾿Αντίγονος 5 Μάρψιος, Ἶφι- 
δάμας ᾿Αργεῖος Γλαῦκος Καλυδωνεὺς ᾿Εχίων, 
Adyas ᾿Ανδραίμων ᾿Αγέρωχος Μέδων ἴλγριος, 
Πρόμος Κτήσιος ᾿Ακαρνάν Κύκνος Ψηρᾶς, Ἑλλά- 
γικος Περίφρων Μεγασθένης Θρασυμήδης Ὄρμέ- 
νιος, Διοπίθης Μηκιστεὺς ᾿Αντίμαχος Πτολεμαῖος 
38 Λεστορίδης," Νικόμαχος Πολυποίτης Κεραός. ἐκ 
ὲ Σάμης xy’ ᾿Αγέλαος Πείσανδρος Ἔλατος 
Κτήσιππος Ἱἱππόδοχος, Εὐρύστρατος ᾿Αρχέμολος" 
Ἴθακος Πεισήνωρ Ὕπερήνωρ, Φεροίτης ὃ ᾽Αντι- 
σθένης Κέρβερος Περιμήδης Κῦννος, Θρίασος 
᾿Ἐτεωνεὺς Κλυτίος Πρόθοος Λύκαιθος, Εὔμηλος 
29"Iravos’. Λύαμμος. ἐκ δὲ Ζακύνθου μδ΄. Ἐὐρύ- 
1 πΠυλαιμένης Kerameus: Παλαιμένης 8. 
3 *Ayrlyovos Kerameus : ᾿Αγήγονου 8. 
® Kerameus conjectured Νεστορίδης : Wagner Θεστορίδην. 
Kerameus conjectured ᾿Αρχέμορον or ’Apxéuaxos. 
Kerameus conjectured Φιλοίτιον, 

4 Λύκαιθο: Kerameus: Λυκάεθος S. 
τ Biicheler conjectured Ἴταμος. 

1 See Homer, Od. vi., vii, viii, xii GWE Ἡγρίπυρ, 
Fab, . 
Ὁ See Homer, Od. xii, 12 

RF ot pro- 

sent him away with a convoy to his native land.! 
But Poseidon was wroth with the Phaeacians, and 
he turned the ship to stone and enveloped the city 
with a mountain.” 

And on arriving in his native land Ulysses found 
his substance wasted ; for, believing that he was dead, 
suitors were wooing Penelope.? From Dulichium 
came fifty-seven :—Amphinomus, Thoas, Demopto- 
lemus, Amphimachus, Euryalus, Paralus, Evenorides, 
Clytius, Agenor, Eurypylus, Pylaemenes, Acamas, 
Thersilochus, Hagius, Clymenus, Philodemus, Me- 
neptolemus, Damastor, Bias, Telmius, Polyidus, Asty- 
lochus, Schedius, Antigonus, Marpsius, Iphidamas, 
Argius, Glaucus, Calydoneus, Echion, Lamas, An- 
draemon, Agerochus, Medon, Agrius, Promus, Ctesius, 
Acarnan, Cycnus, Pseras, Hellanicus, Periphron, 
Megasthenes, Thrasymedes, Ormenius, Diopithes, 
Mecisteus, Antimachus, Ptolemaeus, Lestorides, Ni- 
comachus, Polypoetes, and Ceraus. And from Same 
there came twenty-three :—Agelaus, Pisander, Elatus, 
Ctesippus, Hippodochus, Eurystratus, Archemolus, 
Ithacus, Pisenor, Hyperenor, Pheroetes, Antisthenes, 
Cerberus, Perimedes, Cynnus, Thriasus, Eteoneus, 
Clytius, Prothous, Lycaethus, Eumelus, Itanus, 
Lyammus. And from Zacynthos came forty-four :— 

pose to bury the city, but to shut it off from the use of its 
two harbours (cp. Od. vi. 263) by some great mountain mass ” 
(Merry, on verse 152). . 

8 The number of the suitors, according to Homer, was one 
hundred and eight, namely, fifty-two from Dulichium, twenty- 
four from Same, twenty from Zacynthus, and twelve from 
Ithaca. See Homer, Od. xvi. 245-253. Apollodorus gives 
the numbers from these islands as fifty-seven, twenty-three, 
forty-four, and twelve respectively, or a hundred and thirty- 
six in all. Homer does not give a regular list of the names, 
but mentions some of them incidentally. 

- APOLLODORUS 

λοχος Λαομήδης MoreBos! Φρένιος “Ivdsos, Mives? 
Λειώκριτος8 Πρόνομος Νίσας Δαήμων, ᾿Αρχέ- 
otpatos* ἹἹππόίμαχος Ἐϊῤρύαλος Περίαλλος 
Εὐηνορίδης, Κλυτίος ᾿Αγήνωρ] Πόλυβος Πολύ- 
δωρος Θαδύτιος,, Στράτιος [ Φρένιος “Ivdz0¢ ] 
Δαισήνωρ Λαομέδων, Λαόδικος “Αλιος Μάγνης 
Ὀλοίτροχος ® Βάρθας, Θεόφρων Νισσαῖος ᾿Αλκά- 
ροψ' ἸΠερικλύμενος ᾿Αντήνωρ, Πέλλας Κέλτος 

80 Περίφας Ὄρμενος Πόλυβος, ᾿Ανδρομήδης. ἐκ δὲ 
αὐτῆς ᾿Ιθάκης ἦσαν οἱ μνηστευόμενοι tf’ οἵδε" 
᾿Αντίνοος Πρόνοος Λειώδης Εὐρύνομος ᾿Αμφί- 
μᾶχος, ᾿Αμφίαλος Πρόμαχος ᾿Αμφιμέδων ᾿Αρί- 
aotpatos” EXevos, Δουλεχιεὺς Κτήσιππος. 

81 Οὗτοι πορευύμενοι εἰς τὰ βασίλεια δαπανῶντες 
τὰς ᾽Οδυσσέως ἀγέλας εὐωχοῦντο. Πηνελόπη δὲ 
ἀναγκαζομένη τὸν γάμον ὑπέσχετο ὅτε τὸ ἐντάφιον 
Aaéptn πέρας ἕξει, καὶ τοῦτο ὕφηνεν ἐπὶ ἔτη τρία, 
μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν μὲν ὑφαίνουσα, νύκτωρ δὲ ἀναλύουσα. 
τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐξηπατῶντο οἱ μνηστῆρες ὑπὸ 

82 τῆς Πηνελόπης, μέχρις ὅτε ἐφωράθη. ᾿Οδυσσεὺς 
δὲ μαθὼν τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν, ὡς ἐπαίτης πρὸς 
Εὔμαιον οἰκέτην ἀφικνεῖται, καὶ Τηλεμάχῳ ἀνα- 
γνωρίξεται, καὶ παραγίνεται εἰς τὴν πόλιν. Με- 
λάνθιος δὲ αὐτοῖς συντυχὼν ὁ αἰπόλος οἰκέτης 
ὑπάρχων ἀτιμάζει. παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς τὰ 
βασίλεια τοὺς μνηστῆρας μετήτει τροφήν, καὶ 

' Biicheler conjectured Μούλιος. 

2 Kerameus conjectured Μύνης. 

8 Λειώκριτος Wagner (comparing Homer, Od. ii. 242): 
Aadxpiros ὃ. 

4 ᾿Αρχέστρατος Kerameus: ᾿Αρχέστατος δ. 

δ Biicheler conjectured Θαλύτιος. 

6 ᾽ολοίτροχος Biicheler: Ὀλοίροχος 8. 

Eurylochus, Laomedes, Molebus, Phrenius, Indius, . 
Minis, Liocritus, Pronomus, Nisas, Daémon, Ar- 
chestratus, Hippomachus, Euryalus, Periallus, Eve- 
norides, Clytius, Agenor, Polybus, Polydorus, 
Thadytius, Stratius, Phrenius, Indius, Daesenor, 
Laomedon, Laodicus, Halius, Magnes, Oloetrochus, 
Barthas, Theophron, Nissaeus, Alcarops, Pericly- 
menus, Antenor, Pellas, Celtus, Periphus, Ormenus, 
Polybus and Andromedes. And from Ithaca itself 
the suitors were twelve, to wit :—Antinous, Pronous, 
Liodes, Eurynomus, Amphimachus, Amphialus, Pro- 
machus, Amphimedon, Aristratus, Helenus, Dulicheus, 
and Ctesippus. 

These, journeying to the palace, consumed the 
herds of Ulysses at their feasts.1 And Penelope was 
compelled to promise that she would wed when the 
shroud of Laertes was finished, and she wove it for 
three years, weaving it by day and undoing it by 
night. In this way the suitors were deceived by 
Penelope, till she was detected.? And Ulysses, being 
apprized of the state of things at home, came to his 
servant Eumaeus in the guise of a beggar,® and made 
himself known to Telemachus,‘ and arrived in the 
city. And Melanthius, the goatherd, a servant man, 
met them, and scorned them. On coming to the 
palace Ulysses begged food of the suitors,6. and 

1 As to the reckless waste of the suitors, see Homer, Od. 
xiv. 80-109. 

2 As to Penelope’s web, see Homer, Od. xix. 136-158; 
Hyginus, Fab. 126. 

> As to the meeting of Ulysses and Eumaeus, see Homer, 
Od. xiv. 1-492; Hyginus, Fab. 126. 

4 As to the meeting and recognition of Ulysses and Tele- 
machus, see Homer, Od. xvi. 1—234. 

5 See Homer, Od. xvii. 184-253. 

4 See Homer, Od. xvii. 360-457. 

εὑρὼν μεταίτην I pov καλσύμενον διαπαλαίει αὐτῷ. 
Evdpaio δὲ μηνύσας ἑαντὸν καὶ Φιλοιτίῳ, μετὰ 
τούτων ἢ καὶ Τηλεμάχου τοῖς μνηστῆρσιν ἐπιβου- 
833 λεύει. Πηνελόπη δὲ τοῖς μνηστῆρσι τίθησιν 
᾿ὈΟὈδυσσέως τόξον, ὃ παρὰ ᾿Ιφίτου ποτὲ ἔλαβε, καὶ 
τῷ τοῦτο τείναντί φησι συνοικήσειν. μηδενὸς δὲ 
τεῖναι δυναμένου, δεξάμενος ᾽Οδυσσεὺς τοὺς μνη- 
στῆρας κατετόξευσε σὺν Εὐμαίῳ καὶ Φιλοιτίῳ 

\ ’ 3 ἢ [4 a A 
καὶ Τηλεμάχῳ. ἀνεῖλε δὲ καὶ Μελάνθιον Kai τὰς 
συνευναζομένας τοῖς μνηστῆρσι θεραπαίνας, καὶ 
τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τῷ πατρὶ ἀναγνωρίζεται. 

[4 \ Ὸ Ἁ . 4 

34. @voas δὲ “Aidy καὶ Περσεφόνῃ καὶ Τειρεσίᾳ, 
πεζῇ διὰ τῆς ᾿Ηπείρου βαδίξων εἰς Θεσπρωτοὺς 
παραγίνεται καὶ κατὰ τὰς Τειρεσίου μαντείας 
θυσιάσας ἐξιλάσκεται Ποσειδῶνα. ἡ δὲ βασιλεύ- 

1 καὶ Φιλοιτίῳ Kerameus: καὶ τῷ παιδὶ Φιλοιτίον 5. 

8 τούτων Frazer: “τούτου δ. Eumaeus as well as Philoetius 
was privy to the plot, as we know from Homer (Od. xxi. 

188-244) and as Apollodorus himself recognizes a few lines 
below. 

‘See Homer, Od. xviii. 1-107; Hyginus, Fab. 126. In 
Homer it is in a boxing-match, not in a wrestling-bout, that 
Ulysses vanquishes the braggart beggar Irus. Hyginus, like 
Apollodorus, substitutes wrestling for boxing. 

2 See Homer, Od. xxi. 188-244. 

3 See Homer, Od. xxi. 1-82; Hyginus, Fab. 126. 

4 See’ Homer, Od. xxi. 140-434, xxii. 1-389; Hyginus, 
Fab. 126. ᾿ 

§ See Homer, Od. xxii. 417-477. 

4 See Homer, Od. xxiii. 153-297, xxiv. 205-348. 

7 Tiresias had warned Ulysses that, after slaying the 
suitors, he must journey inland till he came to a country 
where men knew not the sea, and where a wayfarer would 
mistake for a winnowing-fan the oar which Ulysses was 
carrying on his shoulder. There Ulysses was to sacrifice a 
ram, ἃ bull, and a boar to Poseidon, the god whom he had 

a ee 

finding a beggar called Irus he wrestled with him. 
But he revealed himself to Eumaeus and Philoetius, . 
and along with them and Telemachus he laid a plot 
for the suitors.2 Now Penelope delivered to the 
suitors the bow of Ulysses, which he had once received 
from Iphitus; and she said that she would marry him 
who bent the bow.? When none of them could bend 
it, Ulysses took it and shot down the suitors, with 
the help of Eumaeus, Philoetius, and Telemachus.‘ 
He killed also Melanthius, and the handmaids that 
bedded with the suitors,5 and he made himself known 
to his wife and his father.® 

And after sacrificing to Hades, and Persephone, 
and Tiresias, he journeyed on foot through Epirus, 
and came to the Thesprotians, and having offered 
sacrifice according to the directions of the soothsayer 
Tiresias, he propitiated Poseidon.’ But Callidice, 

offended. See Homer,. Od. xi. 119-131. But the journey 
itself and the sacrifice are not recorded by Homer. In a 
little island off Cos a Greek skipper told Dr. W. H. D. Rouse 
a similar story about the journey inland of the prophet Elias. 
The prophet, according to this account, was a fisherman who, 
long buffeted by storms, conceived a horror of the sea, and, 
putting an oar on his shoulder, took to the hills and walked 
till he met a man who did not know what an oar was. There 
the prophet planted his oar in the ground, and there he 
resolved to abide. That is why all the prophet’s chapels are 
on the tops of hills. This legend was published by Dr. Rouse 
in The Cambridge Review under the heading of ‘‘ A Greek 
skipper.” 

This and the remaining part of Apollodorus are probably. 
drawn from the epic poem Telegony, a work by Eugammon of 
Cyrene, of which a short abstract by Proclus has been pre- 
served. See Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, 
pp. 57 8g. The author of the abstract informs us that after 
the death and burial of the suitors ‘‘ Ulysses sacrificed to 
the nymphs and sailed to Elis to inspect the herds. And 
he was entertained by Polyxenus and received a present of a 

ovoa τότε Θεσπρωτῶν Καλλιδίκη καταμένειν 
35 αὐτὸν ἠξίου τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῷ δοῦσα. καὶ 
συνελθοῦσα αὐτῷ γεννᾷ Πολυποίτην. γήμας δὲ 
Καλλιεδίκην Θεσπρωτῶν ἐβασίλευσε καὶ μάχῃ τῶν 
περιοίκων νικᾷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσαντας. Καλλι- 
δίκης δὲ ἀποθανούσης, τῷ παιδὶ τὴν βασιλείαν 
ἀποδιδοὺς εἰς ᾿Ιθάκην παραγίνεται, καὶ εὑρίσκει 
ἐκ ἸΠηνελόπης Πολιπόρθην αὐτῷ γεγεννημένον. 
86 Τηλέγονος δὲ παρὰ Κίρκης μαθὼν ὅτι παῖς ᾿᾽Οξδυσ- 
σέως ἐστίν, ἐπὶ τὴν τούτου ζήτησιν ἐκπλεῖ. παρα- 
γενόμενος δὲ εἰς ᾿Ιθάκην τὴν νῆσον ἀπελαύνει ὃ 
τινὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων, καὶ ᾿Οδυσσέα βοηθοῦντα 
τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας δόρατι Τηλέγονος «τρυγόνος» " 
κέντρον τὴν αἰχμὴν ἔχοντι τιτρώσκει, καὶ ᾽Οδυσ- 
87 σεὺς θνήσκει. ἀναγνωρισάμενος δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ 

1 Biicheler conjectured διδοῦσα. 

3 γεγεννημένον agner (comparing Pausanias, viii. 12, 6): 
γεγενημένην 8: γεγεννημένην Kerameus. 

ὃ ἀπελαύνει Biicheler: ἀπέλανε S. 

4 <-rpuydvos> inserted by Biicheler. 

bowl. And after that followed the episodes of Trophonius, 
and Agamedes, and Augeas. Then he sailed home to 
Ithaca and offered the sacrifices prescribed by Tiresias. 
And after these things he went to the Thesprotians and 
married Callidice, queen of the Thesprotians. Then the 
Thesprotians made war on the Brygians, under the leadership 
of Ulysses. There Ares put Ulysses and his people to flight, 
and Athena engaged him in battle; but Apollo reconciled 
them. And after Callidice’s death, Polypoetes, son of Ulysses, 
succeeded to the kingdom, and Ulysses himself went to Ithaca. 
Meanwhile Telegonus, sailing in search of his father, landed 
in Ithaca and ravaged the island ; and marching out to repel 
him Ulysses was killed by his son in ignorance. Recognizing 
his error, Telegonus transported his father’s: body, and Tele- 
machus, and Penelope to his mother, and she made them 

who was then queen of the Thesprotians, urged him 
to stay and offered him the kingdom; and she had 
by him a son Polypoetes. And having married Calli- 
dice, he reigned over the Thesprotians, and defeated 
in battle the neighbouring peoples who attacked him. 
But when Callidice died he handed over the kingdom 
to his son and repaired to Ithaca, and there he found 
Poliporthes, whom Penelope had borne to him.? When 
Telegonus learned from Circe that he was a son of 
Ulysses, he sailed in search of him, And having 
come to the island of Ithaca, he drove away some of 
the cattle, and when Ulysses defended them, Tele- 
gonus wounded him with the spear he had in his 
hands, which was barbed with the spine of a sting- 
ray, and Ulysses died of the wound.? But when 

immortal. And Telegonus married Penelope, and Telemachus 
married Circe.” The tradition, mentioned also by Hyginus 
(Fab. 127), that one son of Ulysses (Telegonus) married his 
father’s widow (Penelope), and that another son (Telemachus) 
married his father’s concubine (Circe), is very remarkable, 
and may possibly point to an old custom according to which 
a son inherited his father’s wives and concubines, with the 
exception of his own mother. Compare Apollodorus, ii. 7. 7, 
with the note (vol. i. p. 269). Apollodorus mentions the 
marriage of Telegonus to Penelope (see below), but not the 
marriage of Telemachus to Circe. 

1 Compare Pausanias, viii. 12. 6, from whom we learn that 
the birth of this son Poliporthes or Ptoliporthes, as Pausanias 
calls him, was mentioned in the epic poem Theeproits. 

2 Compare Oppian, Halieut. ii. 497-500: Scholia Graeca 
sn Homert Odysseam, ed. G. Dindorf, vol. i. p. 6; Scholiast 
on Homer, Od. xi. 134; Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 133, 
p. 1676; Philostratus, Vet. Apollon. vi. 32; td. Heroitca, 
ii. 42; Parthenius, Narrat. Amat. 3; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 794; Scholiast on Aristophanes, Pluius, 303 ; 
Cicero, Tusculan. Disput. ii. 21. 48 ag. ; Horace, Odes, iii. 
29. 8; Hyginus, Fab. 127; Ovid, Ibis, 567 sq. ; Dictys Cre- 
tensis, Bellum Trojanum, vi. 14 eg. ; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. 

“πολλὰ κατοδυράμενος, TOY νεκρὸν <Kai>! τὴν 
Πηνελόπην πρὸς Κίρκην ἄγει, κἀκεῖ τὴν Πηνελό- 
anv γαμεῖ. Κίρκη δὲ ἑκατέρους αὐτοὺς eis Μακά- 
pwy νήσους ἀποστέλλει. | 

38 Τινὲς δὲ Πηνελόπην ὑπὸ ᾿Αντινόον φθαρεῖσαν 
λέγουσιν ὑπὸ Ὀδυσσέως πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ᾿Ἰκάριον 
ἀποσταλῆναι, γενομένην 2 δὲ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας κατὰ 

39 Μαντίνειαν ἐξ “Ἑρμοῦ τεκεῖν Πᾶνα: ἄλλοι δὲ Se 
᾿Αμφίνομον ὑπὸ ᾿Οδυσσέως αὐτοῦ 5 τελευτῆσαι" 
διαφθαρῆναι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὑπὸ τούτον λέγουσιν. 

40 εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες ἐγκαλούμενον Ὀδυσσέα ὑπὸ 
τῶν οἰκείων ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀπολωλότων δικαστὴν 

1 «καὶ» inserted by Wagner (comparing the Τείεροπῖα ; 
see Emcorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 58). 

2 γενομένην Biicheler: γενομένης δ. 

8 αὐτοῦ Biicheler: αὐτὸν 8. ͵ 

ii. 44, The fish (τρυγών), whose spine is said to have barbed the 
fatal spear, is the common sting-ray (Trygon pastinaca), as I 
learn from Professor D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, who in- 
forms me that the fish is abundant in the Mediterranean and 
not uncommon on our southern coasts. For ancient descrip- 
tions of the fish he refers me to Oppian, Halieut. ii. 470 eqq. 
(the locus classicus) ; Aelian, Nat. Anim. i. 56; Nicander, 
Ther. 828 sqq. According to Aelian, the wound inflicted by the 
sting-ray is incurable. Hercules is said to have lost one of his 
fingers by the biteof a sting-ray (Ptolemy Hephaest., Nov. Hist. 
ii. in Westermann’s Mythographi Graeci, Ὁ. 184). Classical 
scholars, following Liddell and Scott, sometimes erroneously 
identify the fish with the roach. The death of Ulysses through 
the wound of a sting-ray is foreshadowed in the prophecy of 
Tiresias that his death would come from the sea (Homer, 
Od. xi. 134 sqg.). According to a Scholiast on Homer (Scholia 
Graeca in Homers Odysseam, ed. G. Dindorf, vol. i. p. 6), 
Hyginus, and Dictys Cretensis, Ulysses had been warned by 
an oracle or a dream to beware of his son, who would kill 
him ; accordingly, fearing to be slain by Telemachus, he 
banished him to Cephallenia (Dictys Cretensis, vi. 14). But 

Telegonus recognized him, he bitterly lamented, and 
conveyed the corpse and Penelope to Circe, and there 
he married Penelope. And Circe sent them both 
away to the Islands of the Blest. 

But some say that Penelope was seduced by An- 
tinous and sent away by Ulysses to her father Icarius, 
and that when she came to Mantinea in Arcadia she 
bore Pan to Hermes.! However others say that she 
met her end at the hands of Ulysses himself on 
account of Amphinomus,? for they allege that she 
was seduced by him. And there are some who say 
that Ulysses, being accused by the kinsfolk of 
the. slain, submitted the case to the judgment of 

he forgot his son Telegonus, whom he had left behind with 
his mother Circe in her enchanted island. The death of 
Ulysses at the hands of his son Telegonus was the subject of 
a tragedy by Sophocles. See The Fragments of Sophocles, 
ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 105 824. ᾿ 

1 A high mound of earth was shown as the grave of Pene- 
lope at Mantinea in Arcadia. According to the Mantinean 
story, Ulysses had found her unfaithful and banished her the 
house ; 80 she went first to her native Sparta, and afterwards 
to Mantinea, where she died and was buried. See Pausanias, 
viii. 12. 5 sg. The tradition that Penelope was the mother 
of Pan by Hermes (Mercury) is mentioned by Cicero (De 
natura deorum, iii. 22. 56). According to Duris, the Samian, 
Penelope was the mother of Pan by all the suitors (Tzetzes, 
Schol. on Lycophron, 772). The same story is mentioned also 
by Servius (on Virgil, Aen. ii. 44), who says that Penelope. 
was supposed to have given birth to Pan during her husband’s 
absence, and that when Ulysses came home and found the 
monstrous infant in the house, he fled and set out afresh on 
his wanderings. 

3. Amphinomus was one of the suitors of Penelope; his 
words pleased her more than those of the other suitors, be- 
cause he had a good understanding. See Homer, Od. xvi. 
394-398. He was afterwards killed by Telemachus (Homer, 
Od. xxii. 89 eqq.). The suspicion that Penelope was unfaithful 
to her husband has no support in Homer. 

VOL. 11. X 

Νεοπτόλεμον λαβεῖν τὸν βασιλεύοντα τῶν κατὰ 
τὴν "Ἤπειρον νήσων, τοῦτον δέ, νομέσαντα ἐκπο- 
δὼν Ὀδυσσέως γενομένον Κεφαλληνίαν καθέξειν, 
κατακρῖναι φυγὴν αὐτοῦ, ᾿Οδυσσέα δὲ εἰς Αἰτωλίαν 
πρὸς Θύαντα τὸν ᾿Ανδραίμονος παραγενόμενον 
τὴν τούτου θυγατέρα γῆμαι, καὶ καταλιπόντα 
παῖδα Λεοντοφόνον ἐκ ταύτης γηραιὸν τελευτῆσαι. 

-1 Θόαντα Kerameus: θόεντα 8. 

1 Compare Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 14. According 
to Platarch’s account, the kinsmen of the slain suitors rose 
in revolt against Ulysses; but Neoptolemus, being invited 
by both parties to act as arbitrator, sentenced Ulysses to 
banishment for bloodshed, and condemned the friends and 
relatives of the suitors to pay an annual compensation to 

Neoptolemus, king of the islands off Epirus; that 
Neoptolemus, thinking to get possession of Cephal- 
lenia if once Ulysses were put out of the way, con- 
demned him to exile;! and that Ulysses went to 
Aetolia, to Thoas, son of Andraemon, married the 
daughter of Thoas, and leaving a son Leontophonus, 
whom he had by her,? died in old age. 

Ulysses for the damage they had done to his property. The 
sentence obliged Ulysses to withdraw not only from Ithaca, 
but also from Cephallenia and Zacynthus; and he retired to 
Italy. The compensation exacted from the heirs of the suitors 
was paid in kind, and consisted of barley groats, wine, honey, 
olive oil, and animal victims of mature age. This payment 
Ulysses ordered to be made to his son Telemachus. 

These last recorded doings of Ulysses appear to be 
mentioned by no other ancient writer. 

I.—Purrina CHILDREN ON THE FIRE. .... . 31] 
Il.—Wakrk or EartH oN HEAVEN. .. .. ... 318 
IlI.—Myrns OF THE ORIGIN OF FrRE ...... 326 
IV.—MELAMPUS AND THE KINE or Puytacus .. 350 
V.—TuHE CuasHING Rocks ........... 355 
VI.—TuHE RENEWAL OF YOUTH ...,;,..... 359 
VII.—Tue ReEsvuRRECTION or GLaucus ...... 363 
VITI.—Tue Lxeaenp or Okprpus ......... 370 
IX.—APOLLO AND THE King oF ApMETUS .... 376 
X.—THE MARRIAGE OF PELEUS AND THETIS. . . 383 
XI.—PHAETHON AND THE CHARIOT OF THE SUN . 388 
XII.—Tue Vow or Ipomengus.......... 394 
XIII.—Utnysses anp PoLYPHEMUS....... - . 404 

I.—Puttina CHILDREN ON THE Free

(Apollodorus 1. v. 1)
THE story that Demeter put the infant son of Celeus on 
the fire to make him immortal is told by other ancient writers 
as well as by Apollodorus,'! and while there is a general 
resemblance between the various versions of the legend, 
there are some discrepancies in detail. Thus, with regard to 
the child’s parents, Apollodorus and Ovid agree with the 
Homeric hymn-writer in calling them Celeus and Metanira. 
But Hyginus calls them Eleusinus and Cothonea; while 
Servius in one passage ? names them Eleusinus and Cyntinia, 
and in another passage ® calls the father Celeus. Lactantius 
Placidus names them Eleusius and Hioma; and the Second 
Vatican Mythographer calls them Celeus and Hiona. Then, 
with regard to the child who was put on the fire, Apollo- 
dorus agrees with the Homeric hymn-writer in calling him 
Demophon and in distinguishing him from his elder brother 
Triptolemus. But Ovid, Hyginus, Servius, Lactantius 
Placidus, and the First Vatican Mythographer call the child 
who was put on the fire Triptolemus, and make no mention 
of Demophon. The Second Vatican Mythographer wavers 
on this point ; for, after saying * that Demeter received the 
child Triptolemus to nurse, he proceeds ® to name the child 

1 See Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 231-274; Ovid, Fast, 
iv. 549-562 ; Hyginus, Fab. 147; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. 
i. 19 and 163; Lactentius Placidus, on Statius, Theb. ii. 
382 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latin, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. 3, 107 (First Vatican Mythographer, 8; Second 
Vatican Mythographer, 96 sq.). 

3 On Georg. i. 19. 8. On Georg. i. 163. 

4 Fab. 96. 5 Fab. 97. 

who was put on the fire Eleusius. As to the fate of the child 
who was put on the fire, the Homeric hymn-writer merely 
says that Demeter, angry at being interrupted, threw him 
on the ground ; whether he lived or died the author does not 
mention. Apollodorus definitely affirms that the child was 
consumed in the fire ; and the-Second Vatican Mythographer 
says that Demeter in her rage killed it. On the other hand, 
the writers who call the child Triptolemus naturally do not 
countenance the belief that he perished in the fire, for they 
record the glorious mission on which he was sent by Demeter 
to reveal to mankind her beneficent gift of corn. Lastly, 
the writers are not at one in regard to the well-meaning but 
injudicious person who interrupted Demeter at her magic 
rite and thereby prevented her from bestowing the boon of 
immortality on her nursling. Ovid, in agreement with the 
Homeric hymn-writer, says that the person was the child’s 
mother Metanira; Apollodorus calls her Praxithea, an other- 
wise unknown person, who may have been the child’s sister 
or more probably his nurse ; for Praxithea is not named by 
the Homeric hymn-writer among the daughters of Celeus.* 
Some critics would forcibly harmonize Apollodorus with the 
hymn-writer by altering our author’s text in the present 

assage.? On the other hand, Hyginus, Servius, Lactantius 
Placidus, and the Second Vatican Mythographer say that it 
was the child’s father who by his exclamation or his fear 
distracted the attention of the goddess and so frustrated her 
benevolent purpose. 

Just as Demeter attempted to make Demophon or Trip- 
tolemus immortal by placing him on the fire, so Thetis tried 
to make her son Achilles immortal in like manner,’ and 
so Isis essayed to confer immortality on the infant son of 
the king of Byblus.* All three goddesses were baffied by 
the rash intervention of affectionate but ignorant mortals. 
These legends point to an ancient Greek custom of passing 
newborn infants across a fire in order to save their lives from 
the dangers which beset infancy, and which, to the primitive 
mind, assume the form of demons or other spiritual beings 
lying in wait to cut short the frail thread of lite. The Greek 

1 om, 105 8qq. ® See Critical Note, vol. i. p. 38. 
‘nllodorus, iii. 13. 6, with the note. 
arch, Ists et Ostris, 16. 

I.—PUTTING CHILDREN ON THE FIRE 

practice of running round the hearth witha child on the fifth 
or seventh day after birth may have been a substitute for the 
older custom of passing the child over the fire.1 Similar 
customs have been observed for similar reasons in man 
parts of the world. Thus, in the highlands of Scotland, ‘‘ it 
as happened that, after baptism, the father has placed ἃ 
basket filled with bread and cheese on the pot-hook that 
impended over the fire in the middle of the room, which the 
company sit around; and the child is thrice handed across 
the fire, with the design to frustrate all attempts of evil 
spirits or evil eyes.”? In the Hebrides it used to be customary 
to carry fire round children in the morning and at night 
every day until they were christened, and fire was also 
carried. about the mothers before they were churched ; and 
this ‘‘ fire-round was an effectual means to preserve both the 
mother and the infant from the power of evil spirits, who are 
ready at such times to do mischief, and sometimes carry 
away the infant.’? Customs of this sort prevailed in Scotland 
down to the beginning of the nineteenth century. Sometimes 
the father leaped across the hearth with the child in his arms ; 
‘* moreover, every person entering the house was required to 
take up a burning rebrand from the hearth, and therewith 
cross himself, before he ventured to approach a new-born 
child or its mother. It was also customary to carry 8 
burning peat sun-wise round an unbaptised infant and its 
mother, to protect them from evil spirits.”4 The custom of 
leaping over a hearth or carrying a child round it, implies 
that the fireplace is in the middle of the floor, as it used to 
be in cottages in the highlands of Scotland. Miss Gordon 

1 Suidas, 8.v. ᾿Αμφιδρόμια ; Scholiast on Plato, Theaetetus, 

. 1605. 

P 2 Th. Pennant, "Ἢ Second Tour in Scotland,” in J. 
Pinkerton’s Gerieral Collection of Voyages and Travels, 
iii. 383. 

3M. Martin, ‘* Description of the Western Islands of 
Scotland,” in J. Pinkerton’s General Collection of Voyages 
-and Travels, vol. iii. p. 612. 

4 Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming, In the Hebrides, New 
Edition (London, 1886), p. 101. Compare John Ramsay, 
Scotland and Scotsmen in the Highteenth Century (Edin- 
burgh and London, 1888), ii. 423, 

Cumming describes from her own observation such a cottage 
in Iona, ‘‘ with the old-fashioned fireplace hollowed in the 
centre of the earthen floor, and with no chimney except a 
hole in the middle of the roof.” Ancient Greek houses 
must similarly have had the fireplace in the middle of the 
floor, and robably in them also the smoke escaped through 
a hole in the roof. 

Sometimes the motive for putting the child on the fire was 
different, as will appear from the following accounts. In the 
north-east of Scotland, particularly in the counties of Banff 
and Aberdeen, ‘‘if the child became cross and began to dwine, 
fears immediately arose that it might be a ‘fairy changeling,’ 
and the trial by fire was put into operation. The hearth was 
piled with peat, and when the fire was at its strength the 
suspected changeling was placed in front of it and as near as 
possible not to be scorched, or it was suspended in a basket 
over the fire. If it was a ‘changeling child’ it made its 
escape by the Jum [chimney], throwin k words of scorn 
as it disappeared.”* Similarly in Fife we hear of ‘‘ the old 
and widespread superstitious belief that a fairy changeling, 
if passed through the fire, became again the person the fairies 
had stolen, ... believed but not acted on by the old women 
in Fife in an earlier part of this [19th] century.” Among 
the miners of Fife, ‘‘ if a child cries continuously after being 
dressed at birth, the granny or some other wise elder will 
say, ‘If this gangs on we'll hae to pit on the girdle’ (the 
large circular flat baking-iron on which scones and oat- 
cakes are ‘ fired’). Sometimes this is actually done, but the 
practice is rare now, and very few can give the true meaning 
of the saying. The idea is that the crying child is a change- 
ling, and that if held over the fire it will go up the chimney, 
while the girdle will save the real child's feet from being 
burnt as it comes down to take its own legitimate place.” * 
Similarly, in the Highlands one way of getting rid of a 
changeling was to seat him on a gridiron, or in a creel, with 

1 Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming, op. cit. p. 100. 

2 W. Gregor, Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-east 
of Scotland (London, 1881), pp. 8 sg. 

8 County Folk-lore, vol. vii. Fife, by J. Εἰ. Simpkins 
{London, 1914), p. 32. 

4 Oounty Folk-lore, vol. vii. (as above), p. 398. 

“4 

I—PUTTING CHILDREN ON THE FIRE 

a fire burning below.! This mode of exchanging fairy 
changelings for real children by putting the changelings 
on the fire appears to be also Scandinavian; for a story 
relates how, in the little island of Christiansé, to‘ the 
south-east of Sweden, a mother got rid of a changeling 
and recovered her own child by pretending to thrust the _ 
changeling into the oven; for no sooner had she done so 
than the fairy mother rushed into the room, snatched up her 
child, which was a puny, dwining little creature, and gave the 
woman her own babe back again, saying, ‘‘ There is your 
child! I have done by it better than you have by mine.” 
And indeed the returned infant was a fine sturdy child. 

A similar custom has been observed by the Jews, for 
Maimonides writes that ‘‘we still see the midwives wrap 
newborn children in swaddling bands, and, after putting 
foul-smelling incense on the fire, move the children to and fro 
over the incense on the fire.” * Similarly, of the Jakuns, a 
wild people of the Malay Peninsula, ‘‘it 15 reported that, in 
several tribes, the children, as soon as born, are carried to 
the nearest rivulet, where they are washed, then brought 
back to the house, where fire is kindled, incense of kamunian 
wood thrown upon it, and the child then passed over it several 
times. We know from history that the practice of passing 
children over fire was in all times much practised amongst 
heathen nations, and that it is even now practised in China 
and other places.”4 In Canton, in order to render a child 
courageous and to ward off evil, a mother will move her child 
several times over a fire of glowing charcoal, after which she 
places a lump of alum in the fire, and the alum is supposed 
to assume the likeness of the creature which the child fears 
most.5 In the Tenimber and Timorlaut islands (East Indies), 

1 J. G. Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and 
Islands of Scothand (Glasgow, 1900), p. 39. 

3 B. Thorpe, Northern Mythology (London, 1851-1852), 
ii. 174 sq. 

δ Maimonides, quoted by Ὁ. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und 
der Ssabismus (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 473. 

‘The ΒΔ, Favre (Apostolic Missionary), An Account of 
the Wild Tribes inhabiting the Malay Peninsula, etc. (Paris, 
1865), ΡΡ, 68 9. 

5. arrington Eastlake, ‘‘Cantonese Superstitions 
about Infants,” China Review, ix. (1880-1881), p. 303. 

‘in order to prevent sickness, or rather to frighten the evil 
spirite, the child is, in the first few days, laid beside or over 
the fire.” 1 In New Britain, after a birth has taken place, 
they kindle a fire of leaves and fragrant herbs, and a woman 
takes the child and swings it to and fro through the 
smoke of the fire, uttering good wishes. At the same time 
& sorcerer pinches up a little of the ashes from the fire, and 
touches with it the infant’s eyes, ears, temples, nose, and 
mouth, ‘‘ whereby the child is thenceforth protected against 
evil spirits and evil magic.” * In Yule Island, off British New 
Guinea, “ the child at birth is passed across the flames. It 
seems probable that in this there is the idea of purification by 
the fire.” In Madagascar a child used to be twice carefully 
lifted over the fire before he was carried out of the house for 
the first time.‘ 

Among the Kafirs of Sonth Africa ‘‘the mother makes a fire 
with some scented wood which gives off an abundance of 
pungent smoke. Over this smoke the baby is held till it 
cries violently. It is believed that some people at death 
become wizards or wizard-spirits, and that these evil beings 
seek malevolently to injure small babies ; they cannot abide 
the smell of the smoke from this scented wood, which they 
meet as they wander round seeking for prey, and trying to 
- take possession of babies. The wizard is therefore repelled 
by the odour, and goes on its journey, hunting for a baby 
which is not so evil-smelling. Wheu the baby cries in the 
smoke the mother calls out, ‘There goes the wizard.’ This 
smoking process has to be performed daily with closed doors 

1J.G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tus- 
schen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 303. 

3 R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Siidsee (Stuttgart, 
1907), pp. 70 sg. Compare td. Im Bismarck- Archipel (Leipsic, 
1887), pp. 94 og. ; A. Kleintitschen, Die Kiistenbewohner der 
Gazelldhalbinse (Hiltrup bei Miinster, n.d.), p. 204; Les 
Missions Catholiques, xvii. (Lyons, 1885), p. 110; Dr. Hahl, 
in Nachrichten tiber Kaiser Withelms-Land und den Bismarck- 
Archipel (Berlin, 1897), p. 81. 

8 Father Navarre, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, 
lix. (Lyons, 1887), p. 185. 

4 W Ellis, History of Madagascar (London, n.d.), i. 151 84. 

I.—PUTTING CHILDREN ON THE FIRE 

for several weeks, while the mother sings special chants.?” 
So among the Ovambo, a Bantu people of South Africa, when 
the midwife or an old female friend of the mother has carried 
a newborn baby out of the hut for the first time, she finds on 
her return a great fire of straw burning at the entrance, and 
across it she must stride, while she swings the infant several 
times to and fro through the thick smoke, ‘‘in order to free 
the child from the evil magic that still clings to it from its 
birth. According to another version, this swinging through 
the smoke is meant to impart courage to the child ; but the 
first explanation appears to me to tally better with the views 
of the natives.” 4 At a certain festival, which occurred every 
fourth year, the ancient Mexicans used to whirl their 
children through the flames of a fire specially prepared for 
the purpose.2 Among the Tarahumares, an Indian tribe of 
Mexico, ‘‘when the baby is three days old the shaman comes 
to cure it. A big fire is made of corn-cobs, the little one is 
placed on a blanket, and with the father’s assistance the 
shaman carries it, if it is a boy, three times through the 
smoke to the four cardinal points, making the ceremonial 
circuit and finally raising it upward. This is done that the 
child may grow well and be successful in life, that is, in 
raising corn.” & 

1 Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood, a Study of Kajfir 
Children (London, 1906), pp. 18 sq. 

8 Hans Schinz, Deutsch-Siidwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and 
Leipsic, n.d.), p. 307. 

2-H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States 
(London, 1875-1876), iii. 376, note 7’, quoting Sahagun, “‘rode- 
arlos por las llamas del fuego que tenian aparejado para esto,” 
which I translate as above. Bancroft translates, ‘‘ passed the 
children over, or near to, or about the flame of a prepared 
fire.” The French translators turn the words, ‘‘ conduisaient 
autour Pune flamme quon avait préparée pour cet objet.” 
See B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des choses de la 
Nouvelle-Espagne, traduite par Ὁ. Jourdanet et R. Simeon 
(Paris, 1880), p. 166. Compare C. F. Clavigero, History of 
Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, 2nd ed. (London, 1807), 1. 
317. 
4 C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mezico (London, 1903), i. 272. 

I.—War or Earra ox HEAvEX 

“ (Apollodorus τ. vi. 1) 

Some Indian tribes of North-Western America tell a story 
which resembles in certain respecte the Greek myth of the 
war waged by the Earth-born Giants on the gods in heaven. 
The details of the story vary from tribe to tribe, but its 
substance is the same. 

As told by the Pend’ d’Oreille Indians of Montana, the 
story runs as follows :— 

e Earth people wanted to make war on the Sky people. 
Grizzly-Bear was their chief, and he called all the warriors 
together. They were told to shoot in turn at the moon (or 
sky). All did as they were told, but their arrows fell short. 
Only Wren had not shot his arrow. Coyote said, ‘‘ He need 
not shoot. He is too small, and his bow and arrows are too 
weak.” However, Grizzly-Bear declared that Wren must 
have his turn. Wren shot his arrow, and it hit the moon (or 
sky) and stuck fast. Then the others shot their arrows, 
which stuck each in the notch of the preceding one, until 
they made a chain of arrows that reached from the sky to 
the ground. Then all the people climbed up, Grizzly-Bear 
going last. He was very heavy; and when he was more 
than half way up, the chain broke by his weight. He made 
& spring, and caught the part of the chain above him ; and 
this caused the arrows to pull out at the top, where the 
leading warriors had made a hole to enter the sky. So the 
whole chain fell down and left the people up aloft without 
the means of descending. The Earth people attacked the 
Sky people, and defeated them in the first battle; but the 
Sky people soon mustered in such force that they far out- 
numbered the Earth people, and in the next battle routed 
them, killing a great many. The defeated Earth people ran 
for the ladder, But many were overtaken and killed on the 
way. When they found the ladder broken, each prepared 
himself the best way he could so as not to fall too heavily, 
and one after another jumped down. Flying-Squirrel was 
wearing a small robe, which he spread out like wings when. 
he jumped ; therefore he has something like wings now. He 
came down without hurting himself. hitefish looked down 
“he hole before jumping. When he saw the great depth, he 

II.— WARK OF EARTH ON HEAVEN 

puckered up his mouth and drew back; therefore he has ἃ 
small puckered mouth at the present day. Sucker jumped 
down without first preparing himself, and his bones were 
broken ; therefore the sucker’s bones are now found in all 
parts of its flesh. At that time there were a number of 
different animals on earth that are not here now; but they 
were killed in this war and transformed into stars. Had 
they all come back to earth, there would be many more 
kinds here now. Those which we have at the present time 
represent only the survivors of the war.! 

Tn this, as in most other versions of the story, the Earth 
people are conceived as animals, whether beasts, birds or 
fish. This comes out clearly in a parallel version of the 
story told by the Indians of the Okanagon tribe in British 
Columbia. In it we are told that each animal and bird shot 
at the sky, and that the Fish, Snakes, and Toads also tried, 
but that only the Chickadee succeeded in hitting the sky 
with his arrow ; and in the fall from heaven the fish fared 
worst, because they had no wings. According to this version, 
the Grizzly Bear and the Black Bear were the only animals 
that were left on earth when all the rest had climbed up the 
ladder to the sky; and in quarrelling as to which of them 
should, mount the ladder frst, the two bears knocked it 

own. 

Similarly the Shuswap tribe of British Columbia tell how 
‘* Black Bear and Wolverene were great chiefs, the former of 
the Fish people, the latter of the Bird people. They assembled 
the warriors of all the fishes and birds of the earth to go on 
& war expedition against the people of the sky. All the men 
shot their arrows up towards the sky, but they fell back 
without hitting it. Last of all Wren,? who was the smallest 
of all the birds, shot an arrow, which stuck in the sky. The 
next smallest bird shot an arrow, which hit the end of the 
first one ; and thus they shot arrows; and one stuck in the 
end of the other, until there was a chain of arrows forming 8 
ladder from earth to sky. On this all the warriors ascended, 
leaving the two chiefs to guard the bottom. Soon after all 

1 Folk-tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, edited by 
Franz Boas (Lancaster, Pa., and New York, 1917), p. 118 
(Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, vol. xi.). 

2 Folk-tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, p. 85. 

3 ‘*Sqme say Humming-Bird, others Chickadee.” 

had reached the sky world, Wolverene and Black Bear began 
to laugh at each other’s tails. Black Bear grew angry, 
chased Wolverene around the foot of the ladder, struck 
against it, and knocked it down. 

‘* Meanwhile the earth people had attacked the sky people, 
and at first were victorious; but afterwards the latter, 
gathering in great force, routed the earth people, who fled in 
great disorder towards the top of the ladder. By its fall 
their retreat was cut off; and many made a stand against the 
sky people, while others threw themselves down. The birds 
were able to reach the earth safely, for they could fly down; 
but many of the fishes, who tried to throw themselves into a 
large lake, were wounded. In their fall some missed the 
lake and dropped on rocks. Thus the skull of the semaisas 
came to be flattened, the kwaak broke its jaw, the tcoktcttcin 
got a bloody mouth, and the sucker had all its bones scattered 
and broken, so that it died. The grandson of a man called 
Tcel gathered the bones, put them back into the body, and 
revived it. This is the reason why the sucker has now so 
many bones scattered through its flesh, why the sematsas 
has a flat head, the tcoktcitcon a red mouth, and why the 
mouth of the kwaak appears to be broken. The earth people 
who remained above were all slain, and transformed by the 
sky people into stars.” 4 

Thus the story of the attack on the Sky people purports at 
the same time to explain certain peculiar features of the 
fauna with which these Indians are acquainted. Animals 
naturally attract the attention of savages, especially of 
savage hunters; and the observation of their peculiarities, 
by exciting the curiosity of the observer, is a fruitful source 
of explanatory myths. 

So far no explanation is given of the reasons which led the 
Earth people to make war on the Sky people. But in a 
version of the story told by the Quinault Indians, who in- 
habit a district on the western coast of Washington State, 
the motives for the war are fully reported. Raven’s two 
daughters, we are told, went out on the prairie to dig roots, 
and night overtook them before they could reach home. 
Camping out in the open, they looked up at the starry sky, 

1 James Teit, The Shuswap (Leyden and New York, 1909), 
p. 749 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. ii. part 7). 

II—WAR OF EARTH ON HEAVEN 

and the younger sister said, ‘‘I wish I were up there with 
that big bright star!” And the elder sister said, ‘“ I wish I 
were there with that little star!” Soon they fell asleep, 
and when they awoke they were up in the sky country, 
where the stars are; and the younger sister found that her 
star was a feeble old man, while the elder sister’s star was a 
young man. Now the younger sister was afraid of the old 
man ; 80 she ran away and tried to descend to earth with the 
help of a rope, which she borrowed from an old woman 
called Spider. But the rope proved too short, and there she 
hung just over her father’s house till she died, and her bones 
dropped down on the ground. Bluejay picked them up and 
knew them to be the bones of Raven’s daughter. So he 
called Raven, and they agreed that it was so. *‘ And they 
gathered together all the fragments, and then called upon all 
the people, and all the animals, and all the birds and fishes, 
to gather and make an attack upon the Sky People to 
recover the other sister.” The rest of the story follows 
substantially as in the preceding versions. Having deter- 
mined to make war on the Sky People, the animals prepared 
to shoot at the heavenly vault with arrows. So they made 
a bow of the trunk of a white cedar and an arrow of a limb 
ofatree. Then Grizzly Bear stepped up to string the bow, 
but could not bend it; after him, Elk and all the large 
animals tried, but all failed. At last Wren, the smallest of 
birds, bent the bow, strung it easily, and shot an arrow, 
which stuck in thesky. Then with the help of Snail, who 
aimed the arrows, Wren shot shaft after shaft, so that each 
stuck in the notch of the preceding one, till the arrows 
formed a chain that reached from the sky to the earth. Up 
the chain the animals swarmed to heaven, and there, feeling 
very cold in the upper air, Beaver contrived to steal fire for 
them from a house of the Sky People, after Robin Redbreast, 
Dog, and Wildcat had failed in the attempt. There, too, in 
a corner of the house, they found Raven’s elder daughter. 
Having procured the fire they sent all the rats and mice 
among the Sky People to gnaw through all the bowstrings of 
the men and all the girdles of the women, and all fastenings 
of any kind which they could find. So, when all was ready, 
the Earth People attacked. The Sky men tried to use their 
bows, but the bowstrings were cut. The Sky women tried 
to put on their clothes to run away, but they could not 
fasten them and they had to stay where they were. Then 

APOLL. I. Y 

the Earth People went from house to house and killed great 
nuinbers of the Sky People. At last the Sky People rallied 
and began to beat back the Earth People. So, taking 
Raven’s daughter with them, they retreated down the chain 
of arrows, and they bad almost all got safely down, when 
the chain broke. So some were left hanging in the sky, and 
they can be seen there now in the stars.! 

The story is told in a somewhat similar form by the 
Kathlamet Indians, whose territory lay in the south-western 
part of Washington State to the south of the country, owned 

y the Quinault Indians ; but in the Kathlamet version there 
is no mention of Raven’s daughters nor of the chain of 
arrows. On the other hand it contains the incidents of the 
stealing of fire by Beaver and of the cutting of the bow- 
strings and girdles by Mouse and Rat. According to the 
Kathlamets, it was Bluejay who cut the rope by which, in 
their version of the tale, the animals had ascended to the 
sky ; and among the creatures who remained up aloft in the 
shape of stars were the Woodpecker, the Fisher, the Skate, 
the Elk, and the Deer.® 

The story of the War on the Sky is told, in the same 
general form, also by the Kutenai Indians in the interior of 
British Columbia. Their version includes the incident of 
the chain of arrows, and describes the shifts to which the 
animals in heaven were put when the chain of arrows, by 
which they had ascended, was broken down. The Bats, we 
are told, flew down, spreading out their blankets as wings. 
The Flying Squirrel pulled out his skin and used it as wings 
to fly with. All the fish threw themselves down, but the. 
Sucker was the only one who was broken to pieces. How- 
ever, he was restored to life by the touch of -his brother’s 
widow.? 

A different account of the origin of the War on the Sky is 
given in a version of the story recorded among the Indians of 

1 L. Farrand, Traditions of the Quinault Indians [New 
York) (1902), pp. 107-109 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedt- 
tion). I have abridged the story. 

2 Franz Boas, Kathlamet Texts (Washington, 1901), pp. 
67-71 (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 26). 

8 Franz Boas, Kutenat Tales (Washington, 1918), pp. 
73-77 (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 59). 

1I1—WAR OF EARTH ON HEAVEN 

the Lower Fraser River in British Columbia. They say that 
the Redheaded Woodpecker and the Eagle had each a son, 
and that the two youths in pursuit of a beautiful bird were 
lured on till they came to the sky. The bereaved fathers 
desired to go up after them, but did not know how to do it. 
So they called a general assembly of the animals and inquired 
of them how one may ascend to heaven. First, the Pelican 
flew up, but returned without reaching the sky. Next the 
Mole attempted to scale the heavenly heights by burrowing 
under the water and under the earth, but naturally he failed. 
Even the Eagle himself, the father of one of the missing 
youths, could not fly so high, though he tried hard. At last 
& man or an animal named Tamia, a grandson of Wood- 
pecker’s wife, came forward and declared that he had learned 
in a dream how one may ascend up to heaven. So he painted 
his hair red, and having adorned his face with a streak of red 
paint from the forehead down over the nose to the chin, he 
began to sing. “1 am Tamia! I fear not to shoot at the 
sky,” while fis grandmother Takt beat time to the song. 
Having thus attuned himself to the proper pitch, he took 
his bow and shot arrow after arrow at the sky, until the 
arrows, as usual, formed a chain stretching right down to the 
earth. So all the people ascended the chain, vanquished 
the Sky People in battle, and freed the two sons of the 
Woodpecker and the Eagle. When they had returned home 
victorious, they broke down the chain of arrows, or rather 
the broad road into which the chain had been converted. 
But they did not notice that the Snail had lagged behind 
and was still up aloft. So when the Snail came to heaven’s 
gate and found no ladder, he had to throw himself down, 
and in his fall he broke every bone in his body. That is why 
he now moves 80 slowly. ! 

Yet another motive is assigned for the War on the 
Sky by the Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Ac- 
cording to them, that war was caused by the rape of a 
married woman. The people of the Sky, so they say, 
stole the wife of Swan, who, in great wrath at this outrage, 
called all the people of the earth to a council. They agreed 
to make war on the Sky People, and under the direction 

1 Franz Boas, Indtanische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895), pp. 30 sq. 
y 2 

of the injured husband, they all gathered together with 
their bows and arrows and shot at the sky, but all their 
arrows fell short. After they had all tried in vain, Wren 
shot an arrow. The people watched it rising till it passed 
out of sight, and though they waited some time, it never 
came down again. It had stuck in the sky. Then Wren 
shot another arrow, which likewise disappeared and did not 
come down again. It had stuck in the notch of the first one. 
After he had discharged’ many arrows, the people saw them 
sticking one in the end of the other, like a chain hung 
from the sky. Wren continued to shoot till at last the 
arrow-chain reached the earth. Then all the people ascended 
one behind the other over the chain of arrows and entering 
the upper world (some say through a hole which they tore in 
the sky) they attacked the Sky People, some of whom consisted 
of Grizzlies, Black Bears, and Elks. <A great battle was 
fought, in which the Sky People were victorious, and the 
Earth People began to retreat in great haste down the chain of 
arrows. When about half the people had reached the ground, 
the chain broke in the middle, and many were killed by the 
fall. Others, who were on the chain above the point at which 
it broke, had to ascend again, and were either killed or made 
prisoners by the Sky People. Those who reached the earth 
represent the people, animals, birds, and fishes to be found 
on the earth at the present time. There were formerly other 
different animals and birds on the earth, but they either 
were killed in this war or remain in the sky to this day.’ 

A short version of the story, without the assignment of any 
motive for the war, is reported from among the Ntlakya- 
pamugq Indians of British Columbia. It includes the usual 
incident of the sky-reaching chain of arrows.? 

A somewhat different story of the War on the Sky is told 
by the Catloltq Indians of Vancouver Island. They say that 
long ago Turpentine was a blind man, who could not bear the 
sun’s heat and used to go a-fishing for red shell-fish by night. 

1 James Teit, Mythology of the Thompson Indians (Leyden 
and New York, 1912), p. 246 (The Jeswp North Pacific 
Expedition, vol. viii. part ii.). Another, but briefer, version 
of the story is reported in the same work (p. 334). 

2 Franz Boas, indtanische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiiste Amerikas, p. 17. 

I1—WAR OF EARTH ON HEAVEN 

Every morning, when the day began to break, his wife called 
him back, saying, ‘‘Come home quick! The sun is rising. 
So he always hurried home before it grew warm. But one 
day his wife slept late, and when she awoke, it was broad 
day. Horrified by the discovery, she rushed to the beach, 
shrieking, ‘‘Come home quick! The sun is high in heaven.” 
Thus adjured, old Turpentine plied his oars as for dear life, 
but it was too late; the Sun shone down on him so hot that 
he melted away before he reached the shore. Indignant at 
his fate, his two sons resolved to avenge his death by killing 
the Sun, his murderer. So they took their bows and arrows 
and went to the place where the Sun rises. There they shot 
an arrow at the sky, and a second arrow at the first, until 
the usual ladder of arrows was constructed leading up to 
heaven. When it was finished, the elder brother shook it to 
see whether it was strong enough to bear his weight, and 
finding it quite firm, the two brothers climbed up aloft by it. 
On reaching the sky they killed the Sun with their arrows. 
Then they deliberated how to replace the dead luminary and 
solved the problem very simply ; for the elder brother became 
the Sun, and the younger brother became the Moon.! 

A different motive for the War on the Sky is assigned by 
the Sanpoil Indians, who live on the Columbia River and 
belong to the Salish stock.2, They say that once on a time it 
rained so heavily that all the fires on earth were extin- 
guished. The animals held a council and decided to make 
war against the sky in order to bring back the fire. In spring 
the people began, and tried to shoot their arrows up to the 
sky. Coyote tried first, but did not succeed. Finally the 
Chickadee contrived to shoot an arrow which stuck in the 
sky. He continued to shoot, making a chain of arrows by 

1 Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiiste Amerikas, pp. 64 sg. The use of achain of arrows to 
give access to the sky is a common incident in the folk-tales 
told by the Indians of North-west America, even in stories in 
which there is no question of an attack upon the Sky 
People. See Franz Boas, ‘‘ Tsimshian Mythology,” Thirty- 
first Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
(Washington, 1916), pp. 364 δ. 

2 F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indtans (Wash- 
ington, 1907-1910), ii. 451. ; 

means of which the animals climbed up. The last to 
was the Grizzly Bear, but so heavy was he that he bron 
chain of arrows and so could not join the other anin: 
the sky. 

When the animals reached the sky, they found then 
in a valley near a lake where the people of the sky 
fishing. Coyote wished to act as scout, but was cay}: 
Then the Muskrat dug holes along the shore of the lak 
Beaver and Eagle set out to obtain the fire. Beaver ε. 
one of the fish-traps and pretended to be dead. They : 
him to the chief's house, where the people began 1. 
him. At this time the Eagle alighted on a tree 1: 
tent. When the people saw the Eagle, they ran out, 
once Beaver took a clam-shell full of glowing coals a. 
away. He jumped into the lake, and people tried t 
him in nets; but the water drained away through th 
which Muskrat had made. The animals now ran bach 
chain of arrows, which they found broken. Then, 
birds could fly down and the quadrupeds could not, εἰ: 
took a quadruped on its back and flew down with it. 
Coyote and the Sucker were left up above. Coyot 
piece of buffalo robe to each paw and jumped dow 
sailed down on the skin, and finally landed on a pi: 
Next morning he showed off his wings, but could ἡ. 
them off again, and was transformed into a bat. The 
had to jump down, and was broken to pieces. The :: 
fitted his bones together ; and, since some were missi!: 
put pine-needles into his tail. Therefore the Suc! 
many bones. 

III.—Mytus oF THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 
(Apollodorus τ. vii. 1) 

According to Hesiod and Hyginus, it was from Ze. 
self that Prometheus stole the fire which he beste 
men ;? and Hyginus clearly conceived the theft to ha 
perpetrated in heaven, for he speaks of Prometheus |, 

1 Folk-tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, οἰ 
Franz Boas, pp. 107 84. 

2 Hesiod, Works and Days, 50 sqq., Theog. 5° 
Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 15. 

OF FIRE 

The natives about Lake 
pon a time a man threw 
+ attached to it. ‘Then 
. down fire from the sun 

nds of Torres Straits, 
. say that fire was for- 
. who kept it in ἃ sixth 
er and thumb. When 
only to put this finger 
ignited. The animals 
.e of her fire and were 
own. They tried, one 
annel and get the fire 

1 until the big lizard 
woman’s fiery finger, 
All the people, or 

to see the fire which 
the wood and every- 

1 best; they asked 
All the trees came | 

‘e; and men obtain 

ὁ mouth of the Fly 
rst produced on the 
All animals tried to 

ἐς to Kiwai with it, 
οἷ in the attempt, 
ded in bringing a 

u was terribly burnt 
on both sides of his 

he fire-stick drop at 

ve had fire ever since.‘ 

Tribes of South-Hast 

origines of Victoria (Mel- 

6 Anthropological Expedition 
iidge, 1908), pp. 29 84. 

Note on the Natives of Kiwai 

4~+hropological Instetute, xxxiii. 

ons of the same story, see 

"». 

fire was obtained from the animal or bird and conveyed to 
men. Tales of the origin, and in particular of the theft, of 
fire are too numerous to be told here at length; elsewhere I 
hope to deal with them fully.1_ But it may be worth while 
to illustrate the nature and wide diffusion of such tales by 
some examples. 

The aborigines of Cape Giafton, on the eastern coast of 
Queensland, tell of a time when there was no such thing as 
fire on earth; so Bin-jir Bin-jir, a small wren with a red 
back (Malurus sp.), went up into the skies to get some. He 
was successful, but lest his friends on earth should have the 
benefit of it, he hid it away under his tail. Asked on his 
return how he had fared, he told his friend that his quest 
had been fruitless. But his friend laughed and said, ‘‘ Why, 
you have got some fire stuck on to the end of your tail,” 
referring to the red spot on the bird’s back. Bin-jir Bin-jir 
was therefore obliged to admit that he did μοῦ some fire, and 
finally he showed his friend from what particular wood to 
extract it by friction.2, Some of the aborigines of Western 
Victoria thought that the first fire was procured by a little 
bird described as a “‘ fire-tail wren,” which stole it from the 
crows, who till then had had sole possession of the valuable 
element. ὃ 

According to the Booandik tribe, who used to inhabit the 
extreme south-east corner of South Australia, the first owner 
of fire was the cockatoo, who kept it jealously hidden in bis 
red crest and produced it from there by scratching his crest 
whenever he wished to cook his victuals. But he took care 
to cook his food privately, lest the other cockatoos should 
learn the secret. However, one little cockatoo contrived to 
steal some of the fire and communicated it to his fellows. 
One of the tribes about Maryborough in Queensland related 
how men originally obtained fire by knocking off a piece of 

1 Tn a volume, The Origin of Fire, and other Hssays, to be 
published by Messrs. Macmillan & Co., London. 

2 Walter E. Roth, ‘‘ Superstition, Magic, and Medicine,” 
North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5 (Brisbane, 
1903), p. 11. 

8 James Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, 
Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881), p. 54. 

4 Mrs. James Smith, The Boogndik tribe (Adelaide, 1880), 
pp. +3 86. 

II.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

the sun when he rose in the east." The natives about Lake 
Condabh in Victoria said that once upon a time a man threw 
up a spear to the clouds with a string attached to it. Then 
he climbed up the string and brought down fire from the sun 
to the earth. 

The natives of the Eastern Islands of Torres Straits, 
between Australia and New Guinea, say that fire was for- 
merly in possession of an old woman, who kept it in a sixth 
finger which she had between her finger and thumb. When 
she wished to kindle a fire, she had only to put this finger 
under the fuel, and the fuel at once ignited. The animals 
on another island often saw the smoke of her fire and were 
envious, for they had no fire of their own. They tried, one 
after the other, to swim across the channel and get the fire 
by hook or crook; but they all failed until the big lizard 
minade his way across, bit off the old woman’s fiery finger, 
and swam back with it in his mouth. All the people, or 
rather all the animals, were very glad to see the fire which 
he brought to them. They all went into the wood and every- 
one got a branch from the tree he liked best; they asked 
each tree to come and get a fire-stick. All the trees came 
and got fire and have kept it ever since ; and men obtain 
their fire-sticks from the trees.® 

The natives of Kiwai, an island off the mouth of the Fly 
River in New Guinea, say that fire was first produced on the 
mainland of New Guinea by two men. All animals tried to 
steal some of the fire and to swim across to Kiwai with it, 
but they all failed. The birds also failed in the attempt, 
till at last the black cockatoo succeeded in bringing a 
burning stick in his beak. But his mouth was terribly burnt 
by the fire ; and he has had a red spot on both sides of his 
mouth from that day to this. He let the fire-stick drop at 
lasa ; and the people secured it, and have had fire ever since.‘ 

1A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-Hast 
Australia (London, 1904), p. 432. 

8 R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Mel- 
bourne and London, 1878), i. 462. . 

8 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition 
to Torres Stratts, vi. (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 29 84. 

4 Rev. J. Chalmers, ‘‘ Note on the Natives of Kiwai 
Island,” Journal of the Anthropological Inststute, xxxilii. 
(1903) p. 188. For other versions of the same story, see 

The cockatoo here referred to belongs no doubt to the genus 
Microglossa, ‘‘ whose wholly black plumage is relieved by 
their bare cheeks of bright red.” 4 

Some people in Kiwai give a different account of the 
origin of fire. They say that the method of making fire 
was discovered accidentally or through the advice of a spirit 
by sawing wood with a bamboo rope or a bowstring: the 
friction first made the wood wurm and then elicited smoke 
and flame. * 

At Wagawaga, on Milne Bay, near the south-eastern 
extremity of New Guinea, they say that people used to cook 
their yams and taro in the sun, because they were ignorant 
of fire. Buta certain old woman had fire in her body and 
used to draw it out from between her legs when she wished 
to cook her own food. She carefully kept the secret from 
other people; but a boy detected her in the act of making 
fire and contrived to steal a fire-brand from her. This was 
the beginning of the general use of fire among men.® A 
similar story is told by the natives of Dobu, an island 
belonging to the D'Entrecastaux group which lies to the 
east of New Guinea,‘ and also by the natives of the 
Trobriand Islands, to the north of the D’Entrecastaux 
Islands. 

In the Admiralty Islands, to the north of New Guinea, 
the natives say that in the beginning there was no fire on 

Gunnar Landtman, The Folk-tales of the Kiwat Papuans 
(Helsingfors, 1917), pp. 331 sg. (Acta Societatis Sctentiarum 
Fennicae, vol. xlvii); W. N. Beaver, Unexplored New 
Guinea (London, 1920), p. 174. 

1 Alfred Newton and Hans Gadow, A Dictionary of Birds 
(Cambridge, 1893-1896), p. 93. 

2 Gunnar Landtman, op. cit. pp. 83, 334 sq. 

80, 6. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New 
Guinea (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 379 sq. 

‘Rev. W. E. Bromilow, “" Dobuan (Papuan) beliefs and 
folk-lore,” Report of the Thirteenth Meeting of the Austra- 
lastan Association for the Advancement of Science, held at 
Sydney, 1911 (Sydney, 1912), pp. 425 eg. 

5 The story was recorded in the Trobriands by Dr. B. 
Malinowski, who was good enough to communicate it to me. 

IIl.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

earth. A woman sent the sea-eagle and the starling to 
fetch fire from heaven. The two birds brought it, and since 
then people have cooked their food by fire; were it not for 
these two birds we should still have to dry our food in the 
sun. But on their flight down to earth, the two birds 
shifted the fire between them. The starling took the fire 
and carried it on the back of his neck, and the wind blew 
up the flame, so that it singed the bird. That is why the 
starling is now so small and the fish-eagle so big. 

The Maoris of New Zealand tell how fire was procured 
for the earth by the great primordial hero Maui, He got it 
from his grandmother, Mahuika, the goddess of fire, who at 
his request produced fire successively from all the nails of 
her fingers and toes, one after the other. A great conflagra- 
tion followed, which was extinguished by heavy rain. What 
little fire escaped extinction took refi luge in certain trees, 
from which it is still elicited by friction.” Substantially the 
same myth, with local variations, is told in many parts of 
Polynesia, as in the Chatham Islands,? Tonga, Savage 
Island,* Samoa,* Bowditch Island,’ the Union flands,® the 

1 Josef Meyer, “Mythen und Sagen der Admiralitats- 
insulaner, sropos, ii. (1907), pp. 659 eq. 
laner,” Anthi (1907, 659 
3 Sir George Grey, Polynesian Wiythotogy (London, 1855), 
9. Kor bricter versione of the story, see R. Taylor, 

δ μα, » Maus, or New Zealand and ‘its Inhabitants® 
(London, 1870), ἐς 130 δᾳ.; John White, The Ancient 
History of the Maori, ii. (London and Wellington, 1889), 
pp. 108-110. 

3 A. Shand, The Moriori People of the Chatham Islands 
(Washington and New Plymouth, 1911), p. 20 (Memoire of 
the Polynesian Society, 

“Le P. Reiter, itions Tonguiennes,” Anthropos, 
τι, παῖ, (1917-1918), 1026-1040; ἙΕ. Ε. Collcott, 
"Legends from Tonga,” Poik-tore, xxxii. (1921), pp. 45-48. 

6G. ‘Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 211 sg. ; (Sir) 
omson, Savage ndon, , Pp. 86 ag. 
Basil Thi Se Island (London, 1902), pp. 86 

4 G. Turner, op. cit. pp. 209-211; J. B. Stair, Old Samoa 
(London, 1897), pp. 238 ag. 

7. Turner, op. cit. p. 270. 

8 (Sir) Basil Τὶ vomeon, op. cit. p. 87. 

Hervey Islands,’ and the Marquesas Islands.? Everywhere 
the fire-bringer is the human or superhuman hero Maui, but 
there is some variation in regard to the name and sex of 
the deity from whom he obtained the fire. Sometimes the 
deity appears as a female and sometimes as a male, some- 
times as the grandmother and sometimes as the grandfather 
of the hero; and her or his name is variously given as 
Mahuika, Mahuike, Mauika, Mauike, Mauimotua, Mafuie, 
and Mafuike. In the Maori myth the realm of the ftire- 
goddess would seem to be in the sky, for the hero speaks of 
fetching down fire for the world. But in almost all the 
other versions the home of the fire-deity is definitely sub- 
terranean, and the hero has to descend into the nether 
world in order to procure the fire. Sometimes the fire-god 
only yields the fire on compulsion after a struggle with the 
hero, in which the deity gets the worst of it. In the 
Chatham Islands version, as in the Maori version, the fire- 
god produces the fire from his fingers. In the Marquesas 
version the fire-goddess produces the fire from her toes, 
knees, back, and navel; but in the other versions which I 
have cited nothing is said about the fire being extracted 
from the body of the deity. While the fire-bringer Maui is 
clearly conceived as a hero in human form, he is sometimes 
said to have assumed the form of a bird in order either to 
obtain access to the realm of the fire-deity or to escape from 
the conflagration which followed his interview with that 
potentate. Thus in the Maori version the hero Maui is said 
to have assumed the form of an eagle; in one of the two 
Hervey Islands versions he is reported to have entered 
temporarily into the body of a red pigeon; while in the 
Marquesas version he concealed himself under the form of 
a pattotio bird. A version of the story which is reported 
from the Hawaii or Sandwich Islands relates how Maui 
learned the art of fire-making from an alae bird, which used 
to carry fire about and communicate it to its fellow-birds in 
order that they might roast bananas or taro with it. Being 

1W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific 
(London, 1876), pp. 51-58, 63-69. 

3 Εἰ, Tregear, ‘‘ Polynesian folk-lore ; ii.: The Origin of 
Fire,” Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand 
Institute, xx. (1887), pp. 385-387. 

IlI.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

caught by Maui, the bird explained to him how to make fire 
by rubbing two sticks together, and indicated to him the 
various sorts of trees from which fire-sticks could be pro- 
cured. As all but one of these trees proved on trial to be 
quite unsuitable for the purpose, Maui in a rage applied a 
burning brand to the bird’s head, as you may still see by the 
red crest on its poll. In one of the Hervey Islands versions 
the fire-god employed a bird of white plumage, the tern, to 
hold down the lower fire-stick, while be himself twirled 
the upper fire-stick in vhe usual way to elicit fire. But 
Maui snatched the burning upper stick from the fire-god’s 
hands, and as the bird continued to clutch the lower stick, 
the hero applied the flaming stick in his hands to either side 
of the bird’s eyes and scorched both places. That is why 
you see the black marks on either side of the tern’s eyes down 
to this day. Thus, while the human aspect of the fire-bringer 
certainly prevails in the Polynesian myths of the origin of 
fire, there are hints that in another and perhaps older 
version of the tale he may have been a bird rather than 
& man. 

The natives of Nukufetau, one of the Ellice Islands, give 
a very rationalistic account of the origin of fire. They say 
that fire was discovered by seeing smoke rise from two 
crossed branches which were rubbed against each other in 
the wind.? 

The Toradyas of Central Celebes say that the Creator gave 
fire to the first man and woman, but did not teach them how 
to make it. So when the fire went out, people were at a loss 
how to boil their rice. Accordingly they resolved to send a 
messenger to the sky to ask for a little fire, for in those days 
the sky was much nearer to the earth than it is now. The 
messenger chosen for the purpose was a certain insect named 
tambooya. When the insect came to the sky and asked for 
fire, the gods said, ‘‘ We will give you fire; but you inust 
cover your eyes with your hands, that you may not see how 
we make it.” But the gods did not know that the insect had 
an eye under each shoulder ; so while he lifted up his arms 

1 A. Bastian, Inselgruppen in Oceanien (Berlin, 1883), 
pp. 278 sq.; 1d., Allerles aus Volks- und Menschenkunde 
(Berlin, 1888), i. 120 eq. 

2 6. Turner, Samoa, pp. 285 aq. 

to hide his eyes in his head, he saw with his eyes under his 
arms how the gods made fire by striking a flint with a chop- 
ping-knife, and on his return to earth he communicated the 
secret to mankind, who have made fire in that way ever 
since.} ) 

The natives of Nias, an island to the west of Sumatra, say 
that in the olden time certain evil spirits called Belas used 
to consort with mankind in a friendly way, but only the 
Belas knew how to make fire, and they kept the secret to 
themselves, though they were willing enough to lend fire to 
men. One day a man, whose fire had gone out, went to 
borrow it from the wife of a Bela. To prevent him from 
seeing how she made it, she proposed to cover him up with 
ἃ garment. But he said, “1 can see through a garment ; 
put a basket over me.” Shedid so, but while she made fire, 
he looked through the interstices of the basket, and so 
learned the secret.? 

The Andaman Islanders say that after the great flood, 
which extinguished all fires on earth, the ghost of a drowned 
man assumed the form of a kingfisher and flew up to the sky, 
where he discovered the Creator seated beside his fire. The 
bird seized a burning log in its beak, but accidentally dropped 
it on the Creator, who, smarting with pain, hurled the brand 
at the awkward bird. The missile missed the kingfisher but 
dropped near the survivors of the flood, who thus recovered 
the use of fire.® 

1A. C. Kruijt, “6 legenden der Poso-Alfoeren aan- 
gaande de eerste menschen,” Mededeelingen van wege het Ne- 
derlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xxxviii. (1894), pp. 340 sy. ; 
N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, De Bare’e-sprekende Toradjas 
van Midden-Celebes (Batavia, 1912-14), ii. 186 84. 

2L. N. H. A. Chatelin, ‘‘Godsdienst en bijgeloof der 
Niassers,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volken- 
kunde, xxvi. (1880), p. 182; E. Modigliani, On Viaggio ἃ 
Nias (Milan, 1890), pp. 629 sg. Compare H. Sundermann, 
Die Insel Nias (Barmen, 1905), p. 70. 

3K. H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the An- 
daman Islands (London, n.d.), pp. 98 sg. Compare Census 
of India, 1901, vol. iii. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, 
by Sir Richard C. Temple (Calcutta, 1903), p. 63; M. V. 
Portman, ‘‘The Andaman fire-legend,” The Indian Ants- 
quary, xxvi. (1897), pp. 14-18. 

ἯΙ 
“—~T 
HE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

tat. 
"Ply, oe of Raphia palm are maintained by 
Ray €m with fire-sticks.? 
ἃ that once on a time the spider spun a 
. that the wind caught one end of the: 
‘Up tothe sky. Then the woodpecker 
1, and pecking at the celestial vault 
"hich We call stars. After the wood- 
man alsu clambered up the thread 
a fire.? 
ligeria, on the borders of the 
‘ginning of the world, the Sky 
πος hing, but he did not give fire 
A chief named Etim ‘Ne 
ime was not lame, to the 
ot Boy went and proffered 
“oe it angrily and sent him 
nself to the deity and 
‘d no better and had 
on the Lame Boy 
With that view 

.. 1, and after he 

the ‘ said to him, 

«οὐ to me 9 send me a 

ugh the inte: ~ it was in 

yY the man in the « ept. He 

a trib od it back 

© of Northern Rhodes. wong 

ib ore ©On- Wasp brought fire from amp, 
erlY there was no fire on earth, 80 mp 
«οἡ gether ang asked, ‘‘ Whence shall we | Ὁ, 

‘\- Was offereq to to God to get some, . 
tLe, the Fish-Ka gle, end the Crow volunteered uw 
the, hin, So they all flew off; but first the Vulture, the 
ang Ish. Ragle» and then the Crow expired with the effort, 

ve weir ones fell to the earth. Only Mason-Wasp won 
Ὁ 8 Way to God and told him that he was come to ask for fire. 
od Rave pim fire and his blessing os well, saying, ‘‘ You 
shall Not: ye to beget children. hen you desire a child, 
go and ἜΝ into a grainstalk and you will find an insect 

x “ ” ii. (1907), pp. 921- 
Jet, ‘‘ Les Thay,” Anthropos, i. ( »P 
24, A. Bow See above, p. 334. 

| 335 

Hervey Islands,! and the Marquesas Islands.?_ Everywhere 
the fire-bringer is the human or superhuman hero Maui, but 
there is some variation in regard to the name and sex of 
the deity from whom he obtained the fire. Sometimes the 
deity appears as a female and sometimes as a male, some- 
times as the grandmother and sometimes as the grandfather 
of the hero; and her or his name is variously given as 
Mabuika, Mahuike, Mauike, Mauike, Mauimotua, Mafuie, 
and Mafuike. In the Maori myth the realm of the tire- 
goddess would seem to be in the sky, for the hero spenks of 
fetching down fire for the world. But in almost all the 
other versions the home of the fire-deity is definitely sub. 
terranean, and the hero has to descend into the nether 
world in order to procure the fire. Sometimes the fire-god 
only yields the fire on compulsion after a struggle with the 
hero, in which the deity gets the worst of it. In the 
Chatham Islands version, as in the Maori version, the fire. 
god produces the fire from his fingers. 
version the fire-goddess produces the 
knees, back, and navel; but in the other versions which ἢ 
have ‘cited nothing is said about the fire being extracted 
from the body of the deity. While the fire-bringer Maui is 
clearly conceived as a hero in human form, he is sometimes 
said to have assumed the form of a bird in order either to 
obtain access to the realm of the fire-deity or to escape from 
the conflagration which followed his interview with that 
potentate. Thus in the Maori version the hero Maui is said 
to have assumed the form of an eagle; in one of the two 
Hervey Islands versions he is reported to have entersa 
temporarily into the body of a red pigeon; while im the 
Marquesas version ἣν led himself under the form of 
® patiotio Vird. A version of the story which is reported 
from the Hawaii or Sandwich Islands relates how? Mec 
learned the art of fire-making from an alae bird, which week 
to carry fire about and communicate it to its fellow: bran = 
ti they might roast bananas or taro with it. ‘Being 

In the Marquesas 
fire from her toes: 

se ne 
1, Myths and Songs from εἰ outh Η 
1876), pp. δ1-8, 63-6 f he Si Pacific 
regear, "Polynesian folklore ; ii. ‘The Origi 
actions and Proceedings of δὶ Zein of 
fitute, xx. (1887), pp. 385-387. f the New Zealand 

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in a rage applied a 
may still see by the 
vey Islands versions 
lumage, the tern, to 
he himself twirled 
to elicit fire. But 
from the fire-god’s 
teh the lower stick, 
hands to either side 
laces. That is why 
i the tern’s eyes down 

t of the fire-bringer 
ths of the origin of 
and perhaps older 
a bird rather than 

ll 

Ellice Islands, give 
of fire. They say 
oke rise from two 
inst each other in 

hat the Creator gave 
not teach them how 
people were at a loss 

resolved to send a 
re, for in those days 
than it is now. The 
certain insect named 
e sky and asked for 
tire; but you inust 
ou may not see how 

that the insect had 
e lifted up his arms 

(ll 

doy aypoug isnfpy 
5. | / 

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mien (Berlin, 1883), 
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and he said to his eldest son, ‘‘ Go, ask the boy if it is he who 
has stolen the fire.” His eldest son came down to earth and 
delivered his father’s message. The lad confessed, saying, 
“41 was the one who stole the fire. The reason why I hid it 
was because I feared.” The god’s eldest son, whose name 
was Akpan, replied, ‘‘I bring you a message. Up till now 
you have been able to walk. From to-day you will not be 
able to do so any more.” That is the reason why the Lame 
Boy cannot walk. He it was who first brought fire to earth 
from Obassi’s house in the sky.! 

The Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco say that in 
early times men, being unable to produce fire, were compelled 
to eat their food raw. But one day an Indian found a fire 
which a certain bird had kindled in order to cook snails. In 
the bird’s absence he stole some of the burning sticks and 
communicated the fire to his friends, who that night cooked 
their food for the first time. When the bird, soaring up in 
the sky, saw the Indians sitting round the stolen fire, he was 
very angry, and created a great thunderstorm, accompanied 
by terrible lightning, which terrified the people. Hence, 
whenever it thunders, it is a sign that the thunder-bird is 
angry and is seeking to punish the Indians by fire from the 
sky ; for ever since the bird lost its fire it has had to eat its 
food raw.? 

The Tapietes, an Indian tribe of the Gran Chaco, say that 
of old the black vulture obtained fire by means of lightning 
from heaven, while as yet the Indians had no fire. However, 
a frog stole two sparks from the black vulture’s fire and 
brought them in his mouth to the Tapietes. Since then the 
Tepietes have had fire, and the black vulture has had none. 
Robbed of his fire, the black vulture sat down with his 
hands over his head and wept.* 

The Tembes, an Indian tribe of north-eastern Brazil, in 
the province of Grao Para, say that formerly fire was in the 
possession of the king vulture. The Tembes, being destitute 

1 P. Amaury Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush (London, 
1912), pp. 370 eg. : 

2 W. B. Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown 
Lana (London, 1911), pp. 97-99. 

3 E. Nordenskidld, Indtanerleben. El Gran Chaco (Leip- 
sic, 1912), pp. 313 sg. For other stories of the origin of fire, 
see id., pp. 21 eq., 110 ag. 

IlII.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

of fire, had to dry their meat in the sun. So they resolved 
to steal fire from the king vulture. For this purpose they 
killed a tapir and let it lie for three days, after which the 
carcase was rotten and full of maggots. The king vulture 
and his clan now came down to partake of the feast. They 
pulled off their garments of feathers and appeared in human 
form. They had brought with them a fire-brand, and with 
it they kindled a great fire. They gathered the maggots, 
wrapped them in leaves, and roasted them. Then the 
Tembes, who had lain in ambush, ran to the spot, but the 
vultures flew up and bore the fire to a place of safety. Thus 
the Indians exerted themselves in vain for three days. Then 
they built a hunting-shelter beside the carrion, and an old 
medicine-man hid in it. The vultures came again and 
kindled their fire close to the shelter. And when they had 
laid aside their feather-garments and were roasting the 
maggots, the old man jumped out on them. The vultures at 
once made for their cast-off garments, the old man snatched 
a fire-brand, and by means of it he put fire into all the trees 
from which the Indians now extract it by friction.} 

The Arekuna Indians of northern Brazil tell of a certain 
man named Makunaima, who lived with his brothers long 
ago before the great flood. They had as yet no fire and were 
compelled to eat all their food raw. So they sought for fire 
and found the little green bird called by the natives mutug 
(Prionites momota) which was said to be in possession of fire. 
The bird was in the act of fishing, and Makunaima tied 8 
string to its tail without its knowledge. The string was very 
long, and following it up the brothers came to the bird’s 
house, from which they carried away fire with them. After- 
wards there came a great flood, and a certain rodent, which 
the natives call akuli (Dasyprocta aguti), saved itself from 
drowning by creeping into a hole in a tree and bunging up 
the hole. There in the hole the creature made fire; but the 
fire caught the animal’s hinder quarters and changed into red 
hair. Hence the beast has had red hairs on that part of its 
body to this day.? 

1 Th. Koch-Griinberg, Indianermdrchen aus Siidamertka 
(Jena, 1920), No. 65, pp. 186 sg. 
- 3 Th. Koch-Griinberg, Vom Roroima zum Orinoco (Berlin, 
1916-17), ii. 33-36. For another story of the origin of fire, 
told by the Taulipang Indians of the same region, see 4d. ii. 76. 

z2 

The Taramas, an Indian tribe inhabiting the forests in the 
south-eastern region of British Guiana, say that in the begin- 
ning two brothers only lived on earth; there was no woman. 
Afterwards the younger brother Duid fished up the first 
woman from a deep pool and married her. The two brothers 
lived in separate houses near each other. They had always 
eaten their food raw, having no fire to cook it with; but 
they noticed that the woman ate nothing raw except fruit. 
At last, after many years, when she was an old woman and 
had borne many children, the elder brother forced her by 
threats of violence to reveal her secret. So she sat down, 
and spreading her legs wide apart produced fire from her 
genital canal. From that fire is descended the fire which we 
now use. One day as Duid was sitting on the bank of the 
river: with his fire beside him, an alligator came and snapped 
up the fire in its jaws and carried it off. However, Duid’s 
elder brother recalled the alligator and induced it to disgorge 
its fiery prey. The fire itself was uninjured, but it had 
burned out the alligator’s tongue, and in consequence the 
alligator has been tongueless ever since. Another day, soon 
afterwards, a maroudi picked up Duid’s fire and flew away 
with it. Again the elder brother came to the rescue. The 
bird was recalled and gave back the fire, but her neck was 
burned and has remained red to this day. Another day, 
’ when Duid was absent, a jaguar came along, and stepping on 
the tire burned his feet so badly that he has never since been 
able to plant them flat on the ground, but must walk on his 
toes. A tapir also came along and trod on the fire, and he is 
so slow in his movements that he was very badly burned and 
has had hoofs ever since.} 

The Cora Indians of Mexico tell how in former times the 
iguana, a species of lizard, was in possession of fire, and how, 
having quarrelled with his wife and his mother-in-law, he 
retired to the sky, taking the fire with him. Thus there was 
no more fire on earth, because the iguana had carried it all 
away and Kept it hidden up aloft. So the people assembled 
and consulted. They determined to send the raven up to the 
sky to fetch the fire down, but he failed in the attempt; so 

———— .. -. 

1 W. C. Farabee, The Central Arawaks (Philadelphia, 
1918), pp. 143-47 (Onéiversity of Pennsylvania, Anthropolo- 
gical Publications, vol. ix.). 

If.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

did the humming-bird, and all the other birds At last the 
opossum contrived to climb up to the sky. There be found 
an old man sitting by a fire. When the old man fell asleep, 
the opossum seized a firebrand and dragged it towards the 
abyss by which the way to earth went down. Being over- 
taken by the old man, the opossum threw down the fire. It 
fell on the ground and set the earth on fire But the earth 
-goddess extinguished the conflagration with her milk. The 
people carried away the fire, and it remained with them.! 
The Sia Indians of New Mexico say that Spider was the 
creator of men and all animals. He lived in a house under- 
ground, and there he made fire by rubbing a sharp-pointed 
stone on ἃ round flat stone. But having kindled the fire, he 
kept it in his house, setting a snake, a cougar, and a bear to 
guard the first, second, and third door, that no one might 
enter and see the fire. So people on earth had no fire and 
grew weary of browsing on grass like deer. They sent the 
coyote to steal fire for them from the nether world. He went, 
passed the warders at the doors of Spider’s house, because 
they were all asleep, and made his way into the room where 
Spider himself was slumbering beside the fire. Coyote 
hastened to the fire and lighted at it a cedar brand which 
was tied to his tail. Then he hurried away, and Spider 
awoke; but before he could rouse the sleeping warders, 
coyote was far on his way with the fire to the upper world.? 
The Navahoes of New Mexico say that when men first 
emerged from the earth, they found the animals already in 
possession of fire, though they themselves had none. But 
the coyote, the bat, and the squirrel, being friends of men, 
8. to aid each other in procuring fire for mankind. So 
while the animals were busy playing’ the moccasin game, 
Coyote appeared on the scene with splinters of resinous pine- 
wood tied to his tail. While the attention of the animals 
was absorbed by the game, Coyote dashed through the fire, 
the splinters attached to his tail took fire, and with his fiery 
train be fled, pursued by all the animals. When he was 
exhausted, he passed the fire to the bat, and when the bat in 

1K. Th. Preuss, Dee Nayarit-Expedttion, i. (Leipsic, 
1912), pp 177-81. 

2 Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson. ‘‘The Sia,” Eleventh 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 
1894), pp. 26 sg., 70, 72 sg. oe. 

turn could run no more, he transmitted the fire to the 
squirrel, who contrived to carry it safe to the Navahoes.! 

This arrangement of relays of animal runners, who pass 
the stolen fire from one to another, is a common feature in 
North American myths of the origin of fire. A typical story 
of this sort, for example, is told by the Uintah Utes of north- 
eastern Utah. They relate how Coyote and his people the 
Eagle, the Humming-bird, the Hawk-Moth, the Chicken- 
Hawk, and so on, had no fire, and how, led by Coyote, they 
started out in search of it, till at last they came to the 
village of people who had fire. There, dancing round the 
fire, Coyote contrived to ignite the shredded bark which he 
had stuck on his head in imitation of hair. Having thus 
secured the fire, he ran off with it, pursued by the people 
whose fire he had stolen. Growing tired, he passed the fire 
first to Eagle, who in turn transmitted it to Humming-bird, 
and so on. Finally, Coyote succeeded in bringing the 
precious fire, in a tube of old dry sagebrush, to his people, 
and explained to them how to make fire by boring a hole in 
a piece of sagebrush with a piece of greasewood.? In this 
tale, as in many others of the same sort, the actors bear the 
names of animals or birds but are conceived in some measure 
as human. The confusion is not necessarily a product of 
totemism; the lack of the power to discriminate clearly 
between animals and men is rather a cause than an effect of 
totemism. 

The Sioux, Menomonis, Foxes, and several other Indian 
tribes in the valley of the Mississippi, used to relate, like many 
other peoples, that the few survivors of the great flood were 
left without fire. To remedy this inconvenience the Master of - 
Life sent a white raven to carry fire to them. But the bird 
stopped by the way to batten on carrion and allowed the 
fire to go out. For this negligence the Great Spirit punished 
him by making him black instead of white. Then the Great 
Spirit sent a little grey bird (the erbetie) as his messenger to 
carry fire to the man and woman, who alone had escaped 
from the flood. The bird did as he was bidden, and the 

1 Major KE. Backus, ‘‘ An account of the Navajoes of New 
Mexico,” in H. R. Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes of the United 
States (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 281 eq. ᾿ 

2 A. L. Kroeber, “ Uteh Tales,” Journal.of American 
Folk-lore, xiv. (1901), pp. 252-260. , . : 

III. —THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

Great Spirit rewarded him by giving him two little black 
bars on each side of his eyes. Hence the Indians regard the 
bird with great respect; they never kill it themselves, and 
they forbid their children to shoot it. Moreover, the 
imitate the bird by painting two little black bars on eac 
side of their own eyes. 

The Karok Indians of California say that in the early ages 
of the world men were without fire. For the Creator had 
hidden the fire and given it to two old hags to guard 
jealously. However, the Coyote, who was friendly to men, 
contrived to procure fire for them by stealing it from the 
two hags and passing it along a line of animal runners. 
Amongst the runners was the ground-squirrel, and the black 
spot which you see to this day just behind his fore-shoulders 
is the mark of the fire which burned him there when he was 
carrying it. Another of the runners was the frog. In those 
days he had a tail, but as he could not hop fast enough, one 
of the old hags, who came tearing after the fire-thief, caught 
him up and tweaked off his tail. That is why frogs have no 
tails down to this day.? - 

The Tolowa Indians of California say that after the great 
flood there was no fire left on earth. However, the Spider 
Indians and the Snake Indians contrived by means of a 
captive balloon to ascend to the moon and to steal fire from 
the Indians who inhabited the lunar orb. The Maidu In- 
dians of California relate how once Thunder carried off all 
the fire and kept it in his house, setting Woswosim (a small 
bird) to guard it and to prevent people from stealing it. 
However, with the help of two Lizards the people discovered 
the house of Thunder by its smoke, and they sent Mouse, 
Deer, Dog, and Coyote to get the fire, and they took 
a flute with them in which to carry the fire when they 
should get it. Mouse contrived to steal the fire while the 
watcher slept, and the stolen element was given to the 

1 Francois- Vincent Badin, in Annales del Association de 
la Propagation de la Fot, iv. (Lyons and Paris, 1830), 
pp. 537 sq. 

2S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), 
PP. 38 aq. (Contributions to North American LBthnology, 
vol. iii.). 

8 §. Powers, op. cit. pp. 70 sg. For other stories of the 
origin of fire, see id., pp. 161, 182, 273, 343 sq. 

swiftest runner to carry in the tube. But Deer carried some. 
of it in the hock of his leg, and that is why there is a 
reddish spot in his hock to this ‘day. While they were 
making off with the fire, Thunder awoke, jumped up with 
a roar like thunder, and came tearing after the thieves. 
But Skunk shot him dead. So the people got home safely 
with the fire, and they have had it ever since.! 

While in the more southern tribes of North America the 
animal which is most commonly supposed to have procured 
fire for men is the coyote, in the more northerly tribe the 
place of the coyote in the myth is taken by other animals or 
birds, such as the deer, the beaver, the mink, and the raven. 
For example, among the tribes of Vancouver Island the 
thief of fire is usually the deer, who steals it in much the 
same way as the coyote, by tying resinous shavings of pine- 
wood to his tail or his bead and then whisking his tail or 
butting with his head through the fire, so that the shavings 
ignite and the animal makes off with its tail or head ablaze 
and with the usual hue and cry after it. Such stories are 
told, for example, by the Nootkas or Ahts,* the Catloltq,? 
the Tlatlasikoala,4 and the Kwakiutl® Indians, all of Van- 

1 Rowland B. Dixon, ‘‘Maidu Myths,” Bulletin of the 
American Museum of Natural History, xvii. part ii. (New 
York, 1902), pp. 65-67. 

2G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life 
(London, 1868), pp. 178 eg. ; George Hunt, ‘‘ Myths of the 
Nootka,” in ‘‘ Tsimshian Mythology,” by Franz Boas, Thérty- 
jirst Anmual Report of the Burcuu of American Ethnology 
(Washington, 1916), pp. 894-896. Compare Franz Boas, 
Indianische Sagen von ver Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas 
(Berlin, 1895), p. 102. In this last version Deer fails in his 
attempt to steal fire from the Wolves, its owners; but the 
theft is successfully perpetrated by Woodpecker and a 
creature called Kwatiath, who, in carrying the fire, inad- 
vertently put it to his cheek and so burned a hole in his 
cheek, which may be seen there to this day. 

3 Franz Boas, Indtanieche Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
‘Kiiste Amerikas, Pp. 80 aq. 

4 Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiiste Amerikas, p. 187. 

δ George M. Dawson, ‘‘ Notes and Observations on the 
Kwakiool people of Vancouver Island,” Transactions of the 

Itl.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

couver Island. Myths of the same sort are current among 
the tribes on the adjacent: coast of British Columbia, such 
as the Awikenogq ὃ and the Tsimshian.* Among the Heiltsuk, 
another tribe on the coast of British Columbia, the Deer is 
said to have borne a title meaning the Torch-bearer, because 
he stole the fire by means of wood tied to his tail.® 

In a myth told by the Thompson Indians, who inhabit the 
interior of British Columbia, the Coyote reappears as the 
first thief of fire, who stole it in the usual way by dancin 
round a fire with a head-dress of combustible shavings and 
then running away as soon as the shavings ignited. The 
parallel with the southern myths is completed by a chain of 
animals, including Fox, Wolf, and Antelope, to which Coyote 
passed the fire, and who ran with it till they succumbed, 
one after the other.‘ But in other versions of the myth told by 
the Thompson Indians the thief of fire is the Beaver, assisted 
by the Eagle or by the Eagle and the Weasel together.5 A 
very similar story of the theft of fire is told by the Lillooet 
Indians, who are neighbours of the Thompson Indians. In 

Royal Society of Canada, vol. v. section ii. (1887), p. 22. 
In another Kwakiutl version of the myth the thief is not 
the Deer but the Mink, who stole the first fire for men from 
the ghosts. See Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der 
Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas, p. 158. 

1 Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiste Amerikas, pp 213 sq. 

3 Franz Boas, "" Tsimshian Mythology,” Thtrty-first 
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
(Washington, 1916), p. 63. 

3 Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiisie Amerikas, p. 241. 

4 James A. Teit, ‘‘Thompson Tales,” in Folk-tales of 
Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, edited by Franz Boas 
(Lancaster, Pa., and New York, 1917), p. 2 (Memoira of the 
American Folk-lore Society, vol. xi.). 

δ James Teit, ‘‘Mythology of the Thompson Indians,” 
The Jesup North Pacific Hapedition, vol. viii. part ii. 
(Leyden and New York, 1912), ΡΡ. 229 8ᾳ. 338 eg. (Memoirs 
of the American Museum of Natural History); id. Tradi-' 
tions of the Thompson Rwer Indians of British Columbia 
(Boston and New York, 1898), pp. 56 sq. 

their version also the thief is the Beaver, and his accomplice 
is the Eagle, who diverts the attention of the owners of the 
fire, while Beaver conveys it away in a clam-shell’? A 
like tale is told by the Okanaken Indians, who form the 
most easterly division of the Salish stock in British 
Columbia. In their version the fire is stolen from the sky 
people by the animals who climb up to the sky along a chain 
of arrows constructed in the way which has been already 
described. Having reached the upper world in this manner, 
Beaver and Eagle are deputed to secure the fire, and they do 
so as before, Eagle attracting the attention of the Sky 
people, while Beaver makes off with the fire, which he has 
stowed away for safety under his skin. On reaching the 
top of the ladder of arrows in order to descend to earth, 
the animals scuffle among themselves as to who should yo 
down first, and in the scuffle the ladder breaks before they 
could all descend by it. Hence some of them had to jump 
down, and Catfish and Sucker broke their heads in leaping, 
which explains why their heads are so funny to this day.* 
. An almost precisely similar story is told by the Sanpoil 
Indians, another tribe of the Salish stock who live in 
Washington State.‘ 

The Chilcotin Indians, in the interior of British Columbia, 
tell how in the old days there was no fire in the world 
except in the house of one man, who would not give it to 
anybody. But Raven contrived to steal fire from him by 
the familiar device of tying pitchwood shavings in his hair, . 
dancing round the man’s fire, and then poking his head in 
the fire, so that the shavings ignited. Thus Raven got fire 
and used it to kindle conflagrations all over the country. 
When the woods began to burn, the animals ran for their 

1 James Teit, ‘‘ Traditions of the Lillooet Indians of 
British Columbia,” Journal of American Folk-lore, xxv. 
(1912), pp. 299 sq. 

2 See above, Appendix, ‘‘ War of Earth on Heaven,” 
pp. 318 sqq. 

3 C. ill Tout, ‘‘ Report on the Ethnology of the 
Okanaken of British Columbia,” Journal of the Royal 
Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911), p. 146. 

4 See above, Appendix, ‘‘ War of Earth on Heaven,” 
pp. 325 sq. 

Ill.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

lives and most of them escaped; but the rabbit did not run 
fast enough, and the fire caught him up, and burned his 
feet. That is why rabbits have black spots on the soles of 
their feet to this day. And after the trees had caught fire, 
the fire remained in them, which is the reason why wood 
burns to-day, and why you can get fire by rubbing two 
sticks together.! 

The Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands say that 
long ago people had neither fire, nor daylight, nor fresh 
water, nor the olachen fish, all these good things being in the 
possession of a great chief or deity who lived where is now 
the Nasse River, and who kept them all to himself. But the 
cunning Raven contrived to steal all these boons from the 
selfish chief or deity and to communicate them to mankind. 
The way in which he stole fire was this. He did not dare to 
appear in his proper shape in the chief’s house ; but assuming 
the form of a leaf of the spruce fir he floated on the water 
near the house. Now the chief had a daughter, and when 
she went down to draw water, she drew up the leaf along 
with it, and afterwards, taking a draught of the water, she 
swallowed the leaf. Shortly afterwards she conceived and 
bore a child, who was no other than the subtle Raven. Thus 
Raven gained an entry into the lodge. Watching his chance, | 
he one day picked up a burning brand, and donning his coat 
of feathers (for he could don and doff his plumage at will) he 
flew out of the smoke-hole, carrying fire with him and 
spreading it wherever he went.? 

The Tlingit Indians of Alaska also tell of the wonderful 
doings of Raven in the early days of the world. They say 
that fire did not then exist on the earth, but only on an 
island in the sea. Raven flew thither, and picking up a 

-- --.-.--.----.ὄἕὲ -... -ὖο-.-.. -----  ὃὁὅὋὃὋὁππΠο'..΄...-.. ----ἔ - ----- --ὄ 

1 Livingston Farrand, ‘‘Traditions of the Chilcotin 
Indians.” The Jesup North Pazific Expedition, vol. ii. 
part i. ([New York], 1900), p. 3 (Memoir of the American 
Museum of Natural History). 

2G. M. Dawson, Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 
1878 (Montreal, 1880), pp. 1498-151B (Geological Survcy of 
Canada). A less romantic version of the Haida story is 
current in the Masset dialect. See John R. Swanton, “ Haida 
texts-—Masset dialect,” The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, 
vol. x. part ii. (Leyden and New York, 1908), pp. 315 sq. |. 

firebrand in his bill returned. But so great was the distance 
that when he came to land the brand was almost consumed, 
and even Raven’s bill was half burnt off. As soon as he 
reached the shore, he dropped the glowing embers on the 
ground, and the scattered sparks fell on stones and wood. 
And that, the Tlingit say, is the reason why both stones and 
wood still contain fire; for you can strike sparks from 
stones by striking them with steel, and you can produce fire 
from wood by rubbing two sticks together. 

In another Tlingit version of the myth it is said that in 
the beginning men had no fire. But Raven (Yetl) knew that 
Snow-Owl, who lived far out in the ocean, guarded the fire. 
He commanded all men, who in those days still had the form 
of animals, to go, one after the other, to fetch fire ; but none 
of them succeeded in bringing it. At last the Deer, who 
then had a long tail, said, “Ι will take fir-wood and tie it to 
my tail. With that I will fetch fire.” So he ran to the 
house of Snow-Owl, danced round the fire, and at last 
whisked his tail close to the flames. Then the wood on his 
tail caught fire, and he ran away. Thus it came about that 
his tail was burnt off, and since that time the Deer has had 
only a stumpy tail.? 

In Normandy they say that long ago there was no fire on 
earth and it was necessary to fetch fire from heaven. The 
people applied to the big birds, but they refused to under- 
take the task. At last the little wren offered to go, and 
succeeded in bringing back the fire to earth. But on the 
return journey all the wren’s feathers were burnt by the fire ; 
and to supply their place the other birds out of gratitude 
gave each a feather from his own plumage. Since that time 
the wren’s plumage has been speckled. The only bird that 
would not give a feather to clothe the wren was the screech- 
owl. All the birds attacked him to punish him for his 

1H. J. Holmberg, “‘ Ueber die Volker des Russiechen 
Amerika,” Acta Societatis Scienttarum Fennicae, iv. 
(Helsingfors, 1856), p. 339; Alph. Pinart, ‘‘ Notes sur les 
Koloches,” Bulletine de la Société d Anthropologie de Parts, 
II™e série, vii. (1872), pp. 798 sq.; Aurel Krause, Die Tlinkit- 
Indianer (Jena, 1885), p. 263. 

8. Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kiiste Amerikas, p. 314. 

III.—THE ORIGIN OF FIRE 

hardness of heart. Hence he is forced to hide himself by day 
and only comes out at night.! Hence in Normandy the 
wren is much respected, and people believe that some 
misfortune would befall him who should kill the bird.2 Some 
say that fire from heaven would strike the house of any bad 
boy who should kill a wren or rob its nest.® 

a Brittany the same story is told of the wren, and there is 
the same unwillingness to hurt the bird. At Saint Donan 
they say that if little children touch a wren’s young ones, 
they will catch St. Lawrence’s fire: that is, they will suffer 
from pimples or pustules on the face, legs, and other parts of 
the body.‘ But in some parts of Brittany the same story is 
told of the robin redbreast. They say it was he who fetched 
the fire, and in doing so he burnt all his feathers, whereupon 
the other birds reclothed him by each one giving him a 
feather. Only the screech-ow! refused to lend a feather ; 
hence, if he shows himself by day, all the little birds cry out 
on him.® In Guernsey they say that robin redbreast was the 
first who brought fire to.the island. But while he was 
crossing the water, the fire singed his feathers, and hence his 
breast has been red ever since. 

At Le Charme, in the Département of Loiret, the stor 
goes that the wren stole the fire of heaven and was descend- 
ing with it to earth, but his wings caught fire and he was 
obliged to entrust his precious burden to robin redbreast. 
But robin burned his breast by hugging the fire to it ; hence 
he in turn had to resign the office of fire-bearer. Then the 
lark took up the sacred fire, and carrying it safe to earth 

1 Jean Fleury, Littérature orale de la Basse Normandie 
(Paris, 1883), pp. 108 eg. Compare Amélie Bosquet, Za 
Normandie Romanesque et Merveilleuse (Paris and Rouen, 
1845), pp. 220 sq. 

3 Alfred de Nore, Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des 
Provinces de France (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 271. 

8 Amélie Bosquet, op. ctt. p. 221. 

4P. Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute- 
Bretagne (Paris, 1882), ii. 214 ag. 

5 P, Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute- 
Bretagne, ii. 209 aq. 

6 Charles Swainson, The Folk-lore and Provincial Names 

of British Birds (London, 1886), p. 16. 

delivered the treasure to mankind.! This story resembles 
the American fire-myths in which the stolen fire is said to 
have been passed on from one to another along a line of 
animal runners.? 

IV.—MELAMPUS AND THE KINE oF PHYLACUS 
(Apollodorus 1. ix. 12) 

The story of Melampus and the kine of Phylacus or of 
Iphiclus is told by the Scholiast on Homer, who cites as his 
authority the seventh book of Pherecydes.* Since this version 
of the legend contains some picturesque details, which are 
omitted by Apollodorus, and probably affords a fair specimen 
of the manner of the early mythographer Pherecydes, it 
may be worth while to submit it to the reader in a transla- 
tion. As printed by Dindorf in his edition of the Scholia on 
Homer, the tale runs as follows ὃ: 

‘‘ Neleus, son of Poseidon, had a daughter named Pero, of 
surpassing beauty, but he would give her in marriage to. 
none except to him who should first drive away from Iphiclus 
at Phylace the cows of his (that is, of Neleus’s) mother 
Tyro.5 When all hesitated, Bias, son of Talaus,® alone 
undertook to do it, and he persuaded his brother Melampus 

1 KE. Rolland, Faune Populaire de la France, ii. (Paris, 
1879), p. 294; P. Sébillot, Ze Folk-lore de France (Paris, 
1904-1907), iii. 156. 2 See above, pp. 341 saq. 

3 Scholiast on Homer, Od. xi. 287. 

4 Scholia Graeca in Homeri Odysseam, ed. G. Dindorf 
(Oxford, 1855), vol. ii. pp. 498 sq. 

> The cows belonged originally to Tyro, the mother of 
Neleus. But when Neleus was under age, Iphiclus stole the. 
kine and kept them. On growing up, Neleus demanded back 
the cattle, but Iphiclus refused to return them. Hence 
Neleus was driven to promise the hand of his beautiful 
daughter Pero to anyone who should succeed in recovering 
the stolen kine. See Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xi. 292, 
Ῥ. 1685. Phylace was in Thessaly (Scholiast on Homer, Od. 
xi. ).. 

6 According to Apollodorus (i. 9. 13), Talaus was not the 
father but the son of Bias, 

35° 

IV.—MELAMPUS AND .THE KINE 

to achieve the task. And he, although as a soothsayer he 
knew that he should be kept a prisoner for a year, went to 
Othrys! to get the cows. The watchmen there and the 
herdsmen caught him in the act of stealing, and handed him 
over to Iphiclus. And he was kept in bonds with two ser- 
vants, a man and a woman, who were put in charge of him. 
Now the man treated him kindly, but the woman treated 
him seurvily. But when the year was nearly up, Melampus 
heard some worms overhead saying among themselves that 
they had gnawed through the beam. On hearing that, he 
called the attendants.and bade them carry him out, the 
woman taking hold of the bed by the foot, and the man by 
the head. So they took him up and carried him out. But 
meantime the beam broke and fell on the woman and killed 
her. The man reported to Phylacus what had happened, 
and Phylacus reported it to Iphiclus. And they came to 
Melampus and asked him who he was. He said he was a 
soothsayer. And they promised to give him the cows if he 
should discover some means whereby Iphiclus might beget 
children. On this subject they gave mutual pledges. And 
Melampus sacrificed an ox to Zeus and cut it into portions 
for all the birds, and they all came, save one vulture. And 
Melampus asked all the birds if any of them knew means 
whereby Iphiclus might have children. And being all 
puzzled, they brought the vulture. He at once discovered 
the cause of the inability to beget children. For while 
Iphiclus was still a child, Phylacus had pursued him with a 
knife because he saw him misbehaving ; then not catching 
him up, Phylacus stuck the knife in a certain wild pear-tree 
and the bark had grown round it, and on account of his fright 
Iphiclus had no longer the power to get children. So the 
vulture advised them to get the knife from the wild pear- 
tree, and wiping off the rust from it to give it in wine to 
Iphiclus to drink for ten days; for by that means he would 
get children. And having done so, Iphiclus recovered his 
virility and got a son Podarces. And he gave the cows 

1 Accepting the correction “O@pyy, proposed by Barnes and 
approved by Buttmanh, for the MS. reading ’Opphy or ᾽Οφρύν. 
or Othrys, see Theocritus, iii. 43: 
τὰν ἀγέλαν χὼ μάντις ἀπ᾿ Ὄθρυος dye Μελάμπους 
ἐς Πύλον. 

to Melampus, who took them and brought them to Pylus 
and gave them to Neleus as a bridal gift for Pero; and he 
got her as a bride for his brother Bias. And children were 

rn to him, namely, Perialces and Aretus and Alphesiboea. 
the story is to be found in the seventh book of Phere- 
cydes.” 

The story is told in a nearly identical form by Eustathius, 
but without mentioning his authority.! He adds, however, 
one or two touches to the narrative which deserve to be 
noticed. Thus he says that when Melampus heard the 
worms conversing overhead, he pretended to be ill and 
availed himself of this pretence in order to have himself 
transported from the house which was so soon to collapse ; 
and again he tells us that Melampus invited all the birds to 
the sacrifice except the vulture, and that he questioned 
them all as to the means by which Iphiclus could beget 
children, but that none of them could answer, until last of 
all the vulture appeared and explained the matter. After 
concluding his version of the story, Eustathius calls at- 
tention to a scholium on Theocritus which adds a notable 
feature to the tale. According to the scholium, Phylacus, 
the father of Iphiclus, was gelding animals at the time when 
he frightened his little son by threatening him with the 
knife ; nay, in lifting up the knife to stick it in the tree he 
accidentally touched his son’s genital organs with it.? This 
incident, though it is not mentioned in the scholium on 
Theocritus as that scholium now appears in our editions,® 
is recorded in a scholium on Homer,‘ and it has all the 

—— 

1 Commentary on Homer, Od. xi. 292, p. 1685. 

2 ἐκτέμνοντί ποτε τῷ Φυλάκῳ (Ga παρειστήκει παῖς ὧν Ἴφικλος, 
ὃν ἐκπλῆξαι θέλων ὁ πατὴρ καὶ ἀνατείνας ἣν κατεῖχε μάχαιραν, 
εἶτα εἰς τὸ πλησίον δένδρον ἐμκῆξαι θελήσας, ἐπήνεγκεν αὐτοῦ τοῖς 
μορίοις οὕτω σύμβαν. If the last two words are not corrupt, 
they seem to mean “‘ by accident.” 

3 Schol. on Theocritus, iii. 43. In this scholium, as it now 
stands, Phylacus is said to have been engaged in cutting ἃ 
tree (ἀκτέμνοντί ποτε τῷ πατρὶ Φυλάκῳ δένδρον) instead of 
gelding animals. 

ὁ Schol. on Homer, Od. xi. 290 ἣν [scil. μάχαιραν] ἐπήνεγκε 
Φύλακος τῷ ᾿Ιφίκλῳ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐκτέμνοντι τὰ τετράποδα. 
Here τῶν ἀγρῶν seems to support the reading τῶν ἀγρῶν 

IV.—MELAMPUS AND THE KINE 

appearance of being an original and vital part of the narra- 
tive. It was, in fact, the contact of the gelding knife with 
the boy’s genitals which, on the principle of sympathetic 
magic, was supposed to have deprived him of his virility be- 
cause it had just deprived the rams of their generative power. 
The incident is reported by Apollodorus, except that he does 
not mention the actual contact of the knife with the boy’s 
enital organs. We can hardly doubt that the incident also 
ormed part of the story as told by Pherecydes, though the 
scholiast on Homer, who professes to reproduce the narra- 
tive of Pherecydes, has passed it over in silence, perhaps 
out of delicacy. The mode of cure recommended by the 
vulture, which undoubtedly was recorded by Pherecydes, 
furnishes another good example of sympathetic or, in the 
strict sense, homoeopathic magic. The lad recovered his 
virility by swallowing the rust of the knife which had de- 
prived him of his generative powers, exactly as the wounded 
Telephus was healed by the rust of the spear which had 
wounded him.? 

On one point of the story our authorities are not agreed. 
Were the cattle which Melampus went to steal in possession 
of Phylacus or of his son Iphiclus? In one passage * Homer 
plainly says that the cattle were in possession ‘of Iphiclus, 
and that it was Iphiclus who released Melampus after a 
forcible detention of a year. This is the version of the story 
accepted, doubtless on Homer’s authority, by Pausanias, by 
the scholiasts on Homer, Theocritus, and Apollonius 
Rhodius, and by Propertius.2 But in another passage 
Homer affirms that Melampus was detained a prisoner in 
the house, not of Iphiclus, but of Phylacus.4 This latter 
version is clearly the one accepted by Apollodorus, who 
speaks of the cows as in possession of Phylacus, and 
ascribes the release of Melampus to Phylacus and not to 

against the reading τῶν αἰδοίων in the parallel passage of 
Apollodorus (i. 9. 12). See the Critical Note on that 
passage, vol. i. p. 88, note 5. 

1 See Apollodorus, Hpitome, iii. 20. 

2 Homer, Od, xi, 288 sqq. 

8 Pausanias, iv. 36. 3; Scholiasts on Homer, Od. xi. 287 
and 290; Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 43; Scholiast on Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 118; Propertius, ii. 3. 51 sgq. - 

4 Homer, Od. xv. 231 sg. 

APOLL. 11. AS 

Iphiclus. Hence his text ought not to be altered, as it has 
been altered by some editors,! in order to bring it forcibly 
into accord with the passages of Homer and the other 
writers in which the ownership, or rather the possession, of 
the cows is assigned to Iphiclus instead of to his father 
Phylacus. 

llodorus also differs from Eustathius and the Scholiast 
_on Homer in describing as a sacred oak the tree into which 
Phylacus stuck the bloody knife with which he had been 
gelding the rams; whereas according to these other writers 
the tree was a wild pear-tree.? It is tempting to connect 
the sacred oak of which Apollodorus here speaks with the 
oak which a little before he had described as standing in 
front of the house of Melampus and as harbouring the brood 
of serpents to which Melampus owed his prophetic powers.* 
But the two trees can hardly have been the same, if Me- 
lampus lived at Pylus and Phylacus in Thessaly. No doubt 
oaks were common in ancient Greece as they still are in some 
parts of modern Greece, especially in the secluded highlands 
of Northern Arcadia. But why was the oak in which 
Phylacus stuck the knife a sacred tree? Thereby perhaps 
hangs a tale, which, like so many other stories of the olden 
time in Greece, is lost to us. 

The calling of all the birds together for a consultation, their 
profession of ignorance, and the subsequent information 
given by the bird which was the last to arrive, are common 
incidents of folk-tales. Thus in a Rumanian story all the 
storks are assembled by the King of the Storks to say where 
the water of life and the water of death are to be found ; 
but none of them can say, until at last a blind old stork 
comes forward from the rear and supplies the desired in- 
formation. So in a Hungarian story a twelve-headed 
dragon calls all his beasts together to tell him where White- 
land is; but none of them know. At last a lame wolf limps 

1 See Apollodorus, i. 9. 12, with the Critical Note, vol. i. 
p. 88, note !. 

8 The Scholiast on Theocritus iii. 43 adopts an attitude of 
judicial impartiality by describing the tree simply as a tree. 

8 spot orus, i. 9. 11. 

4 M. Gaster, Rumanian Bird and Beast Stories (London, 
1915), pp. 263 sg. See-below, pp. 356 sq. ; 

V.—THE CLASHING ROCKS 

forward and acts as a guide to Whiteland.’ In another 
Hungarian story the Queen of Mice summons all the mice to 
tell her where a certain castle is situated; but none of them 
can tell her. However, soon afterwards an old bald mouse 
appears who knows all about it. So in a modern Greek story 
an old woman calls all the birds together to learn where the 
Glass City is; but none of them know. At last she consults 
a lame bird, whom she had at first neglected to summon, and 
he knows where the Glass City is situated.* In another 
modern Greek story the eagle summons all the birds to tell 
him where the Ilinen Vilinen are to be found, but none of 
them can tell him. Then he remembers a lame hawk whom 
he had not summoned to the assembly ; so he sends for the 
lame hawk, who, as usual, gives the desired information.‘ 

In a German story the King of the Golden Castle has lost 
his way and comes to the Queen of Birds to ask if she can 
direct him to the Golden Castle. The Queen has never 
heard of it, and summons all her birds to inquire whether 
they know where the castle i is ; but not one of them can tell. 
At last, after all the rest of “the birda had assembled, up 
comes a stork. The Queen chides him for being so late, but 
he answers that he had come from far, being perched on the 
Golden Castle when he heard the Queen’ s whistle summoning 
him home. So the stork takes the King on his back and flies 
with him to the Golden Castle.§ 

V.—Tue Crasurne Rocks 
(Apollodorus 1. ix. 22) 

In folk-tales the water of life is sometimes said to be 
found between two huge cliffs, which dash together and 
separate again, barely ᾿ allowing the hero or his messenger 

1G. Stier, Ungarische Volkemdrchen (Pesth, n.d.), p. 9. 
2 G. Stier, op. ctt. pp. 142 ag. 
3 J. G. von Hahn, Griechische und Albanesische Mdrchen 
(Lei sic, 1864), i. 138. 
. G. von Hahn, op. cit., i. 184 aq. 
6p. Zaunert, Deutsche Marchen seit Grimm (Jena, 1919), 
32-35. For more examples, see E. Cosquin, Contes 

Populaires de Lorraine, i. 

> 
> 
ιῷ 

time to snatch the precious liquid before they close on each 
other once more. Thus in a Russian story ‘‘ the hero is sent 
in search of ‘a healing and vivifying water,’ preserved 
between two lofty mountains which cleave closely together, 
except during ‘two or three minutes’ of each day. He 
follows his instructions, rides to a certain spot, and there 
awaits the hour at which the mountains fly apart. ‘Sud- 
denly a terrible hurricane arose, a mighty thunder smote, 
and the two mountains were torn asunder, Prince Ivan 
spurred his heroic steed, flew like a dart between the moun- 
tains, dipped two flasks in the waters, and instantly turned 
back.’ He himself escapes safe and sound, but the hind leps 
of his horse are caught between the closing cliffs and 
smashed to pieces. he magic waters, of course, soon 
remedy this temporary inconvenience.” Σ 

In a Rumanian story the hero Floria is ordered by a king 
to procure for him the water of life and the water of death. 
In this difficulty the hero applies to a stork who, grateful 
for a kindness that Floria had done him, was ready to assist 
him to the best of his power. Accordingly the stork, who 
happened to be the king of storks, returned to his palace, 
called all the storks together, and asked them whether the 
had seen or heard or been near the mountains that knoc 
against one another, at the bottom of which are the fountains 
of the water of life and the water of death. None of the 
young strong storks could tell, but at last there came from 
the rear a stork, lame on one foot, blind in one eye, with a 
. shrivelled body and half his feathers plucked out. This 
maimed bird said, ‘‘ May it please your majesty, I have been 
there, and the proofs of it are my blinded eye and my 
crooked leg.” Notwithstanding these painful experiences 
the gallant bird undertook once more to put his life to 
hazard and to fetch the water of life and death. After 
providing himself with fresh meat and two bottles, the 
stork flew straight to the place where the mountains were 
knocking against one another, thus preventing anyone from 
approaching the fountains of life and death. It was when 
the sun had risen as high as a lance that he espied in the dis- 
tance those huge mountains which, when they knocked against 

1 W. Β. S. Ralston, Russian Folk-tales (London, 1873), 
pp. 235 εᾳ. 

2¢6 

V.—THE CLASHING ROCKS 

each other, shook the earth and made a noise that struck fear 
and terror into the hearts of those eveh who were far away. 
When the mountains had recoiled a little, the stork was 
about to swoop down between them and get the water, when 
suddenly a swallow flew to him from the heart of the 
mountain and warned him, on peril of his life, to wait till 
noon, when the mountains rested for half an hour. ‘As 
soon as thou seest,” said the swallow, ‘‘ that a short time 
has passed and they do not move, then rise up as high as 
possible into the air, and drop down straight to the bottom 
of the mountain. There, standing on the ledge of the stone 
between the two waters, dip thy bottles into the fountains 
aud wait until they are filled. Then rise as thou hast got 
down, but beware lest thou touchest the walls of the moun- 
tain or even a pebble, or thou art lost.” The stork did as 
the swallow had told him; he waited till noontide, and 
when he saw that the mountains had gone to sleep, he 
soared up into the air, then shooting down into the depth, he 
settled on the ledge of stone and filled his bottles. Having 
done so he rose with them again, but when he had almost 
reached the top of the mountains, he touched a pebble. 
Immediately the mountains closed on him with a snap, but 
all they caught of him was the tail, which remained fast 
wedged between the two peaks of the mountains. With a 
great wrench he tore himself away, leaving his tail behind, 
but glad to escape with his life and with the two bottles of 
precious water. 

Here the nipping off of the stork’s tail resembles the 
nipping off of the dove’s tail in the Argonaut story. In a 
modern Greek story a girl fetches the water of life from a 
spring in a mountain which opens for a short time every day 
at noon. In issuing from the cleft she barely escapes, for 
the mountain closes on her and catches the skirt of her 
dress. But she draws her sword, severs the skirt, and 
having thus freed herself, she carries away the water of life 
and by means of it restores to life her two brothers, who had 
been turned to stone by the glance of a certain bird.* In 

1M. Gaster, Rumanian Bird and Beast Storses (London, 
1915), pp. 263-265. 

2 J. G. v. Hahn, Griechische und albanesische Marchen 
(Leipsic, 1864), 11. 46 ag. 

another modern Greek story a young man is directed to the 
water of life by an old woman. She tells him that within a 
certain mountain, which opens every day at noon, there are 
many springs, and that he must draw only from the par- 
ticular spring to which he should be guided by a bee, other- 
wise he would be lost. 

An Eskimo story, which relates the adventurous voyage of 
a certain hero named Giviok, describes how “he continued 
paddling until he came in sight of two icebergs, with a 
narrow passage between them; and he observed that the 
passage alternately opened and closed again. He tried to 
pass the icebergs by paddling round outside them, but they 
always kept ahead of him; and at length he yentured to go 
right between them. With great speed and alacrity Fre 
pushed on, and had just passed when the bergs closed to- 
gether, and the stern-point of his kayak got bruised between 
them.” ? 

Tylor proposed to explain the passage of the Argo be- 
tween the Clashing Rocks ‘‘as derived from a broken-down 
fancy of solar-myth” ; 8 but the analogies on which he based 
the hypothesis seem dubious, and the episode, like the whole 
story of the voyage of the Argo, savours more of a simple 
folk-tale than of a solar myth. In spite of the resemblance 
of the incident in the Eskimo story it would be rash to 
suppose that the Greek tale of the Clashing Rocks was sug- 
gested by a sailor's reminiscence of an encounter with 
icebergs in some far northern sea. More probably it is a 
mere creation of a story-teller’s fancy. 

1 J. G. v. Hahn, op. ctt., ii. 280 eg. For other stories of 
the water of life enclosed between two clashing mountains or 
in a mountain that only opens for a short time, see J. G. v. 
Hahn, op. cté. i. 238, ii. 195, 284; A. Leskien und K. 
Brugman, Intautsche Volksiteder und Marchen (Strasbourg, 
1882), p. 551. ᾿ 

3 Ἡ. Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo (Edinburgh 
and London, 1875), pp. 158 sq. 

ὃ (Sir) E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture? (London, 1873), 
i, 349. 

VI.—THE RENEWAL OF YOUTH 

VI.—TwHeE RENEWAL OF YouTH 
(Apollodorus 1. ix. 27) 

Stories like that of Medea and Pelias have been re- 
corded among European peasantry in Scandinavia, Germany, 
Russia, and Italy. They tell how Christ, or St. - Peter, 
or the Devil, going about on earth in disguise, restored 
an old person to youth or a dead person to life by boilin 
him in ἃ kettle or burning him in a smith’s forge, an 
how a bungler (generally a smith) tried to perform the 
same feat but failed.! A similar story is told of a certain 
mythical king of Cambodia, named Pra Thong Rat Koma, 
who in his later years was afflicted with leprosy. ‘A 
learned Brahmin offered to cure him of his malady; but 
first it was necessary that he should be killed, and thrown 
into a cauldron of boiling medicine, from which he would 
emerge alive and clean. The King refused to believe in the 
Brahmin’s power, but the Brahmin took a dog, which he 
killed and threw into the boilipg cauldron, when it im- 
mediately jumped out and frisked about. Still the Kin 
doubted. Thereupon the Brahmin offered to slay himself, 
and he gave the King three drugs which were to be thrown 
successively into the cauldron. The first would give form 
to the dead body; the second, beauty; the third, life. 
Then the Brahmin flung himself into the boiling medicine, 
but the King, forgetful of his instructions, threw in all the 
drugs at once, and the Brahmin was changed to a stone 
statue.” 2 The Shans of Lakon tell a similar story of one of 
1 (Sir) G. W. Dasent, Popular Tales from the Norse 
(Edinburgh, 1859), pp. 106 sqqg., ‘‘The Master-Smith” ; 
Grimm, Household Tales, No. 81, ‘‘ Brother Lustig,” vol. i. 
pp. 312 δᾳᾳ., 440 eq. (English translation by M. Hunt); 
W. R. S. Ralston, Russian Folk-tales (London, 1873), 
pp. 57 δᾳᾳ., ‘‘The Smith and the Demon”; T. F. Crane, 
Italian Popular Tales (London, 1885), pp. 188 sq., ‘‘The 
Lord, St. Peter and the Blacksmith.” 

2p. A. Thompson, Lotus Land (London, 1906), pp. 
300 sg. The story is told, with some unimportant variations, 
by Adolf Bastian, who calls the king Krung Phala. See 
A. Bastian, Die Voelker des oestlichen Asten, I (Leipsic, 
1866), pp. 444 sqq. 

, _ 359 

their early kings, who lived in the time of Buddha. They 
say that Kom-ma Rattsee, ‘‘a famous magician, demigod, 
and doctor, visited Lakon, and informed the princes and 
people that by his medicines and charms he could add beauty 
and restore youth and life to anyone, however he might have 
been dismembered and mangled. A decrepit old prince, 
who was verging on dotage, and longed for a renewal of his 
youth, begged the magician to experiment upon him. The 
doctor, after mincing him up, prepared a magic broth, and, 
throwing the fragments into it, placed it over the fire. 
After performing the necessary incantations, the prince, re- 
juvenated and a perfect beau, was handed out of the pot. 
He was so pleased with his new appearance, and the new 
spirit of youth and joy pervading him, that he entreated the 
magician to re-perform the operation, as he thought the first 
chopping up having been so successful, still greater benefits 
would accrue from its repetition. On the magician refusing, 
he clamorously persisted in his request. The demigod, an- 
noyed at his persistence and his covetousness, accordingly 
minced him up and put him into the pot, where he remains 
tothisday. The hill where the Phya, or prince, was dipped, 
is called Loi Phya Cheh (the hill of the dipped Phya); and a 
hill near it is known as Loi Rattsee (Russi), after the ma- 
gician.” ! 

The Papuans of Geelvink Bay, on the northern coast of 
Dutch New Guinea, tell of an old man who used to earn 
his living by selling the intoxicating juice of the sago-palm. 
But to his vexation he often found that the vessels, which 
he had set overnight to catch the dripping juice of the 
tapped palms, were drained dry in the morning. As the 
people in his village denied all knowledge of the theft, he 
resolved to watch, and was lucky enough to catch the thief 
in the very act, and who should the thief be but the 
Morning Star? To ransom herself from his clutches she 
bestowed on him a magical stick or wand, the possession of 
which ensured to its owner the fulfilment of every wish. 
In time the old man married a wife, but she was not pleased 
that her husband was so old and so covered with scabs. So 
one day he resolved to give her a joyful surprise by renewing 

1 Holt S. Hallett, A Thousand Miles on an Elephant 
én the Shan States (Edinburgh and London, 1890), pp. 269 sq. 

360 ἢ 

VI—THE RENEWAL OF YOUTH 

his youth with the help of his magic wand. For this 
purpose he retired into the forest and kindled a great fire of 
iron-wood. When the flames blazed up he flung himself 
among the glowing embers, and immediately his shrivelled 
skin peeled off, and all the scabs were turned into copper 
trinkets, beautiful corals, and gold and silver bracelets. ie 
himself came forth from the fire a handsome young man, 
decked himself with some of the ornaments and returned to 
his house. But there neither his wife nor her sister recog- 
nised him ; and only his little son cried out, ‘* There comes 
father!” However, when he explained to the women how 
he had been made young again, and convinced them of the 
truth of his story by conducting them to the place in the 
wood where the remains of the fire were still to be seen, 
with the rest of the trinkets lying about, their joy knew no 
bounds.? 

We may conjecture that these stories reflect a real belief 
in the possibility of renewing youth and prolonging life by 
means of the genial influence of fire. The conjecture de- 
rives some support from a custom observed by the Wajagga 
of Mount Kilimandjaro in East Africa. Among them “the 
wizards boast of possessing the power to protect people 
against sickness and death. A peculiar custom may be 
quoted as an example. It is called ndumo wotka ndu 
nnini: ‘custom of boiling a nobleman.’ When a great man 
desires to make himself a name, and also to prolong his life, 
he has this ceremony performed over him. He invites all 
his relations to come who desire to take part in it. The 
wizard arrives early in the morning, and first of all causes a 
trench to be dug large enough to allow a man to lie on one 
side of it with his legs drawn up ; and his wife or a girl of 
the family lies down beside him. The wizard usually says 
to him, ‘ Step in with your favourite wife.’ Only in case she 
refuses does he ask a girl to do him this service. When the 
man with his female companion has laid himself down in the 

1 J. B. van Hasselt, ‘‘Die Noeforezen,” Zettschrift fir 
Ethnologie, viii. (1876), pp. 176-178; J. L. van Hasselt 
‘*Die Papuastémme an der Geelvinkbai (Neuguinea),” Mit- 
tetlungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena, ix. 
(Jena, 1891), pp. 103-105. The story is told more briefly 
by A. Goudswaard, Die Papoewa’s van de Geelvinksbaat 
(Schiedam, 1863), pp. 84-87. 

trench, poles are placed over it, and on the poles banana- 
bark and earth, After the trench has thus been covered in, 
the man’s three hearthstones are set over them at the heads 
(of the pair), a fire is kindled between them, a pot is placed 
on the fire, and food is boiled in it. This fire is kept up till 
evening, and the boiled food is eaten by those who take part 
in the ceremony, while the two who lie in the trench get 
none of it. Not till evening are they liberated from their 
confinement. In the heat they have been obliged to sweat 
profusely. The wizard now spits on them and says more- 
over, ‘Long life! Even in war thou shalt not be slain, even 
a musket-ball will not hit thee.’”* Here the process of 
boiling a pot on a man’s own hearthstones over his] own 
head, while he sweats at every pore below, is perhaps the 
nearest approach that can safely be made to boiling him in 
person, and the beneficial effect of it is supposed to be a 
prolongation of the ‘‘ boiled nobleman’s ” life. But we have 
seen that the process of roasting, applied to babies, was 
believed by the ancient Greeks to be equally effectual in 
prolonging the lives of the infants, or rather in render- 
ing them immortal, by stripping off their mortal flesh and 
leaving only the immortal element.? Thus the Creeks 
apparently reposed a robust faith in the renovating virtue 
both of roasting and boiling, but they drew a delicate 
distinction between the two, for while they roasted babies, 
they boiled old people, at least theoretically, like the 
Wajagga of Mount Kilimandjaro. Nor are these the only 
modes in which the primitive natural philosopher has at- 
tempted to repair the decaying energies of human and 
animal life by a judicious application of what we may call 
thermodynamics: for this purpose he has often either leaped 
over fire or walked deliberately over glowing stones and has 
driven his flocks and herds through the smoke and the 
flames. These experiments in the art of prolonging life, 
by cauterising, so to say, the germs that threaten its con- 
tinuation, have been described by me elsewhere.® 

1 Bruno Gutman, Dichten und Denken der Dachagganeger 
(Leipsic, 1906), p. 162. 

3 Above, pp. 311 sqq. 

8 Balder the Beaouitful, vol. ii. pp. 1 sgq., ‘‘ The-Fire- 
walk.” Compare Adonts, Attis, Ostrés, vol. i. pp. 179 8qq., 
‘* Purification by Fire.” 

VII.—THE RESURRECTION OF GLAUCUS 

VIL—THE RESUBRECTION oF GLAUCUS 
(Apollodorus x11. iii, 1) 

Other ancient writers relate, like Apollodorus, how the 
seer Polyidus restored the dead Glaucus to life by laying on 
him a magical herb which he had seen a serpent apply with 
similar effect to a dead serpent.! A similar story was told of 
the resurrection of a Lydian legendary hero named Tylon or 
Tylus. It is said that one day as he was walking on the banks 
of the Hermus a serpent stung and killed him. His distressed 
sister, Moire, had recourse to a giant called Damasen, who 
attacked and slew the serpent. But the serpent’s mate 
culled a herb, “‘ the flower of Zeus,” in the woods, and bringing 
it in her mouth put it to the lips of the dead serpent, which 
immediately revived. In her turn Moire took the hint and 
restored her brother, Tylon or Tylus, to life by touching him 
with the same plant. The story seems to have been associated 
with Sardes, since it is clearly alluded to on the coins of that 
city. 

The fisherman, Glaucus of Anthedon, whom the ancients 
distinguished from Glaucus, the son of Minos, is said to have 
learned in like manner the life-giving property of a certain 
herb or grass by observing that when a dead or dying fish or, 
according to another account, hare was brought into contact 

1 Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 811 (perhaps following 
Apollodorus); Apostolius, Cent. v. 48; Palaephatus, De 
incredib, 27; Hyginus, Fab. 136; id. Astronom. ii. 14. The 
story is told allusively by Claudian, De bello Getico, 442-446 : 

Oretaque, st verax narratur fabula, vidit 
Minoum rupto puerum prodire sepulchro : 

Quem senior vates avium clangore repertum 
Gramine restitutt : mirae nam munere sortis 
Dulcia mella necem, vitam dedit horridus anguts. 

2 Nonnus, Dionys. xxv. 451-551; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 
14. The story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, 
an early historian of Lydia. 

3 B. v. Head, Catalogue of the Greek coins of Lydia, pp. 
exi.-cxiii., with pl. xxvii. 12. As to Tylon and the ‘‘ herb 
of Zeus,” see further Adonis, Aitis, Osiris’, i. 186 aq. 

with it, the creature at once revived or came to life again ; 
having tasted the herb Glauocus became himself immortal 
and leaped into the sea, where he continued to dwell as a 
marine deity.* 

The magical herb, which brings the dead to life again by 
simple contact, meets us elsewhere in folk-tales. Thus a 
modern Greek story relates how a mother, going in search of 
her dead son, killed a serpent by the way; how another 
serpent brought the dead serpent to life by laying a herb on 
its body ; and how the mother, taking the hint, restored her 
dead son to life by means of the same herb.? In another 
modern Greek story a husband and wife, going in search of 
their dead son, see two serpents fighting and one of them 
killing the other. The husband says to his wife, “‘ Cover up 
the dead serpent with leaves, that no man may see it.”’ The 
wife does so, and immediately the dead serpent comes to life 
again. Thereupon the husband says to his wife, “ Fill your 
pocket full of that herb, for it is a good medicine.” Afterwards 

y means of the herb they restore their dead son to life.® 
Another modern Greek story tells how three ogres, as they 
sat talking together at a spring, saw two serpents fighting. 
One of the serpents struck the other such a violent blow wit. 
its tail that it cut the body of the other clean through. But 
the two pieces wriggled to a herb that grew near, and wrapping 
themselves up in it were united into one body as before. 
When the youngest of the three ogres saw that, he said to his 
brothers, ‘‘ That forebodes ill to us. Let us take some of 
this herb and go home, to see what is doing there.’’ So they 
returned to the crystal tower in which they dwelt, and found 
it dark and deserted; and not far off they discovered the 

1 Nicander, in the first book of his Aetolian History, cited 
by Athenaeus, vii. 48, pp. 296 r-2974; Tzetzes, Schol. on 
Lycophron, 754; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 
1310: Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 924 egg. ; Ausonius, Mosella, 
276 sqq.; Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 437. According to 
Nicander, it was a hare that was revived by the herb; 
according to the other writers it was the fish which Glaucus 
had just caught. 

2 J.G. von Hahn, Gréechische und albanesische Madrchen 
(Leipsic, 1864), 11. 204. 

3 J. G. von Hahn, op. ct. ii. 260. 

VII.—THE RESURRECTION OF GLAUCUS 

headless body of the young prince who had married their 
sister. A little search revealed the missing head, and by 
applying it to the body and rubbing the herb on the severed 
neck, they soon joined the two together. The prince started 
up, saying, ‘‘ Ah, brothers, how deep has been my sleep and 
how light my awakening ! "4 

Again, a German folk-tale relates how a young man of 
humble birth married a princess on condition that, if she 
died before him, he should be buried alive with her. She did 
die before him, and accordingly her young husband was 
conducted down into the royal vault, there to stay with the 
body of his dead wife till he died. While he sat there watching 
by the corpse and gloomily expecting death, he saw a snake 
creep out of a corner of the vault and crawl towards the dead 
body. Thinking that the creature had come to gnaw the 
corpse, he drew his sword and hewed the snake in three 
pieces, After a time a second snake crawled out of the hole, 
and seeing the first snake cut in pieces, it went back again, 
but soon returned with three green leaves in its mouth. 
These leaves it laid on the three severed pieces of the dead 
snake, and immediately the pieces joined together, and the 
dead snake came to life. Thereupon the two snakes retired 
together, but the leaves remained lying on the ground. The 
young man picked them up, and by applying them to the 
mouth and eyes of his dead wife he resuscitated her. After 
that they knocked on the door of the vault and called out, 
till they attracted the notice of the sentinels and were released 
from confinement by the King in person. But the provident 
young man kept the three snake-leaves carefully, and it was 
lucky for him that he did so; for they afterwards served to 
restore himself to life, when he had been treacherously done 
to death by his ungrateful wife with the assistance of an 
unscrupulous skipper.? 

Again, in a Lithuanian story a young man on his travels 
sees two snakes fighting with such fury that both of them 
were wounded and mangled, and the young man thought 
they would die on the spot. But after the fight the snakes 
crawled to a certain bush, and plucking leaves from it applied 

1 J. G. von Hahn, op. cit. 11, 274. 
2 Grimm, Household Tales, No. 16 (vol. i. pp. 70 δᾳ., 
Margaret Hunt’s translation). 

them to their wounded bodies, which were immediately made 
whole. Afterwards, when the young man had been foully 
murdered, he was brought to life again by some helpful 
animals, whose life he had s d, and which now repaid his 
kindness by fetching leaves from the snakes’ bush and laying 
them on his body. No sooner had they done so than he re- 
vived and asked, “Why have you wakened me? I was 
sleeping so soundly.’’4 

in a Walachian story the hero, lying asleep, is beheaded by 
& gipsy, whereupon three friendly animals, a bear, a wolf, and 
a fox, consult how they may bring him to life again. After 
they have’ laid their heada together in vain, the fox meets a 
serpent which is carryin 8.5 herb in its mouth. The fox asks, 
‘* What sort of herb is that which you are carrying there ?”’ 
The serpent answers, “‘ It is a magic herb; I will restore my 
son’s head, which has been cut off.”? ‘‘ Let me see it nearer,”’ 
says the fox. The simple serpent complies with the request, 
and the fox seizes the herb in his mouth and makes off with it. 
By means of the herb he attaches the hero’s severed head to 
his body, and the application of a jugful of water of life, 
borrowed, or rather stolen, by the wolf from an old woman, 
soon completes the hero’s resurrection.® 

In a Russian story a mother is wandering in a wood with her 
dead baby at her breast. She sees an old serpent creep up 
to a dead serpent and restore it to life by rubbing it with a leaf. 
The mother snatches the leaf, and by touching her dead baby 
with it she resuscitates the infant.® 

In some stories the secret of the life-giving plant is learned, 
not from a serpent, but from some other animal. Thus in an 
Trish tale a woman, whose husband has been killed in single 
combat, sees two birds fighting and one of them killing the 
other. Then birds come and put leaves of a tree on the dead 
bird, and in half an hour the dead bird comes to life. The 
widow puts the leaves on her dead husband, who had assumed 

1 A. Schleicher, Litauische Mdrchen, Sprichworte, Πα δεῖ 
und Lieder (Weimar, 1857), pp. 57-59. 

8 Arthur und Albert Schott, Walachische Maehrchen 
(Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1845), p. 142. 

3G. Polivka, ‘‘Zu der Erzihlung von der undankbaren 
Gattin,” Zeitschrift des Vereins fiir Volkskunde, xiii. (1903), 
p. . 

VII.—THE RESURRECTION OF GLAUCUS 

the form of a bird for the purpose of the single combat ; and 
as usual the application of the magic plant effects the re- — 
surrection of the corpse. 

In a medizval romance, a weasel having been killed by the 
blow of a stick, his mate brings a red flower and places it in 
the mouth of the dead weasel, which at once returns to life. 
The same flower thereafter, applied to a dead maiden, works 
on her the same miracle of resurrection.*® 

In a story told by the Baraba, a Turkish tribe of Southern 
Siberia, the hero has his legs cut off through the treachery of 
his two elder brothers. Sitting disconsolate propped up 
against the wall of the house, he sees the mice gather about his 
severed limbs and begin to nibble them. He seizes a mouse 
and breaks one of its legs, saying, ‘‘ If I am lame, you shall be 
lame too.” The other mice now gather about the lame mouse, 
and grubbing up a little white root out of the earth, give it to 
the lame mouse to eat. The mouse eats it, and after a time 
its broken leg is made whole, and the little creature runs away. 
The hero takes the hint, digs up the root with his nails, and 
eats it. After a time his two legs join on to his body again, 
and you could not detect so much as 8 scar at the joining.® 

In a Polish story a girl kills her too importunate lover and 
is buried with him in a vault. There she sees two ravens 
fighting and one of them killed by the other; whereupon a 
third raven brings ἃ herb in its bill, and by means of it brings 
the dead raven to life. As usual, the girl restores her dead 
lover to life by an application of the herb.‘ 

In an Italian story a hero rescues a princess from a horrible 
seven-headed dragon, which was about to devour her. In 
the combat the hero began by cutting off one of the dragon’s 
heads; but so soon as this happened, the dragon rubbed the 
headless neck on a herb that grew near, and at once the 

1 W. Larminie, West Irish Folk-tales and Romances 
(London, 1893), pp. 82 ag. 

2 Ῥ, Sébillot, i Folk-lore de France, iii. 529, referring to 
Marie de France, Poésies, ed. Roquefort, i. 475. 

8 ἵν. Radloff, Proben der Volkslitteratur der Tiirktschen 
Stamme Stid-Sibiriens iv. (St. Petersburg, 1872), pp. 77 eq. 

4G. Polivka, ‘‘Zu der Erzihlung von der undankbaren 
Gattin,” Zettechrift des Vereins fir F olkakunde, xiii. (1903), 
pp. 8q. 

severed head was reunited to the body. Seeing this, the 
hero killed the dragon by slicing off all his seven heads at 
one stroke, and after that he plucked a handful of the herb 
which had healed the dragon’s dreadful wound. As usual, 
the magical herb thus acquired is afterwards turned to good 
account by the hero; for having the misfortune to decapitate 
his own brother, “like a pumpkin,” in consequence of a 
painful misunderstanding, he soon mended matters by 
rubbing the bleeding neck with the miraculous herb, where 
upon the head immediately rejoined its body, and the dead 
brother was restored to vigorous life.1 

In a Kabyle story a man sees two large spiders (tarantulas) 
fighting; one of them kills the other and then restores it to 
life by pressing into its nose the sap of a herb; the man takes 
the herb and by means of it restores to life his dead brother, 
who had been devoured by an ogress.” . 

A Jewish story, in the Midrash Tanchuma, tells of a man 
who, travelling from Palestine to Babylon, saw two birds 
fighting with each other. In the fight one of the birds killed 
the other, but immediately brought it to life again by fetching 
a herb and laying it on the beak of the dead bird. As the 
herb dropped from the bird’s beak, the man picked it up and 
took it with him, intending to raise the dead by its means. 
When he came to the staircase leading up to Tyre, he found 
a dead lion by the wayside, and experimented on the animal 
by laying the herb on its mouth. The experiment was per- 
fectly successful. The dead lion came to life and devoured 
its benefactor. The story ends with the moral, Do not good 
to the wicked, lest evil befal thee. The same story is told 
at greater length in the Alphabet of Ben-Sirah.® 

We may compare, also, an episode in a Socotran story 
which bears a close resemblance to the ancient Egyptian 
story of “The Two Brothers.” One of two brothers finds 

1 Giambattista Basile, Der Pentamerone, iibertragen von 
Felix Liebrecht (Breslau, 1846), vol. i. pp. 99-109 (First Day, 
Seventh Story, ‘‘ Der Kaufmann”). 

2 J. Rividre, Contes populaires de la Kabylie du Djurd- 
jura (Paris, 1882), pp. 193-197. 

8 Stidarabische Expedition, vol. iv. 1. Die Mehri- und 
Sogotrt-Sprache, von D. H. Miiller (Vienna, 1902), pp. 
201-203. 

VII.—THE RESURRECTION OF GLAUCUS 

his brother-dead in the castle of the Daughter of the Sunrise. 
As he sits weeping with the corpse on his lap, he sees a raven 
take a dead raven and plunge with it into the water, from 
which both birds emerge alive. The brother took the hint, 
tied his dead brother on his back, and leaped with him into 
the water, which had the effect of restoring the dead man to 
life. Here the life-giving agent is not a magical plant, but 
& magical water; but the mode of its discovery by observation 
of animals is similar. 

A belief in the actual existence of a plant endowed with 
such magical virtue appears to survive in some parts of 
Germany to this day; at least it is said to have survived 
down to the middle of the nineteenth century. At Holzhausen, 
near Dillingen in Swabia, an informant reported as follows : 
“In our country there are many large snakes in the wood. 
If you hew a snake in three pieces with a shovel or a hoe, 
without smashing the head, and go away at once, the snake 
seeks a herb, lays it between the wounds, and is imme- 
diately whole again. I have often searched diligently after 
the healing herb, but have never been able to get it; for so 
long as you stand by the severed snake, it is never made 
whole, and after sundown never at all. But if you leave the 
spot, the snake quickly fetches the unknown herb and heals 
itself. I have o seen such snakes as have been cut in 
pieces and made whole again; for a scar remains right round 
the parts at the point where they cohered and healed.’’* 

That serpents possess a knowledge of plants which confer 
immortality is a popular belief among the Armenians. They 
think that ‘the springs and flowers actually confer im- 
mortality, but not on men. The belief is that snakes, if they 
are not killed, live for ever. There are ‘ wells of immortality,’ 
the springs of which are surrounded with various flowers and 
herbs. Old, sick, and wounded snakes are acquainted with 
such springs and herbs. They come to these springs, slough 
their skins, eat a leaf of a flower, then crawl to the spring, 
bathe in it, and drink three sips of the water. Then they 

1 Stidarabische Expedition, vol. iv. 1. Die Mehri- und 
Sogotri-Sprache, von D. H. Miiller, p. 88. 

2 Fried. Panzer, Bettrag zur deutschen Mythologie (Munich, 
1848-1855), ii, 206, § 360. 

APOLL. II. BB 

crawl out, and are healed, and renew their youth. If any- 
one knows that spring and flower, drinks three handfuls of 
the water, and eats the flower, he will be himself immortal.’’2 

VIII.—Txe Lzcenp or Oxpirus 
(Apollodorus mm. v. 7) 

According to the legend, Oedipus committed a twofold 
crime in ignorance: he killed his father and married his 
mother. The same double tragedy meets us in a Finnish 
tale, which runs as follows :— 

Two wizards arrived at the cottage of a peasant and were 
hospitably entertained by him. During the night a she-goat 
dropped a kid, and the younger of the two wizards proposed 
to assist the mother-goat in her travail, but the elder of the 
two would not hear of it, ‘‘ Because,” said he, “ the kid is 
fated to be swallowed by a wolf.” At the same time the 

t’s wife was overtaken by the pangs of childbirth, 
and the younger of the two wizards would have gone to her 
help, but was dissuaded by the elder, who told him that the 
boy who was about to be born would kill his father and marry 
his mother. The peasant overheard this conversation and 
reported it to his wife, but they could not make up their 
minds to kill the child. One day, when they were making 
merry in the peasant’s cottage, they put the kid to roast on 
8 spit, and then laid the roasted meat near the window ; 
but it fell out of the window and was devoured by a passing 
wolf. Seeing that one of the two predictions made by the 
wizards was thus fulfilled, the peasant and his wife were sore 
afraid and thought how they could get rid of their child. 
Not having the courage to kill him outright, they wounded 
him in the breast, tied him to a table, and threw him into the 
sea. The forsaken child drifted to an island, where he was 

icked up and carried to the abbot of a monastery. There 
© grew up and became a clever young man. But he wearied 
of the monastic life, and the abbot advised him to go out into 
the world and seek his fortune. So he went. One day he 

- ----.-- oe ς--. --- 

1 Manuk Abeghian, Der armentache Volksglaube (Leipsic, 
1899), p. 59. 

VIIL—THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS 

came to a peasant’s cottage. The peasant was out, but his 
wife was at home, and the young man asked her for work. 
She told him, ‘‘Go and guard the fields against robbers.” 
So he hid under the shadow of a rock, and seeing a man enter 
the field and gather grass, he struck and killed him. - Then 
he returned to his mistress, who was uneasy because her 
husband did not come home to dinner. So they discovered 
that the supposed thief, whom the young man had killed, 
was no other than the husband of his mistress; but as the 
homicide had not been committed with any evil intent, the 
widow, after weeping and wailing, forgave the young man 
and kept him in her service; nay, in time she consoled 
herself by marrying him. However, one day she noticed the 
scar on her second husband’s breast and began to have her 
suspicions. Inquiry elicited the fatal truth that her husband 
was also her son. What were they to do? The woman 
sent him to seek out wise men, who might teach him how to 
expiate his great sin. He went and found a monk with a 
book in his d. To him the conscience-stricken husband 
put his question; but when the monk, on consulting his 
book, replied that no expiation was possible for guilt so 
atrocious, the sinner in a rage killed the holy: man. The 
same thing happened to another monk who had the misfortune 
to receive the confession of the penitent. But a third monk 
proved more compliant, and answered very obligingly that 
there was no sin which could not be atoned for by repentance. 
Accordingly he advised the repentant sinner to dig a well 
in the rock till he struck water; and his mother was to stand 
beside him holding a black sheep in her arms, until the sheep 
should turn white. This attracted public attention, and 
passers-by used to stop and ask the pair what they were doing. 
One day a gentleman, after putting the usual question and 
receiving the usual answer, was asked by the penitent, “ And 
who are you?’’ He answered, ‘“‘ I] am he who makes straight 
what was crooked, and I summon you to the bar of justice.”’ 
Seeing no hope of escaping from the arm of the law, the 
penitent took the bull by the horns and killed the gentleman. 
At the same moment the rock opened, the water gushed out, 
and the black sheep turned white. But his fourth homicide 
lying heavy on his soul, the murderer returned to the monk 
to learn how he could expiate his latest crime. But the 
holy man reassured him. “The gentleman whom you 

BB 2 

killed,” said he, “ offended God more than you by his pro- 
fessions. Your penance has been shortened; no expiation 
is required.” So the repentant sinner was able to pass the 
reat of his days in peace and quietnesa.! 

The same story is told, with some variations of detail, in 
the Ukraine : 

There was a man and his wife, and they had a son. One 
day they dreamed that when their son should be grown up, 
he would kill his father, marry his mother, and afterwa 
kill her also. They told each other their dream. ‘‘ Well,’’ 
said the father, “let us cut open his belly, put him into a 
barrel, and throw the barrel into the sea.’’ They did so, 
and the barrel with the boy in it floated away on the sea. 
Some sailors found it, and hearing the squalling of a child 
in the barrel, they opened it, rescued the boy, sewed up his 
wound, and reared him. When he was grown to manhood, 
he bid the sailors good-bye and went away to earn his bread. 
He came to the house of his father, but his father did not 
recognize him and took him into his service. The duty laid 
on the son by his father was to watch the garden; and if 
anyone entered it, he was to challenge the intruder thrice, 
and if he received no answer, he was to fire on him. After 
the young man had served some time, his master said, ‘‘ Go 
to, let as see whether he obeys my orders.”’ So he entered 
the garden. The young man challenged him thrice, and 
receiving no answer, he shot him dead, and on coming up to 
his victim he recognized his master. Then he went to his 
mistress in her chamber, married her, and lived with her. 
One Sunday morning, when he was changing his shirt, she 
eaw the scar on his body and asked him what it was. ‘‘ When 
I was small,’’ answered he, “some sailors found me at sea 
with my belly cut open, and they sewed it up.’’ ‘ Then I 
am your mother!’ she cried. He killed her on the spot 
and went away. He walked and walked till he came to a 
priest and asked him to inflict some penance on him by way 
of atonement for his sins, ‘‘ What are your sins?’ asked 
the priest. He told the priest, and the priest refused him 

1 L. Constans, La légende dOedipe (Paris, 1881), pp. 
106-108. The story is told more briefly by Gustav Meyer, in 
his preface to Εἰ. Schreck’s Finnische Mdrchen (Weimar, 
1887), p. xxv., referring to Erman’s Archiv, xvii. 14 qq. 

VIII.—THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS 

absolution. So he killed the priest and came to another 
priest, who, proving equally recalcitrant, was disposed of by 
the young man in the same summary fashion. The third 
priest to whom he applied was kind or prudent enough to 
explain to him how he might expiate his sins. “ Take this 
staff of apple-tree wood,” said the priest ; ‘“‘ plant it on yonder 
mountain, and morning and evening go to it on your knees 
with your mouth full of water, and water the staff. When 
it shall have sprouted and the apples on it are ripe, then 
shake it; as soon as the apples shall have fallen, your sins 
will be forgiven you.’’ After twenty-five years, the staff 
budded and the apples ripened. The sinner, no longer 
young, shook the tree, and all the apples fell but two. So he 
returned and reported to the priest. ‘‘ Very good,” said the 
priest, “ I will throw you into a well.”” He was as good as his 
word, and when the sinner was at the bottom of the well, the 
priest shut down the iron trap door, locked it, covered it up 
with earth, and threw the keys into the sea. Thirty years 
passed, and one day, the priest’s fishermen caught a jack, 
cut it open, and found the keys in its belly. They brought 
the keys to the priest. ‘“ Ah!” said the priest laconically, 
““my man is saved.”’ They ran at once to the well, and on 
opening it they found the sinner dead, but with a taper 
burning above his body. ‘Thus all his sins were forgiven and 
he was gathered to the saints in bliss.1 

The same double crime of parricide and incest with a mother, 
both committed in ignorance, occurs in a very savage story 
which the Javanese of the Residency of Pekalongan tell to 
account for the origin of the Kalangs, an indigenous tribe of 
Java. In it a woman, who is a daughter of a sow, marries 
her son unwittingly, and the son kills a dog, who is really his 
father, though the man is ignorant of the relation in which 
he stands to the animal. In one version of the story the 
woman has twin sons by the dog, and afterwards unwittingly 
marries them both; finally she recognizes one of her eons by 
the scar of a wound which she had formerly inflicted on his 

1 EKugéne Hins, ‘‘Légendes chrétiennes de lOukraine,”’ 
Revue des Traditions Populaires, iv. (1889), pp. 117 eq., 
from Traditions et Contes populaires de la petite Russie, by 
Michel Dragomanof. 

head with a wooden spoon.! According to the Javanese, 
such incestuous unions are still not uncommon among the 
Kalangs: mother and son often live together as man and 
wife, and the Kalangs think that worldly prosperity and 
riches flow from these marriages.* However, it is to be 
observed that the story of the descent of the Kalangs from a 
dog and a pig is not told by the people themselves, but by 
the Javanese, who apparently look down with contempt on 
the Kalangs as an inferior race. Similar stories of descent 
from a dog and a pig are commonly told of alien races in the 
Indian Archipelago, and they are usually further embellished 
by accounts of incest practised by the ancestors of these 
races in days gone by. For example, the Achinese of Sumatra 
tell such a of the natives of the Nias, an island lying off 
the west coast of Sumatra; and the natives of Bantam tell 
‘a similar story of the Dutch.* Probably, therefore, many 
stories of incest told of alien peoples, whether in the past or 
in the present, are no more than expressions of racial hatred 
and contempt, and it would be unsafe to rely upon them as 
evidence of an actual practice of incest among the peoples in 
uestion. 

In the Middle Ages the story of Oedipus was told, with 
variations, of Judas Iscarioth. It is thus related in The 
Golden Legend :— 

There lived at Jerusalem a certain Ruben Simeon, of the 
race of David. His wife, Cyborea, dreamed that she gave 
birth to a son, who would be fatal to the family. On waking, 
she told her dream to her husband, who endeavoured to 
comfort her by saying that she had been deceived by the 
evil spirit. But perceiving that she was with child from that 
very night, she began to be very uneasy, and her husband 
with her. When the child was born, they shrank from killing 
him, but put him in a little ark and committed it to the sea. 
"he waves washed up the ark on the shore of the island of 
Iscarioth. The queen of the island found it, and having no 

1 EK. Ketjen, ‘De Kalangers,” Tidjschrift voor Indische 
Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, xxiv. (1877), pp. 430-435. 

? E. Ketjen, op. cit. p. 427. 

8 J. C. vanj Eerde, ‘‘De Kalanglegende op Lombok,” 
Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, xlv. 
(1902), pp. 30 eq. 

VIII—THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS 

child of her own, she adopted the little foundling. But 
soon afterwards she was with child and gave birth to a son. 
When the two boys were grown up, Judas Iscarioth behaved 
very ill to his supposed brother, and the queen, seeing that 
expostulations hed. no effect on him, upbraided him with 
being a foundling. In a rage, Judas murdered his brother 
and took ship for Jerusalem. There he found a congenial 
soul in the governor of Judea, Pontius Pilate, who appointed 
him to a high office in his court. One day the governor, 
looking down from his balcony on the garden of a neighbour, 
was seized with a great longing to eat some apples which he 
saw hanging there from the boughs. The obsequious Judas 
hastened to gratify his master’s desire by procuring, not to 
say stealing, the apples. But the old man who owned the 
garden, and who chanced to be no other than Judas’s father, 
resisted the attempt, and Judas knocked him on the head with 
a stone. As one good turn deserves another, the governor 
rewarded Judas by bestowing on him the property of the 
deceased, together with the hand of his widow,.who was no 
other than Cyborea, the mother of Judas. Thus it came 
about that Judas, without knowing it, killed his father and 
married his mother. Still the widow, now agein a wife, was 
not consoled, and one day Judas found her sighing heavily. 
When he questioned her.as to the reason of her sadness, she 
replied, ““ Wretch that I am, I drowned my son, my husband 
is dead, and in my affliction Pilate gave me in marriage 
against my will.” The answer set Judas thinking, and 8 
' few more questions elicited the melancholy truth. Struck 
with remorse and anxious to comfort his mother, Judas 
flung himself at the feet of Christ, confessed his sins, and 
became his disciple. But being entrusted with the bag, he 
allowed his old evil nature to get the better of him, with the 
tragical consequences with which we are all familiar.1_ This 
monkish legend may have been concocted by a medieval 
writer who, having read the story of Oedipus, turned it to 
the purpose of edification by casting a still deeper shade of 
infamy on the character of the apostate and traitor. 

It has been argued that traditions of incest, of which the 
Oedipus legend is only one instance out of many, are derived 
from a former custom of incestuous unions among mankind, 

1 L. Constans, La légende ὦ Oedipe, pp. 95-97. 

such as some inquirers believe to have prevailed at an early 

iod in the evolution of society.!_ But this interpretation, 
fixe another which would explain the legend as a solar myth,? 
appears to be somewhat far-fetched and improbable. 

IX.—APOLLO AND THE KINE OF ADMETUS 
(A pollodorus ἘΠ. x. 4) 

Apoliodorus tells us that when Apollo herded the cattle o 
Admetus, he caused all the cows to bear twins. So Calli- 
machus says that the she-goats which Apollo tended for 
Admetus could not lack kids, and that the ewes could not be 
milkless, but that all must have had their lambs; and if any 
had borne but a single young one before, she would then 
bear twins.’ 

Perhaps, as himself a twin, Apollo may have been supposed 
to possess 8 special power of promoting the birth of twins in 
animals. A similar faculty may possibly have been ascribed 
to the patriarch and herdsman, Jacob, himself a twin, who 

1L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, Superstitions et Survivances, 
iii. (Paris, 1896), pp. 467-514. 

.? This explanation of the story of Oedipus, put forward by 
the French scholar Michel Bréal, has been criticized and 
rightly rejected by Domenico Comparetti in his essay, Edipo 
e la Mitologia Comparata (Pisa, 1867). It was not to be 
expected that the parricidal and incestuous Oedipus should 
escape the solar net in which Sir George Cox caught so many 
much better men. According to him, Oedipus was the sun, 
his father Laius was the darkness of night, and his mother 
Jocasta was the violet-tinted sky; while his daughter Anti- 
gone may have been, as M. Bréal thought, ‘‘the light which 
sometimes flushes the eastern sky as the sun sinks to sleep in 
the west.” Thus the old tragic story of crime and sorrow is 
wiped out, and an agreeable picture of sunrise and sunset is 
painted, in roseate hues, on the empty canvas. See Sir 
George ὟΝ. Cox, The Mythology of the Aryan Nations (Lon- 
don, 1882), pp. 312 egg. 

8 Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 47-54. 

IX.—APOLLO AND THE KINE 

is said to have resorted to peculiar devices for the multiplica- 
tion of Laban’s flocks, of which he was in charge. We know 
that a fertilizing power was ascribed to the mound which 
covered the grave of the twins, Amphion and Zethus, near 
Thebes; for every year, at the time when the sun was in 
Taurus, the people of Tithorea in Phocis used to try to steal 
earth from the mound, believing that with the earth they 
would transfer the fertility of the Theban land to their own.? 

SimMarly 8ome savages ascribe to twins and their parents 
& power of multiplying animals and plants, so as to ensure a 
good catch to the fisherman and a plentiful crop to the 
farmer.* Thus the Tsimshian Indians of British Columbia 
believe that all the wishes of twins are fulfilled. Therefore 
twins are feared, as they can harm the man whom they hate. 
They can call the salmon and olachen, hence they are called 
Sewthan, that is, “ making plentiful.”4 Among the Nootkas 
of Vancouver Island ‘‘ numerous regulations refer to the birth 
of twins. The parents of twins must build a small hut in the 
woods, far from the village. There they have to stay two years. 
The father must continue to clean himself by bathing in 
ponds for a whole year, and must keep his face painted red. 
While bathing he sings certain songs that are only used on 
this occasion. Both parents must keep away from the people. 
They must not eat, or even touch, fresh food, particularly 

1 Genesis, xxx. 37-43. 2 Pausanias, ix. 17. 4 aq. 

3 The customs and superstitions relating to twins are dis- 
cussed with great learning and ingenuity by my friend 
Dr. Rendel Harris in his book Boaneryes (Cambridge, 1913) ; 
see particularly pp. 73, 122, 123, 124, 143 sg. for the belief in 
the fertilizing powers of twins. The same writer has dealt 
more briefly with other aspects of the subject in two treatises, 
The Dioscurs tn the Christian Legends (London, 1903), and 
The Cult of the Heavenly Twins (Cambridge, 1906). On this 
curious department of folk-lore 1 have also collected some 
facts, on which I will draw in what follows. 

4 Franz Boas, in Fifth Report of the Committee of the 
British Association on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, 
p. 51 (separate reprint from the Report of the British Aaso- 
ciation, Newcastle-wpon-T: Meeting, 1889); td. ‘‘ Tsim- 
shian Mythology,” Thirty-first Annual Report of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology (Washington, 1916), p. 545. 

me!’ His wife, Salmon-Maker, ἢ her head and cried, 
but he laughed at her and spoke angrily to her. At last she 
could bear his unkindness no more. e arose. She spoke, 
weeping, to the dried salmon, saying, ‘“‘ Come, my tribe, let 
us go Back.” Thus she spoke to them. Then she started 
and led her tribe, the dried salmon, and they all went into the 
water. Chief of the Ancients tried to put his arm round his 
wife ; but her body was like smoke, and his arms went through 
her. Then Chief of the Ancients and his younger brothers 
became poor again. They had nothing to eat. 

Among the Baganda of Central Africa twins were believed 
to be sent by Mukasa, the great god whose blessing on the 
crops and on the people was ensured at an annual festival. 
The twins were thought to be under the special protection of 
the god, and they bore his name, the boys being called 
Mukasa, and the girls Namukasa. After the birth of twins 
the parents, with the infants, used to make a round of visits 
to friends and relations. They were received with dances 
and rejoicing, for ‘the people whom they visited thought 
that, not only they themselves would be blessed and given 
children, but that their herds and crops also would be multi- 
plied.”” A ceremony performed by the father and mother of 
the twins over a flower of the plantain indicated in the plainest, 

1 Franz Boas and G. Hunt, Kwakwtl Texts, II. pp. 322-330 
(Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, The 
Jesup North Pactfic Expedstion, vol. III. [New York] 1902). 
Compare Franz Boas, Kwaktutl Tales (New York and Leyden, 
1910), pp. 491 sq. (Columbia University Contributions to 
Anthropology, vol. II.). Similar tales are told more briefly 
by the Tlatlasikoala and Awikyenoq Indians of the same 
region. See Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord- 
Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895), pp. 174, 209 sq. 
The Awikyenoq Indians, whose territory is situated on the 
coast of British Columbia immediately to the north of the 
Kwakiutl, also believe that twins were salmon before they 
were born as human beings, and that they can turn into 
salmon again (F. Boas, op. ctt. p. 209 note). For other 
versions of the story told by the Indians of this region, 
see Franz Boas, ‘‘Tsimshian Mythology,” Thirty-first Annual 
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 
1916), pp. 667 84. 

IX.—APOLLO AND THE KINE 
if the grossest, manner the belief of the nda that parente 

of twins possessed a power of magically fertilizing the plantains 
which form the staple food of the people.! 

Among the Bateso, a tribe of the Uganda Protectorate, 
“the birth of twins is a welcome event. The midwife 
announces the fact to the father, who immediately orders 
the special drum-rhythm to be beaten to make the fact known, 
and women soon gather at the house uttering a uliar 
shrill cry of pleasure. The mother remains secluded for 
three months, and during this time the father pays visits to 
members of his own and of his wife’s clans, from whom he 
receives presents of food and animals for a special feast to be 
held when the period of seclusion is ended and the twins are 

resented to the members of the clans. Should no hospitality 
offered to the father and no present be given at a place 
when he is making his round of visits, he refuses to enter the 
house and passes on elsewhere. This is regarded by its 
occupants as a loss, because the blessing of increase which 
rests upon the father of twins is not communicated to the 
inhospitable family.” * 

Among the Basoga, another tribe of the Uganda Protector- 
ate, the birth of twins is ascribed to the intervention of the 
god, Gasani. When such a birth has taken place, a shrine is 
built near the house in which the twins live, and two fowls 
and a basket, containing a few beans, a little sesame, a little 
millet, and some earth from a cross-road, are deposited in the 
shrine, after they have been solemnly offered to the god, 
Gasani. This shrine is the place to which barren women go 
to make offerings to the god, to ask his blessing, and to seek 
the gift of children.* Moreover, in the Central District of 
Busoga, the land of the Basoga, “ when a woman has twins, 
the people to whose clan she belongs do not sow any seed 
until the twins have been brought to the field. A pot of 
cooked grain is set before the children with a cake of sesame 

1 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 64—72. 
As to the annual festival in honour of Mukasa, see td. pp. 
298 sq. At it the priest of the god gave the blessing to the 
people, their wives, children, cattle, and crops. 

2 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Northern Bantu (Cambridge, 1915), 

. 265. 
Ps Rev. J. Roscoe, The Northern Bantu, p. 249. 

and all the seed that is to be sown. The food is eaten by the 
people assembled and afterwards the field is sown in the 
presence of the twins; the plot is then said to be the field of 
the twins. The mother of twins must sow her seed before 
any person of her clan will sow theirs.’’! 

These customs seem clearly to imply that twins and their 
mother are endowed with a special power of quickening the 

seed. 

But though a belief in the fertilizing virtue of twins is 
found among peoples so far apart as the red men of North- 
western America and the black men of Central Africa, it 
would be rash to assume that such a belief is universal or 
even common; on the contrary, it ap to be rare and 
exceptional. Far more usually the birth of twins is viewed 
with horror and dismay as a portent which must be expiated 
by the death of the twins and sometimes by that of the 
mother also. To adduce the evidence at large would be out 
of place here; I will only cite a few instances in which a 
directly contrary influence is ascribed to twins or their 
mother. For example, in Unyoro, a district of the Uganda 
Protectorate, the explorer, Speke, was told by one of his 
men, who was a twin, that “‘in Ngura, one of the sister 
provinces to Unyanyembé, twins are ordered to be killed 
and thrown into water the moment they are born, lest 
droughts and famines or floods should oppress the land 
Should anyone attempt to conceal twins, the whole family 
would be murdered by the chief.’’? Among the Nandi of 
British East Africa ‘‘ the birth of twins is looked upon as an 
inauspicious event, and the mother is considered unclean 
for the rest of her life. She is given her own cow and may 
not touch the milk or blood of any other animal. She ma 
enter nobody’s house until she has sprinkled a calabash f 
of water on the ground, and she may never cross the threshold 
of a cattle kraal again.”* Indeed, if a mother of twins goes 
near the cattle, the Nandi believe that the animals will die.‘ 

1 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Northern Bantu, p. 235. 

2 J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of 
the Nile, ch. xviii. p. 426 (Hveryman’s Irbrary). 

8 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 68. 

4 C. W. Hobley, Hastern Uganda, an Ethnological Study 
(London, 1902), p. 40. 

X.—MARRIAGE OF PELEUS AND THETIS. 

in, among the Bassari of Togo, in Western Africa, women 

who have given birth to twins are not allowed to go into the 
cornfields at the time of sowing and harvest, because it is 
believed that, if they did so, they might spoil the crop. Only 
after such a woman has again been brought to bed and given 
birth to a single child may she once more take part in field 
labour. Among the natives of Nias, an island to the west 
of Sumatra, the birth of twins is regarded as a misfortune 
which portends failure of the crops, epidemics, sickness among 
the cattle, conflagrations, and other ills; it used, therefore, 
to be customary to expose one or both of the infants and 
leave them to perish ; sometimes, it is said, the mother would 
strangle one of the twins with her own hand.? A German 
missionary reports a case in Nias of a woman who gave birth 
to twins twice in successive years; both sets of children 
were exposed by the father in a tree and left to die; but on 
the second occasion the spirits were supposed to demand 
another victim, so the father bought a slave, a poor youn 
man, tied him up near the village beside a river, and kille 
him with his own hand.* 

Thus contrary and equally baseless, though not equally 
mischievous, are the superstitions of savages touching the 
birth of twins. 

X.—THE MARRIAGE OF PELEUS AND THETIS 
(Apollodorus, 111. xiii. 5) 

The story how Peleus won the sea-goddess for his wife has 
its parallel in a modern Cretan tale. It is said that a young 
man, who played the lyre beautifully, was carried off by the 
sea nymphs (Nereids) to their cave, where they listened with 
delight to his music. But he fell in love with one of them, 

1H. Klose, Zogo unter deutscher Flagge (Berlin, 1899), 

. 510. 
Pe J. P. Kleiweg de Zwaan, De Geneeskunde der Menang- 
kabau-Maleters (Amsterdam, 1910), p. 149; id. Die Hetl- 
kunde der Niassers (The Hague, 1913), p. 178. Compare 
E. Modigliani, Un Vtaggio a Nias (Milan, 1890), p. 555. 

3 A. Fehr, Der Niasser im Leben und Sterben (Barmen, 
1901), pp. 14 ag. 

and not knowing how to win her for his wife, he asked the 
advice of an old woman who dwelt in his village. She ad- 
vised him to seize his darling by the hair when the hour of 
cock-crow was near, and though she should turn into diverse 
shapes, he was not to be frightened or to let her go, but to 
hold fust till the cocks crew. He took theadvice, and though 
the wild sea-maiden turned into a dog, a serpent, a camel, 
and fire, he held her by the hair till the cocks crew and the 
other sea-maidens vanished. Then she changed back into 
her own beautiful shape and followed him meekly to the 
village. There they lived as man and wife for a year, and 
she bore him a son, but she never spoke a word. Her strange 
silence weighed on him, and in his perplexity he again betook 
him to the old woman, and she gave him a piece of advice, 
which in an unhappy hour he followed. He heated the stove 
and taking up their child in his arms, he threatened to throw 
it into the fire if his wife would not speak to him. At that 
she started up, crying, ‘‘ Leave my child alone, you dog !” 
and snatching the infant from him she vanished before his 
eyes. But as the other Nereids would not receive her back 
among them because she was a mother, she took up her abode 
at a spring not far from the sea-nymphs’ cave, and there you 
may see her twice or thrice a year with her baby in her arms. 

This modern Greek story serves to explain a feature in the 
ancient story which is known only through an incidental 
allusion of Sophocles. In his play Troilus the poet spoke of 
the marriage of Veleus and Thetis as voiceless or silent 
(ἀφθόγγους yduous).2 In the original form of the tale it is 
probable that the sea-bride of Peleus remained strangely and 
obstinately silent until Peleus detected her in the act of placing 
their child on the fire to make him immortal.? At that sight 
the father cried out, no doubt reproaching his sea-wife for 
murdering, as he supposed, their infant; and she, offended 
at the interruption and hurt at the unmerited reproach, 
spoke to him once for all, and then, vanishing before his eyes, 
returned to her old home in the sea. This conjecture is 

— a ὼἜ  ὗὃὐ .-.-.-. —— 

1 B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen (Leipsic, 
1871), pp. 115-117. 

3 Scholiast on Pindar, Nem. iii. 35 (60); The Fragments 
of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 255 sq. 

3 See Apollodorus, iii. 13. 6, with the note. 

-ι--- eee -αἰονρὸ 

X.—MARRIAGE OF PELEUS AND THETIS 

partially confirmed by a fragment of Sophocles, in which 
the poet said that Thetis deserted Peleus because she was 
reproached by him.! The silence of the bride in the folk- 
tale is probably to be explained as a reminiscence of a 
custom of imposing silence on brides for some time after 
marriage. For example, among the Tedas of Tibesti, a 
region of the Central Sudan, a bride is shut up after marriage 
for seven days in a special compartment of her husband’s 
house and does not utter a word.* Again, among the 
Wabende, of Lake Tanganyika, a wife does not speak to her 
husband for several days after marriage; she waits till he 
has made her a present. ὃ | 

The story of Peleus and Thetis seems to belong to a 
familiar type of popular tale known as the Swan Maiden type. 
A number of swans are in the habit of divesting themselves 
of their plumage and appearing as beautiful maidens. In 
that temporary state they are seen by a young man, who 
falls in love with one of them, and by concealing the bird’s 
skin, which she has stripped off, he prevents the Swan Maiden 
from resuming her wings and flying away. Thus placed at 
his mercy, she consents to marry him, and for some time they 
live together as husband and wife, and she bears him a child. 
But one day she finds by accident the bird-skin which her 
husband had hidden ; a longing for her old life in the air 
comes over her; she puts on the feathery coat, and leaving 
husband and child behind, she flies away to return no more, 
The story recurs with many minor variations in many lands. 

1 Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 816; 

’ Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1068, p. 443, ed. Fr. 

Diibner ; The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, 
vol. i. pp. 106 sq. 

2 P. Noel, ‘‘ Ethnographie et Anthropologie des Tedus du 
Tibesti,” L’ Anthropologie, xxx. (1920), p. 121. 

3 Avon, ‘‘ Vie sociale des Wabende au Tanganika,” An- 
thropos, x.—xi. (1915-1916), p. 101. For more instances, see 
Totemism and Exogamy, i. 63, note’, iv. 233-237. Com- 
pare Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth (London, 1884), 
p. 74, “Μ. Dozon, who has collected the Bulgarian songs, 
says that this custom of prolonged silence on the part of the 
bride is very common in Bulgaria, though it is beginning to 
yield to a sense of the ludicrous.” 

APOLL, II. cc 

Often the fairy wife is not a bird but a beast, who doffs her 
beast skin to be a human wife for a time, till in like manner 
she discovers the cast skin, and resuming with it her beast 
shape returns to her old life in the woods or the wilderness. 
Sometimes she is a fish or other marine creature, and then 
the resemblance to the story of Peleus and Thetis is parti- 
cularly close, for she comes from the sea to be married as a 
human maid to her human lover, and after the last unhappy 
rting she returns as a fish to dwell with her finny kindred 
in the depths of the sea. To increase the resemblance with 
the tale of Peleus and Thetis, the cause of the parting is 
often some unkindness done to the wife or to her animal 
kinsfolk, or simply some cruel taunt reflecting on her relation- 
ship to the fish or the birds or the beasts. 
or example, ‘‘in the Faré Islands the superstition is 
current that the seal casts off its skin every ninth night, 
assumes a human form, and dances and amuses itself like 
a human being until it resumes its skin, and again becomes 
a seal, It once happened that ἃ man, passing during one of 
these transformations, and seeing the skin, took possession 
of it, when the seal, which was a female, not finding her skin 
to creep into, was obliged to continue in a human form, and 
‘being a comely person, the man made her his wife, had several 
children by her, and they lived happily together, until, after 
a lapse of several years, she chanced to find her hidden skin, 
which she could not refrain from creeping into, and so 
became a seal again.”! <A similar notion prevailed among 
the people of Shetland regarding mermaids, about whom it 
is said that ‘‘they dwell among the fishes, in the depth of 
the ocean, in habitations of pearl and coral; that they ᾽ 
resemble human beings, but greatly excel them in beauty. 
When they wish to visit the upper world, they put on the 
ham or garb of some fish, but woe to those who lose their 
ham, for then are all hopes of return annihilated, and they 
must stay where they are.... It has also happened that 
earthly men have married mermaids, having taken possession 
of their ham, and thus got them into their power.” 2 

1 B. Thorpe, Northern Mythology (London, 1851-1852), 
ii, 173. ‘ 

2 B. Thorpe, l.c., referring to Hibbert’s Shetland, quoted 
by Faye, pp. 60, 61. 

X.—MARRIAGE OF PELEUS AND THETIS 

Again, in the Pelew Islands, in the Pacific, they tell how 
a man used to hang bowls on palm-trees to collect the palm- 
wine which oozed from incisions in the trunks. Every night 
he examined the bowls, but every night he found that they. 
had been emptied by somebody. So he set himself to watch, 
and one night he saw a fish come out of the sea, lay aside 
its tail, and then in human shape climb a palm-tree. The 
man snatched up the tail, and taking it home with him hung 
it up in the storeroom. Next morning when he went to the 
palm-tree to collect the wine, he found a woman under the 
tree, who called out to him that she was naked and begged 
him to bring her an apron. They returned to his house 
together, and the unknown woman became his wife. She 
bore him a child, who grew up to be a very beautiful maiden. 
But one day, in her husband’s absence, she received a visit 
from some chiefs. - For their entertainment she needed the 
pestle with which to mash sweet potatoes, and searching for 
it in the storeroom she discovered her old tail. At sight of 
it a great longing for her old home came over her. She told 
her daughter to cleave to her father if she herself were long 
away, and that same evening she secretly took down the 
tail, ran to the beach, and plunged into the sea.} 

The stories of ‘‘ Beauty and the Beast” and ‘‘Cupid and 
Psyche” belong to the same type of tale, though in them it 
is the husband and not the wife who is the fairy spouse and 
is liable to vanish away from his mortal wife whenever she 
offends him by breaking some rule, the observance of which 
he had enjoined on her as a condition of their wedded bliss. ® 

1 J. Kubary, ‘‘ Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s 
Allerlet aus Volks- und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), i. 
60 sg. The Kwakiutl story of Chief of the Ancients and his 
wife Salmon-Maker is another instance of this class of tales. 
See above, pp. 379 sq. 

2 As to these stories, see Theodor Benfey, Pantschatantra 
(Leipsic, 1859), i. 254 δᾳᾳ.: A. Lang, Custom and Myth 
(London, 1884), pp. 64 sgg.; S. Baring-Gould, Curious 
Myths of the Middle Ages (London, 1884), pp. 561 sqq. ; 
W. A. Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, i. 182 aqq. ; 
E. Cosquin, Contes populaires de Lorraine, ii. 215 8η0. ; 
EK. 5. Hartland, The Science of Fairy Tales (London, 1891), 
pp. 255 sqg.; Miss M. R. Cox, Introduction to Folk-lore, 

cc 2 

The folk-lore element in the marriage of Peleus and 
Thetis was fully recognized and clearly brought out by 
W. Mannhardt in his admirable study of the Peleus saga. 
He was probably right in holding that the modern Cretan 
.story! is not a reminiscence of the story of the marriage of 
Thetis, but an independent folk-tale, of which the Peleus 
and Thetis story was merely a localized version.? 

XI.—PHAETHON AND THE CHARIOT OF THE SUN 
(Apollodorus 111. xiv. 3) 

Some Indian tribes of North-western America tell a story 
which bears a close resemblance to the story of Phaethon 
and the chariot of the Sun, his father. The tale of Phaethon 
is related most fully by Ovid. According to the poet, the 
sea-nymph, Clymene, daughter of Tethys, bore a son, 
Phaethon, to the Sun. When the lad grew up, he one day 
boasted of his illustrious parentage to a companion, who 

New Edition (London, 1904), pp. 120 sqq.; Totemism and 
Exogamy, ii. 205 sq., 565-571, iii. 60-64; The Dying God, 
pp. 124-131, Τὸ the stories of this type quoted or referred to 
in these passages add E. Stack and Sir Charles Lyall, The 
Mikirs (London, 1908), pp. 55 sqg.; A. Playfair, The Garos 
(London, 1909), pp. 123 sqg.; ὃ. Endle, The Kachdris (Lon- 
don, 1911), pp. 119 sgqg.; R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guineu 
(Berlin, 1911), iii. 564 δφᾳ.; N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, De 
Bare’e-sprekende Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes (Batavia, 
1912-1914), iii. 401 ; Ὁ. Macdonald, ‘‘ Efate, New Hebrides,” 
Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association 
for the Advancement of. Science, held at Hobart, Tasmania, 
in January, 1892, p. 731; [D.] Macdonald, ‘‘ The mythology 
of the Efatese,” Report of the Seventh Meeting of the Austra- 
lasian Association for the Advancement of Science, held at 
Sydney, 1898, pp. 765-767 ; Elsdon Best, ‘‘ Maori Folk-lore,” 
Report of the Tenth Meeting of the Australasian Association 
for the Advancement of Science, held at Dunedin, 1904, pp. 
. 450 sq. 
1 See above, pp. 383 eq. 
2 See his Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 60 sqq. 

XI.— PHAETHON AND THE SUN 

ridiculed the notion and told. Phaethon that he was a fool to 
believe such a cock-and-bull story. In great distress Phaethon 
repaired to his mother and begged her to tell him truly 
whether his father was really the Sun or not. His mother 
reassured him on this point. Stretching her arms towards 
the Sun, she solemnly swore that the great luminary was 
indeed his father; but if he had any lingering doubts on the 
question, she advised him to apply to the Sun himself. ‘“ You 
can easily do so,” she said. ‘‘ The house of the Sun, from 
which he rises, is near our land. Go and question the Sun 
himself.”” So Phaethon journeyed to the house of the Sun 
and found the deity clad in purple and seated on a throne 
resplendent with emeralds in the midst of a gorgeous palace. 
At first the youth could not bear the fierce light that beat on 
him, so he halted afar off. But the god received him kindly, 
and freely acknowledged him as his truly begotten son. 
More than that, he promised by the Stygian marsh to grant 
him any boon he might ask. Thus encouraged, Phaethon 
requested to be allowed to drive the Sun’s chariot for a single 
day. The Sun, foreseeing the fatal consequences of granting 
the request, endeavoured to dissuade his son from the 
hazardous enterprise, by pointing out its difficulties and 
dangers. But allin vain; the rash youth insisted, and bound 
by his oath the deity had no choice but to comply. Even as 
they talked, the rosy light of dawn flushed the eastern sky, 
the starry host fled away, with Lucifer bringing up the rear, 
and the horned moon grew pale. There was no time to 
delay. The Sun commanded the Hours to yoke the horses, 
and forth from their stalls clattered the fire-breathing steeds. 
As Phaethon prepared to mount the car, his Heavenly Sire 
invested him with his own beamy crown, and sighing, said : 
‘Spare the whip, my boy, and use the reins; the horses 
need to-be held in rather than urged to speed. Drive not too 
high, or you will kindle the celestial vault; drive not too low, 
or you will set the earth on fire. The middle is the safest 
course.’ But the father’s warnings were wasted on his 
imprudent son. Once started on his mad career, Phaethon 
soon lost all control of the horses, which, not feeling the 
master’s hand, quickly ran wild, dragging the chariot out of 
its course, now to the icy north, now to the torrid south, now 
high, now low, now crashing into the fixed stars and colliding 
with the constellations, now brushing the earth and setting 

389. 

it all on flame. The forests blazed, the rivers boiled and 
steamed: the Ethiopians, who had been fair before, were 
scorched and blackened in the heat: the Nile in terror hid 
his head, dry was his channel, and his seven mouths were 
choked with dust; and southward an arid desert stretched 
far in the waste Sudan. Heaven and earth might have 

rished in one vast conflagration if the Omnipotent Father 
hima elf, the mighty Jove, had not hurled a thunderbolt from 
the zenith and struck dead the helpless charioteer. Down, 
down he crashed, his burning hair streaming behind him like 
the trail of light left by a falling star; so he dropped plump 
into the waters of the Eridanus, which laved his charred and 
smoking limbs. There the Naiads of the West buried his 
mangled remains, and over his grave they set a stone with 
an inscription recording his ambitious attempt and its dis- 
astrous issue. 

The corresponding story as told by the Bella Coola Indians 
of British Columbia runs as follows : 

A young woman had been married against her will by a - 
man of the name of Stump. But their connubial bliss was 
short, for Stump’s hair was full of toads and he expected his 
wife to pick them out for him. This was more than she could 
bear, and she fled, pursued by the too faithful Stump. He 
gained on her, but she delayed his pursuit by throwing over 
her shoulder successively a bladder full of liquid, a comb, and 
ἃ grindstone. The liquid turned into a lake, the comb into a 
thicket, and the grindstone into a great mountain, which 
carried her up to heaven.. There she came to the house of 
the Sun, and peeping in through a chink she saw the Sun 
sitting inside in the likeness of a man. He said, “‘ Come in” ; 
but the doorway was blazing with fire and she hung back. 
The Sun told-her to jump through the fire. She did so and 
entered the house safely. After her up came Stump, and 
endeavouring to pass the fiery doorway was consumed in the 
flames. The woman now lived in a corner of the house of the 
Sun, and after a while she gave birth to a boy, the son of the 
Sun. His name was Totqoaya. He was very ugly, and his 
face was covered with sores. In time his mother longed to 
return to her father on earth; so, instructed by the Sun, 
she took her boy on her back and walked down the eyelashes 

ee, 

1 Ovid, Metamorph. i. 750-ii. 328. - 
39° 

XI.—PHAETHON AND THE SUN 

οὗ the Sun, which are the sunbeams, till she came in the 
evening to her father’s house. Her parents and friends were 
very lad to see her. 

“The next morning the boy went out of the house, and 
began to play with the other children, who made fun of him. 
Then he told them that his father was the Sun; but they 
merely laughed at him, until he grew very angry. Then he 
told his mother that he intended to return to his father in 
heaven. He made & great many arrows and a bow, went 
outside, and began to shoot his arrows upward. The first 
one struck the sky. The second one struck the notch of the 
first one. And thus he.continued until a chain of arrows 
was formed which reached the ground. Then he climbed up; 
and after reaching heaven, he went into the Sun’s house. 
There he said, ‘ Father, I wish to take your place to-morrow.’ 
The Sun consented, but said, ‘ Take care that you do not burn 
the people. I use only one torch in the morning, and increase 
the number of torches until noon. In the afternoon I 
extinguish the torches one by one.’ On the following 
morning the boy took his father’s torches and went along the 
path of the Sun; but very soon he lighted all the torches. 
It became very hot on the earth. The woods began to burn, 
and the rocks to crack, and many people died. But his 
mother waved her hands, and thus kept her own house cool. 
The people who had entered her house were safe. When 
the Sun saw what the boy was doing, he caught him and threw 
him down to the earth, and said, ‘ Henceforth you shall be 
the mink.’ ’’} 

The story is told, with variations of details, by the Kwakiutl 
Indians of British Columbia as follows : 

1 Franz Boas, The Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians 
[New York] (1898), pp. 100-103 (Memours of the American 
Museum of Natural History, vol. ii, The Jesup North 
Pacific Expedition). For another version of the Bella 
Coolan story, see Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der 
Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895), p. 246. 
In this other version the Sun says to his son Totqoaya, “1 
» am old. Henceforth carry the sun in my place. But take 
care. Go straight on, bend not down, else will the earth 
burn.” The catastrophe follows as before, and the American 
Phaethon is finally turned, as before, into a mink, 

= 

was 
was shining through the holes in the house ; 
and the rays struck her back while she sat facing the 

the house, on her bed. Thus she became pregnant. There 
was no husband of this woman. She gave birth, and Born- 
to-be-the-Sun (Mink) became a child. Therefore it had 
immediately the name Born-to-be-the-Sun, because it was 
known that its mother became pregnant’ by the sun shining 
on her back. 

“The Born-to-be-the-Sun was fighting with his friend 
Bluebird. Then Bluebird made fun of Born-to-be-the-Sun 
because he had no father. Then Born-to-be-the-Sun cried 
in the house to his mother, telling his mother that he was 
called an orphan because he had no father. Therefore his 
mother said to him that his father was the Sun. 

““ Immediately Born-to-be-the-Sun said he would go and 
visit his father. Then his mother made a request of the 
uncle of Born-to-be-the-Sun: ‘ Make arrows for this child, 
that he may go and see his father.’ He made four arrows 
for him. Then Born-to-be-the-Sun shot one of the arrows 
upward. It is said it struck our sky. Then he shot another 
one upward. It struck the nock of the one that he had shot 
upward first; then again another one, and it hit the end of 
his arrow. His arrows came down sticking together. Then 
he shot the last one, and it hit the end of the one he had shot 
before. They came to the ground. 

“Then the mother of Born-to-be-the-Sun took the end of 
the arrows and shook them, and they became a rope. Then 
she cautioned her child, (saying,) ‘ Don’t be foolish at the place 
where you are going.’ Thus Born-to-be-the-Sun was told 
by his mother. Then Born-to-be-the-Sun climbed the rope, 
going upward. He went to visit his father. He arrived, 
and went through to the upper side of the sky. Then Born-to- 
be-the-Sun sat on the ground next to his father’s house. 
Then Born-to-be-the-Sun was seen by a boy. Then he was 
asked by the boy, ‘ Why are you sitting there?’ ‘I came to 
see my father.’ Then the boy entered, and reported to the 
chief, ‘ This boy sitting on the ground near the house comes 
to see his father.’ ‘ Ah, ah, ah! indeed! I obtained him by 
shining through. Go ask him if he will come in.’ 

“Then the boy went out and called Born-to-be-the-Sun. 
Born-to-be-the-Sun entered and sat down. Immediately he 

Ana 

XI.—PHAETHON AND THE SUN 

was taken care of by his father. ‘Thank you, child, that you 
will change feet with me. I have tried not to be tired from 
walking to and fro every day. Now you shall go, child.’ 
Thus said the chief to his son. 5 

‘“‘Then he was cautioned by his father. ‘ Don’t walk fast 
where you are walking along. Don’t look right down to 
those below us, else you will do mischief.’ Then he dressed 
him up with his ear-ornaments. Then he put on his mask. 
Then he walked on the trail that was pointed out. He walked 
along. ‘My dear master, don’t sweep too much when you 
are walking along. Don’t show yourself [through] entirely 
when you are peeping through.’ Then he started in the 
morning. He passed noon. Then in the afternoon the sun 
was warm. Then he desired to peep through. He swept 
away his aunts (the clouds). Already this world began to 
burn. There was noise of the cracking of mountains, and 
the sea began to boil. The trees of the mountains caught 
fire. Therefore there are no good trees on the mountains, 
and therefore the rocks are cracked. 

“That was the reason of the fury of Born-to-be-the-Sun’s 
father. The chief pursued his child. He reached him when the 
sun was not low. Then the clothing of Born-to-be-the-Sun 
was taken away. ‘Isthat what I told you? You have come 
only once.’ Born-to-be-the-Sun was just taken by the neck 
by his father, and was thrown through the hole. Born-to-be- 
‘ the-Sun came down. A canoe was paddling along, and came 
right to Born-to-be-the-Sun. ‘Is this our chief, Born-to-be- 
the-Sun, floating about ?’ Then he raised his head on the 
water when they touched him with the paddle. Born-to-be- 
the-Sun awoke and puffed. ‘ Indeed, I have been asleep on 
the water a long time.’ He went ashore and went inland.’’! 

1 Franz Boas Kwakiutl Tales (New York and Leyden, 
1910), pp. 123, 125, 127 (Columbia University Contributions to 
Anthropology, vol. ii.). For a briefer Kwakiutl version of 
the story, see Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord- 
Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas, p. 157. In this latter version 
there is no mention of the mother of the son of the Sun, but 
the narrator describes how the Sun’s ear-rings and nose-plug 
were made of glittering haliotis shell, and how, when his son 
wore these borrowed ornaments, the light flashed from them 
so fiercely that it caused the rocks to split and the water to 
boil. 

The story is told more briefly, but in similar form, by the 
Tlatlasikoala, the Awikyenog, and the Heiltsuk Indians of 
British Columbia. In the first of these three versions the 
Sun, as in Ovid's narrative, warns his son to go neither too 
high nor too low, for otherwise it would be either too cold or 
too hot on earth.' . 

Whether the remarkable resemblances between the Greek 
and the Indian versions of the tale are to be explained as due 
to independent invention or to European influence, is a ques- 
tion which, so far as I know, there is no evidence to determine, 
and on which therefore it would be rash to pronounce an 
opinion. In the Indian versions the unlucky hero alwa 
appears, sooner or later, as a mink, an animal about which the 
Indians of this part of America tell many stories. I have 
spoken of the Greek version of the story because it is probable 
that Ovid drew the main outlines of his narrative from Greek 
originals, though doubtless many of the picturesque particulars 
with which he embellished it are due to the poet's own imagi- 
nation. But the more we compare the Metamorphoses with the 
parallel stories in extant Greek literature, the more, I think, 
we shall be inclined to admire his learning and the fidelity 
with which he followed his sources, always, however, em- 
broidering their usually plain substance with the many- 
coloured threads of his exuberant fancy. 

XII.—TuE Vow or IDOMENEUS 
(Apollodorus, Epitome, νι. 10) 

Apollodorus tells us that while Idomeneus, king of Crete, 
was away with his army at the siege of Troy, his wife Meda 
at home was debauched by a certain Leucus, who afterwards 
murdered her and her daughter, and, having seduced ten cities 
of Crete from their allegiance, made himself lord of the island 
and expelled the lawful king Idomeneus when, on bis return 
from Troy, he endeavoured to reinstate himself in the kingdom. 
The same story is told, almost in the same words, by Tzetzes, 
who doubtless here, as in so many places, drew his information 

1 Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen 
Kitiste Amerikas, pp. 173, 215 sq., 234, 

XII.—THE VOW OF IDOMENEUS 

direct from Apollodorus.1 The exile of Idomeneus is men- 
tioned by Virgil, who says that the king, driven from his 
ancestral dominions, settled in the Sallentine land, a district 
of Calabria at the south-eastern extremity of Italy.* The 
poet says nothing about the cause of the king’s exile; but 
his old commentator Servius explains it by a story which differs 
entirely from the account given by Apollodorus. The story is 
this. When Idomeneus, king of Crete, was returning home after 
the destruction of Troy, he was caught in a storm and vowed 
to sacrifice to Neptune whatever should first meet him; it 
chanced that the first to meet him was his own son, and 
Idomeneus sacrificed him or, according to others, only wished 
or attempted to do so; subsequently a pestilence broke out, 
and the people, apparently regarding it as a divine judgment 
on their ving’s cruelty, banished him the realm.? The same 
story is repeated almost in the same words by the First and 
Second Vatican Mythographers, who clearly here, as in many 
places, either copied Servius or borrowed from the same 
source which he followed. But on one point the First 
Vatican Mythographer presents an interesting variation ; 
for according to him it was not his son but his daughter whom 
the king first met and sacrificed, or attempted to sacrifice. 
A similar story of a rash vow is told of a certain Maeander, 
son of Cercaphus and Anaxibia, who gave his name to the 

. river Maeander. It is recorded of him that, being at war with 

the people of Pessinus in Phrygia, he vowed to the Mother of 
the Gods that, if he were victorious, he would sacrifice the first 
person who should congratulate him on his triumph. On his 
return the first who met and congratulated him was his son 
Archelaus, with his mother and sister. In fulfilment of his 
vow, Maeander sacrificed them at the altar, and thereafter, 
broken-hearted at what he had done, threw himself into the 

1 Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 384-386, compare Schol. 
on td. 1093. 

2 Virgil, Aen. iii. 121 eg., 400 sg. ; compare éd., xi. 264 aq. 

* Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 121 and on xi. 264. The 
two passages supplement each other on some points, and in 
the text I have combined them. 

4 Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. G. H. Bode, 
vol. i. pp. ὅθ, 145 sq. (First Vatican Mythographer, 195; 
Second Vatican Mythographer, 210). 

river, which before had been called Anabaenon. but which 
henceforth was named Maeander after him. The story is 
told by the Pseudo-Plutarch, who cites as his authorities 
Timolaus, in the first book of his treatise on Phrygia, and 
Agathocles the Samian, in his work, The Constttulion of 
Pessinus.* 

In this last story, according to the only possible inter- 
pretation of the words,? Maeander clearly intended from the 
outset to offer a human sacrifice, though he had not antici- 
pated that the victims would be his son, his daughter, and his 
wife. Similarly in the parallel Israelitish legend of Jephthah’s 
vow it seems that Jephthah purposed to sacrifice a human 
victim, though he did not expect that the victim would be his 
daughter: ** And Jephthah vowed a vow unto the Lord, and 
said, If thou wilt indeed deliver the children of Ammon into 
mine hand, then it shall be, that whosoever cometh forth of 
the doors of my house to meet me, when I return in peace 
from the children of Ammon, he shall be the Lord’s, and I will 
offer him up for a burnt offering.”* For so the passage runs 
in the Hebrew original,‘ in the Septuagint,® and in the Vulgate® 
and so it has been understood by the best modern com- 
mentators.’ In the sequel Jephthah did to his daughter 

1 Pseudo-Plutarch, De fluvvis, ix. 1. 
3 ηὔξατο τῇ Μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν, ἐὰν ἐγκρατὴς γένηται Tis νίκης, 
θύσειν τὸν πρῶτον αὐτῷ συγχαρέντα [ἐπὶ] ταῖς ἀνδραγαθίαις 

τρόπαια φέροντι. 8 Judges, xi. 80 sq. 
4 Judges, xi. 31, ΩΣ ΤΣ nym ΝῊ WR NST me 
ΠΡ PNET. 

5 καὶ ἔσται ὁ ἐκπορενόμενος bs ἂν ἐξέλθῃ ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας τοῦ 
οἴκου μου εἰς συνάντησίν μον... ἀνοίσω αὐτὸν ὁλοκαύτωμα. 
"δ Quicumque primus fucrit egressue de foribus domus 
meae, mthique occurrerit... eum holocaustum offeram 

ommo. 

7 J. 8. Black (The Smaller Cambridge Bible for Schools, 
1892), G. W. Thatcher (The Century Bible, n.d.), G. F. 
Moore (Lhe International Commentary, Second Edition, 
1903), G. A. Cooke (The Cambridge Betble for Schools and 
Colleges, 1913), C. F. Burney (1918). Professor G. F. Moore 
observes, ‘‘ That a human victim is intended is, in fact, as 
plain as words can make it; the language is inapplicable to 

XIT.—THE VOW OF IDOMENEUS 

according -to his vow,! in other words he consummated the 
sacrifice. ‘“‘ Early Arabian religion before Mohammed 
furnishes ἃ parallel: ‘Al-Mundhir [king of al-Hirah] had 
made a vow that on a certain day in each year he would 
sacrifice the first person he saw; ‘Abid came in sight on the 
unlucky day, and was accordingly killed, and the altar smeared 
with his blood.’ ᾽,3 

Similar vows meet us in folk-tales. Thus in a German atory 
from Hesse we read how a man, setting out on a long journey, 
promised his three daughters to bring back a present for each, 
whatever they should desire. The youngest of them, his 
favourite child, asked him to bring back a singing, soaring 
lark. On his way through a forest, he saw a-singing, soaring 
lark perched on the top of a tree, and he called to his servant 
to climb up and catch the bird. But as he approached the 
tree, a lion leaped from under it, saying that he would devour 
whoever tried to steal his singing, soaring lark. The man 
prayed the lion to spare his life and to take a large sum of 
money instead. But the animal replied, ‘“ Nothing can save 
thee, unless thou wilt promise to give me for my own what 
first meets thee on thy return home; but if thou wilt do 
that, I will grant thee thy life, and thou shalt have the bird 
for thy daughter, into the bargain.”” The man accepted the 
offer, and on his return home the first who met him was his 
youngest and dearest daughter, who came running up, kissed 
and embraced him, and when she saw that he had brought 
with him a singing, soaring lark, she was beside herself with 
joy. But her father wept and said, “‘ My dearest child, I 
have bought the little bird dear. In return for it I have 
been obliged to promise thee to a savage lion, and when he 
has thee, he will tear thee in pieces and devour thee.” But 
the brave damsel, like Jephthah’s daughter, consoled her 
sorrowful father, saying that he must keep his word, and 
that she would go to the lion and try to mollify him. The story 
ends happily, for the lion turned out to be no real lion but an 

an animal, and a vow to offer the first sheep or goat that 
he comes across—not to mention the possibility of an unclean 
animal—is trivial to absurdity.” 

1 Judges, xi. 39. 

3 6. A. Cooke, on Judges, xi. 31, quoting Lyall, Anczent 
Arabian Poetry, p. xxvilil. : 

enchanted prince, who married the girl, and after a series of 
adventures the two lived happily together. 

A similar tale is reported from Lorraine. Its substance is 
as follows: Once upon a time there was a man who had three 
daughters. One day he told them that he was setting out on 
a journey and promised to bring each of them back a present, 
whatever they pleased. The youngest, whom he loved the 
best, said she would like to have the talking rose. So one 
day on his travels the man came fo a fine castle from which 
issued a sound of voices speaking and singing. On entering 
the castle he found himself in a courtyard, in the middle of 
which was a rose-bush covered with roses. It was the roses 
which he had heard speaking and singing. ‘ At last,” thought 
he, “1 have found the talking rose.”” He was just about to 
pluck one of the roses, when a white wolf ran at him, crying, 
‘* Who gave you leave to enter my castle and to pluck my roses? 
You shall be punished with death. All who intrude here must 
416. The poor man offered to give back the talking rose, if 
only the white wolf would lét him go. At first the wolf would 
not consent, but, on hearing that the man’s daughter had 
begged for the talking rose, he said, ‘‘ Look here. I will 
pardon you, and more than that I will let you keep the rose, 
-but on one condition: it is that you will bring me the first 
person you meet on returning home.”’ The poor man promised 
and went away back to his own country. The first person 
he saw on entering his house was his youngest daughter. 
‘* Ah, my daughter,” said he, “ what a sad journey! ” Have 
you not found the talking rose ?”’ quoth she. “1 found it,” 
quoth he, “‘ to my sorrow. In the castle of the white wolf I 
found it, and I must die.’”” When he explained to her that 
the white wolf had granted him his life on condition of his 
bringing the first person he should meet on entering his house, 
she bravely declared herself ready to go with him. So together 
they came to the castle. There the white wolf received them 
very civilly and assured them that he would do them no harm. 
‘‘ This castle,’’ said he, ‘“‘ belongs to the fairies ; we who dwell 
in it are all fairies; I myself am condemned to ‘be a white 
wolf by day. If you keep the secret, it will go well with you.” 
That night the white wolf appeared to the maiden in her 

1 Grimm’s Household Tales, No. 88 (vol. ii. pp. 5-10 of 
Margaret Hunt’s translation). 

XI1.—THE VOW OF IDOMENEUS 

chamber in the form of a handsome gentleman and promised 
that, if only she followed his directions, he would marry her 
and make her his queen, and. she should be mistress of the 
castle. All went well till one day the girl received a visit from 
one of her sisters, and, yielding to her importunity, revealed 
the wondrous secret. Α frightful howl at once rang through 
the castle; the maiden started up affrighted, but hardly 
had she passed the doorway when the white wolf fell dead at 
her feet. She now rued her fatal compliance, but it was too 
late, and she was wretched for the rest of her life. 

So in a Lithuanian story we read of a king who had three 
fair daughters, but the youngest was the fairest of them all. 
Once on a time the king wished to go on business to Wilna, 
there to engage a maid who would look after his royal house- 
hold, sweep the rooms, and feed the pigs. But his youngest 
daughter told him that she needed no maid-servant, for she 
would herself discharge these domestic duties, if only he brought 
her back from Wilna a mat woven of living flowers. So the 
king went to Wilna and bought presents for his two elder 
daughters, but though he séarched the whole town and went 
into every shop, he could not find a mat woven of living 
flowers. "Fis way home led him through a forest, and there 
in the wood; a few miles from his castle, what should he see 
but a white wolf sitting by the side of the path with a hood of 
living flowers on his head. The king said to the coachman, 
“Get down from the box, and fetch me that hood.” But 
the white wolf opened his mouth and said, ‘‘ My lord and 
king, you may not get the flowery hood for nothing.” The 
king asked him, “ What would you have? I will gladly load 
you with treasures in return for the hood.” But the wolf 
answered, “I want not your treasures. Promise to give me 
whatever you shall first meet. In three days I will come to 
your castle to fetch it.” The king thought to himself, ‘‘ It is 
still a long way to home. I am quite sure to meet some wild 
beast or bird. I'll promise 11. And so he did. Then he 
drove away with the flowery hood in the carriage, and on the 
whole way home he met just nothing at all. But no sooner 
had he entered the courtyard of his castle than his youngest 
daughter came forth to meet him. The king and likewise the 
queen wept bitter tears. Their daughter asked, ‘‘ Father and 

1 K. Cosquin, Contes populaires de Lorraine (Paris, n.d.), 
ii, 215-217. 

mother, why do you weep so?” Her father answered, 
“Alas, I have promised you to a white wolf ; in three days he 
will come to the castle, and you must go with him.”’ Sure 
enough the white wolf came on the third day and carried off 
the princees to his castle; for he was really a prince who was 
a wolf by day, but put off the wolf skin by night and appeared 
in his true form as a handsome young man. After a series 
of adventures, in the course of which the wolf-skin is burnt 
by the mother of the princess and the prince in consequence 
disappears for a time, the rediscovered and now transformed 
prince marries the princess in his fine castle.1 

In a Tyrolese story of the same type, a merchant, setting 
out on his travels, asks his three daughters what he shall bring 
them back from the city. The youngest asks him to bring 
her a leaf that dances, sings, and plays. In the city, as usual, 
he buys the presents for his elder daughters but cannot find 
the leaf on which his youngest daughter had set her heart. 
However, on his way home he comes to a palace with a 
beautiful garden; and in the middle of the garden is a tree 
on which all the leaves are dancing and singing and playing 
delightfully. Thinking that one of these leaves is just the 
thing his daughter wants, he plucks one ; but no sooner has he 
done so than a great serpent appears and says: ‘‘ Since you 
have taken a leaf, I demand of you that you send me within 
three days the first person whom you shall meet at home. 
Woe to you if you do not!” With a foreboding of evil he 
goes home, and the first person that meets him there is his 
youngest daughter. ‘“‘ Father,” she asks, ‘‘ have you brought 
the leaf?”’ “1 have,” he answers sadly, ‘‘ but it will cost 
you dear.’’. He then tells her on what condition he had re- 
ceived the leaf from the serpent. But his daughter goes cheer- 
fully to the serpent, who, as usual, turns out to be an enchanted 
nobleman. Dancing with him at the wedding of her. sisters, 
the young lady inadvertently treads on his tail and crushes 
it ;- this suffices to break the spell: he turns info a handsome 
young man in her arms: the two are married, and he intro- 
duces his bride to his noble and overjoyed parents. 3 

1 A. Leskien und K. Brugman, Lttautsche Volkslieder 
und Marchen (Strasbourg, 1882), No. 23, pp. 438-443. 

2 Chr. Schneller Médrchen und Sagen aus Wedlschttrol 
(Innsbruck, 1867), No. 25, pp. 63-65. 

XII.—THE VOW OF IDOMENEUS 

A Hanoverian story relates how once upon a time a king had 
three daughters, but the youngest was the apple of his eye. 
Setting out one day to make some purchases at the yearly 
fair, he asked his daughters what presents he should bring 
them back. The youngest asked for a tinkling lion-leaf.* 
At the fair the king easily bought the presents for his elder 
daughters, but do what he would, he could not find the tink- 
ling lion-leaf. Riding dejectedly home, he had to traverse 
@ wide, wide wood, and in the wood he came to a great birch- 
tree, and under the birch-tree lay a great black poodle 
dog. Seeing the king so sad, the poodle asked him what ailed 
him, and on learning the cause of his sadness the dog said, 
“1 can help you. The tinkling lion-leaf grows on this very 
tree, and you shall have it if in a year and a day from now you 
will give me what to-day shall first come out of your house to 
meet you.’’ The king thought to himself, ‘‘ What should that 
be but my dog?” So he gave his word. Then the poodle 
wagged his tail, climbed up the birch-tree, broke the leaf 
off with his paw, and gave it to the king, who took it and rode 
merrily home. But when he came near the house, his youngest 
daughter sprang joyfully out to meet him. Struck with horror 
he pushed hor from him., She wept*and thought, “ What can 
be the matter that my father thus repels me?” And she 
went and complained to her mother. e queen asked her 
husband why he had so treated his youngest daughter; but 
he would not tell her, and for a whole year he continued in the 
dumps and pined away. At last, when the year was all but up, 
he let the cat out of the bag. At first the queen was thunder- 
struck, but soon she pulled herself together, and concerted with 
her husband a device to cheat the black poodle by palming 
off the goose-girl instead of their daughter on him“when he 
came to fetch away the princess. The deception succeeded 
at first, but when the poodle had carried off the goose-girl 
to the wood, he detected the fraud and brought her back. 
A second time a false princess was fobbed off on him, and a 
second time detected. At last the parents had, amid the 
loud lamentation of the courtiers, to give up their real daughter 
to the black poodle, who led her away and lodged her, all 
alone, in a little cottage in the depth of a great forest. There 

1 Hin klinkesklankes Lowesblatt. I am not sure of the 
meaning. 
APOLL, II. DD 

she learned from an old hag that the poodle was an enchanted 
prince, the cottage an enchanted castle, the wood an en- 
‘chanted city, and the wild beasts enchanted men, and 
that every day at midnight the black poodle stripped off his 
shaggy hide and became an ordinary man. Following the 
directions of the hag, the princess waited till the third night, 
and when the enchanted prince had laid aside the black dog- 
skin and was fast asleep, she got hold of the skin and threw 
it on the fire. That broke the spell. The prince now appeared 
before her eyes in his true, his handsome form; the cottage 
turned into a palace, the wood into a city, and the wild beasts 
into men and women. The prince and princess were married, 
and at the wedding feast the bride showed great honour to 
the old hag, who thereupon blessed her and, vanishing away, 
was never seen or heard of again.4 

Two stories of thesame general type have been recorded in 
Schleswig-Holstein. In one of them a king has three daughters, 
and when he is about to set out on a journey he asks them 
what presents he should bring them back. The eldest daughter 
wished for a golden spinning-wheel, the second for a golden 
reel, and the youngest for a golden jingle-jangle.* When the 
king had procured the golden spinning-wheel and the golden 
reel, and was about to set out for home, he was very sad, 
for he did not know how to get a golden jingle-jangle. While 
he sat and wept, an old man came up to him and inquired 
the cause of his sorrow. On hearing it he said, ‘“‘ The golden 
jingle-jangles are on a great tall tree in the forest, and a big bear 
watches over them; but if you promise the bear something, 
he will give you one.” So the king went and found the big 
bear under the big tree, and begged him to let him have a 
golden jingle-jangle. The bear answered, ‘‘ You shall have a 
golden jingle-jangle if you will give me whatever first meets 
me in your castle.” The king consented, and the bear 
promised to come next morning to the castle and bring the 
golden jingle-jangle. But when the bear appeared in the castle 
next morning, whoshould first meet him but the king’s youngest 
daughter ? The bear would have carried her off at once, but 
the king was sore troubled and said to the bear, ‘‘ Go away ; 

1 Carl und Theodor Colshorn, Mdrchen und Sagen (Han- 
over, 1854), No. 20, pp. 64-69. 
2 «© Hinen goldenen Klingelklangel.”’ 

XII.—THE VOW OF IDOMENEUS 

she will soon follow you.” But instead of his own daughter 
the king dressed up the shepherd’s daughter and sent her to 
the bear, who detected the fraud and returned her to the 
king. The same thing happened to the swineherd’s daughter, 
whom the king next attempted to palm off on the bear instead 
of the princess. Last of all the king was forced to send his 
youngest daughter, and with her the bear was content. 
Afterwards the bear brought her back on a visit to her father’s 
castle and danced with her there. In the dance she trod 
heavily on one of his paws, and immediately he was changed 
into a rich and handsome prince and took her to wife.4 

Another story, recorded in Schleswig-Holstein, relates how 
a king lost his way and wandered in a great forest, till a little 
black man appeared and offered to guide him home if the king 
would promise to give him whatever should first come out of 
the king’s house to meet him. The king accepted the offer, and 
on his return to the castle the first to run out to meet him was 
his daughter. He told her with tears of his promise ; but she 
answered, “ Since I have been the means of saving your life, 
I will willingly go away thither.” Accordingly she is fetched 
away by a white wolf, who, as usual, turns out to be an en- 
chanted prince, and marries her as soon as the spell which 
bound him is broken.* 

In a German story of the same type a nobleman loses his 
way in a wood and meets a poodle who promises to guide him 
home if the nobleman will give the poodle whatever on his 
return should first come forth from the nobleman’s house to 
meet him. As usual, the nobleman’s daughter is the first to 
come forth to meet him ; and, as usual, the seeming calamity 
ends in the girl’s marriage with a prince.® 

Similarly in a Swedish story we hear of a king who had three 
daughters, but he loved the youngest best of all. One day he 
lost his way in the forest, and, whichever way he turned, he 
always met a man in a grey cloak, who said to him, “ If you 
would make your way out of the forest, you must give me the 

ΕΚ, Miillenhoff, Sagen Madrchen und Ineder der Herzog- 
thiimer Schleswig-Holstein und Lauenburg (Kiel, 1845), 
pp. 384 aq. 

2K. Miillenhoff, op. c#t. pp. 385-388. 

P. Zaunert, Deutsche Marchen seit Grimm (Jena, 1919), 
pp. 303 egg. 

Dp 2 

first living thing that meets you at your home-coming.”” The 
king thought to himself, “ That will be my greyhound as 
usual’’; sohe promised. But it was his youngest and dearest 
daughter who met him first. The king sent his two elder 
daughters, one after the other, into the forest; but the man 
in the grey cloak sent them both back with rich presents. 
At last the king sent his youngest daughter, and after various 
adventures she was happily wedded to the man in the grey 
cloak, who, as usual, turned out to be an enchanted prince or 
nobleman, the owner of a fine castle. 

Thus in most of the folk-tales the rash vow turns out 
fortunately for the victim, who, instead of being sacrificed 
or killed, obtains a princely,husband and wedded bliss. Yet 
we may suspect that these happy conclusions were simply 
devised by the story-teller for the sake of pleasing his hearers, 
and that in real life the custom, of which the stories preserve 
@ reminiscence, often ended in the sacrifice of the victim at the 
altar. Of such a custom a record seems to survive in the 
legends of Idomeneus, Maeander, al-Mundhir, and Jephthah. 

XIII.—-ULyssrs ΑΝῸ PoLYPHEMUS 

(Apollodorus, Epitome, vu. 4-9) 

Stories like that of Ulysses and Polyphemus have been 
recorded in modern times among many widely separated 
peoples. So close is the resemblance between the various 
versions of the tale that they must all apparently be derived 
from a common original, whether that original was the 
narrative in the Odyssey, or, more probably, a still older folk- 
tale which Homer incorporated in his epic. Some of these 
parallel versions were collected by Wilhelm Grimm about 

1 J. Bolte und G. Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- 
und Hausmdrchen der Briider Grimm, i. (Leipsic, 1913), 
pp. 166g. As to stories of this type, see further Εἰ. Cosquin, 
Contes populaires de Lorraine, ii. 218 sqq.; W. Baumgartner, 
‘* Jephtas Geliibde,” Archiv fir Religionswissenschaft, xviii. 
(1915), pp. 240-249, 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

the middle of the nineteenth century,! but many others 
have since come to light. 

(1) The oldest of the modern versions of the Polyphemus 
story occurs in ἃ mediaeval collection of tales which was 
written in or soon after 1184 a.p. by a monk, John, of the 
Cistercian Abbey of Haute-Seille (Alta Silva) in Lorraine. 
The book, dedicated to Bertrand, Bishop of Metz, is composed 
in very fair Latin and bears the title of Dolopathos sive de 
Rege et Septem Samientibus. It was lost for centuries, but in 
1864 a manuscript copy of the work was discovered by 
A. Mussafia in the Royal Library at Vienna. Subsequent 
research brought to light several other manuscripts at 
Vienna, Innsbruck, and Luxemburg, and in 1873 a complete 
edition of the book was published by H. Oesterley at Stras- 
bourg.* Meantime the work had long been known to scholars 

1 Wilhelm Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem (Berlin, 1857) 
(reprinted from the Abhandlungen der kénigl. Akademie der 
Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1857). The versions recorded by 
Grimm are summarized by W. W. Merry in his edition of Homer, 
The Odyssey, Books I-XII (Oxford, 1876), pp. 546-550. 

2 See A. van Gennep, ‘La Légende de Polyphéme,”’ 
Religions, Moeurs, et Légendes (Paris, 1908), pp. 155-164. 
In this essay the learned author reviews a work by O. Hack- 
man, Die Polyphemsage in der Volkstiberlieferung (Helsingfors, 
1904), which I have not seen. From M. van Gennep’s notice 
of it, I gather that Mr. Hackman has collected, analysed, and 
classified no less than two hundred and twenty-one popular 
variations of the tale. Very many versions are referred to 
by Messrs. J. Bolte and G. Polivka in their erudite Anmer- 
kungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmdrchen der Briider Grimm 
iii. (Leipzig, 1918), pp. 374-378. Thus the versions quoted 
by me in the following pages form apparently only a small 
part of those which are on record. But they may suffice 
to illustrate the wide diffusion of the tale and the general 
similarity of the versions. 

8 Joannes de Alta Silva, Dolopathos sive de Rege et Septem 
Sapientibus, herausgegeben von Hermann Oesterley (Strass- 
burg, Karl J. Tribner, 1873). A more recent edition is that 
of A. Hilka (Heidelberg, 1913). Of the manuscripts the one 
now in the Atheneum at Luxemburg is the oldest and most 
complete; it was written in the thirteenth century and 

through ἃ metrical French translation which was written 
somewhere between the years 1222 and 1226 a.p. by a certain 
trouvare named Herbera. Considerable extracts from the 

‘amounting to about 8. third of the whole, were pub- 
Ethed, with » proso analysis, by Lo Roux do Lincy in 1888 ;1 
but the complete poom was first edited, from two manuscripts 
in the Imporial (now the National) Library in Paris, by Chatles 
Brunet and Anatole de Montaiglon in 1856.* 

‘This mediaeval collection of stories, called , 
whether in its original Latin form or in the metrical French 
translation, is clearly based, directly or indirectly, on an older 
mediaeval collection of tales called The Book of Sindibad or 
‘The Seven Sages, of which versions exist in many languages, 
both Oriental and European ;* for not only is the general 

alone contains the author’s dedication and preface. It 
formerly belonged to the Abbey of Orval (Aurea Vallis) in 
the diocese of Tréves and was removed, with the rest of the 
library, for safety to Luxemburg at the time when the Abbey 
was sacked by the French in 1793. As to the date of Dolo- 
pathos, see Oesterley’s preface, p. xi The monkish author's 
orthography is not equal to his diction and style. He uses 
such forms as michi for mihi, nichil for nihil, herbe for herbae, 
nephas for nefas, etas for aetas, que for ‘&o, 

Ἧ Το Roux de’Lincy, Roman de Sept Sages de Rome, printed 
88 an appendix or introduction to A. Loiselour Deslongchamps’s 
Eesai sur les Fables Indiennes et sur leur In luction en 
Europe (Paris, 1838), but paged separately. The analysis 
fand tho extracte include the tale of Polyphemus (pp. 133-135, 
239-251), who, however, is not mentioned by name, being 
simply referred to as “ the giant.” 

2°Li Romans de publié pour ἴα premiére fois 
par Charles Brunet et Anatole de Montaiglon (Paris, 1856). 
For the story of Polyphemus (who is not mentioned by 
name), see pp. 284-205. As to the date of this metrical 
translation gee the editors’ preface, pp. xvii—xix. 

* As to The Book of Sindibad or The Seven Sages, see 
A. Loiseleur Deslongchamps, Essai sur lee Fables Indiennes 
et sur leur Introduction en Europe, pp. 80 4qq.; J. Dunlop, 
Geachichle der Prosadichtungen, il von Felix Liebrecht 
(Berlin, 1851), pp. 196 agg. 5 mparetti, Researches 
concerning the Book of ‘Sindodd (London, 1882), pp. 1 egg. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

framework or plan of Dolopathos the same with that of 
Sindibad or The Seven Sages, but out of the eight stories 
which it contains, three are identical with those included 
in the earlier work.’ Among the tales which the two collec- 
tions have in common the story of Polyphemus is not gre, 
for it appears only in Dolopathos. . 

As told by the author of Dolopathos the story of Polyphemus 
diverges in certain remarkable features from the Homeric 
account, and since some of these divergences occur in popular 
versions of the story recorded among various peoples, we may 
reasonably infer that John de Haute-Seille herein followed 
oral tradition rather than the Homeric version of the tale.* 
At the same time he certainly appears to have been acquainted 
with the Odyssey ; for he not only mentions Polyphemus 

The fullest of the versions is the mediaeval Greek version 
known as Syntipas, of which a critical edition was published 
by A. Eberhard at Leipsic in 1872 (Fabulae Romanenses 
Graece conscriptae, volumen prius, Leipsic, Teubner, 1872). 
This version purports to be translated from the Syriac, and a 
Syriac version was published with a German translation 
by Fr. Baethgen in 1879 (Sindban oder Die Sieben Weisen 
Meister, syrisch und deutsch, von Friederich Baethgen, Leipsic, 
1879); but this version can hardly be the one which Andreo- 
pulos translated into Greek, since it is somewhat shorter. 
Compare D. Comparetti, op. cit. p. 63 note, who has made it 
probable (pp. 53 844.) that the Greek version (Synitpas) 
was made towards the end of the eleventh century by order 
of Gabriel, Duke of Melitene. A French translation of the 
Syriac version was published by F. Macler in 1903 (Contes 
Syriaques, Histoire de Sindban, mise en frangais par Frédéric 
Macler, Paris, 1903). The same scholar has since published 
a French translation of an Armenian version, which seems to 
have been made from the Latin. See La version Arménienne 
de V Histoire des Sept Sages de Rome, mise en frangate par 
Frédéric Macler (Paris, 1919). 

1H. Oesterley, preface to his edition of Dolopathos, pp. 
ΧΙ sqq. 
2 Tt is the opinion of Oesterley, his editor, that in general 
John drew the materials for his work rather from oral tradition 
than from literary sources. See H. Oesterley’s preface, pp. 
xii qq. 

by name but speaks of Circe, daughter of the Sun, and how 
she transformed the companions of Ulysses into diverse 
beasts. 
The story of Polyphemus, as recorded in Dolopathos, 
as follows :— 
famous robber, who had lived to old age and accumulated 
vast riches in the exercise of his profession, resolved to devote 
the remainder of his days to the practice of virtue, and in 
pursuance of that laudable resolution he excited by his 
exemplary conduct the wonder and admiration of all who 
remembered the crimes and atrocities of his earlier life. 
Being invited by the queen to recount the greatest perils and 
adventures which he had met with in his career of brigandage, 
he spoke thus: ‘“‘ Once on a time we heard that a giant, 
who owned great sums of gold and silver, dwelt in a solitary 
lace about twenty miles distant from the abodes of men. 
ured by the thirst for gold, a hundred of us robbers assem- 
bled together and proceeded with much ado to his dwelling. 
Arrived there, we had the pleasure of finding him not at home, 
so we carried off all the gold and silver on which we could la 
hands. We were returning home, easy in our minds, when all 
of a sudden the giant with nine others comes upon us and takes 
us prisoners, the more shame to us that a hundred men should 
be captured by ten. They divided us among them, and, as 
ill luck would have it, I and nine others fell to the share of the 
one whose riches we had just been lifting. So he tied our 
hands behind our backs and drove us like so many sheep to 
his cave; now his stature exceeded thirteen cubits. We 
offered to pay a great sum as ransom, but he mockingly 
replied that the only ransom he would accept was our flesh. 
With that he seized the fattest of our number, cut his throat, 
and rending him limb by limb, threw him into the pot to boil. 
He treated the rest of us, all but me, in the same fashion, 
and to crown it all he forced me to eat of every one of them. 
Why dwell on the painful subject ? When it came to my turn 
to have my throat cut, I pretended to be a doctor and 
promised that, if he spared my life, I would heal his eyes, 
which ached dreadfully. He agreed to these terms for m 
medical services, and told me to be quick about it. So 

1 Joannes de Alta Silva, Dolopathos sive de Rege et Septem 
Sapientibus, herausgegeben von H. Oesterley, pp. 71, 99. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

took a pint of oil and set it on the fire, and stirring it up with 
a good dose of lime, salt, sulphur, arsenic, and anything else 
I could think of that was most injurious and destructive to 
the eyes, I compounded a salve, and when it was nicely on the 
boil, I tipped the whole of it on the patient’s head. The 
boiling oil, streaming over every inch of his body, peeled him 
like an onion; his skin shrivelled up, his sinews stiffened, 
and what little sight he had left he lost completely. And 
there he was, like a man in a fit, rolling his huge body about 
on the floor, roaring like a lion and bellowing like a bull—a 
really horrid sight. After long rolling about and finding 
no ease to his pain, he grips his cudgel like a madman and 
goes groping and fumbling about for me, thumping the walls 
and the floor like a battering-ram. Meantime what was I 
to do ἢ and whither could I fly ? On every side the house was 
walled in by the most solid masonry, the only way out was 
by the door, and even that was barred with bolts of iron. 
So while he was tearing about after me in every corner, the 
only thing for me to do was to climb up a ladder to the roof 
and. catch hold of a beam, and there I hung to it by my hands 
for a whole day and night. When I could bear it no longer, 
I had just to come down and dodge between the giant’s legs 
and among his flock of sheep. For you must know that he 
had a thousand sheep and counted them every day. And 
while he kept a fat one he used to let the others go to grass ; 
and whether it was his skill or his witchery I know not, but 
at evening they would all come trooping back of themselves, 
and he got the full tale. So when he was counting them and 
letting them out as usual, I tried to escape by wrapping me in 
the shaggy fleece of a ram and fixing his horns on my head ; 
and in that guise I mingled with the flock that was going out. 
On my turn coming to be counted, he feels me all over, and 
finding me fat, he keeps me back, saying, ‘To-day I’ll fill 
my empty belly on you.’ Seven times did I thus pass under 
his hands, seven times did he keep me back, yet every time I 
gave him the slip. At last, when I came under his hand 
once more, he drove me in a rage out of the door, saying, 
‘Go and be food for the wolves, you who have so often de- 
ceived your master.’ When I was about a stone’s throw off, 
I began to mock him because I had outwitted him so often 
and made my escape. But he drew a gold ring from his 
finger and said, ‘ Take that for a reward; for it is not meet 

that a guest should go without a gift from a man like me.’ 
I took the proffered ring and put it on my finger, and at once 
I was bewitched by some devilry or other and began to shout, 
‘Here I am! Here I am!’ Thereupon, blind though he 
was, guided by the sound of my voice, he came tearing along, 
bounding over the smaller bushes, sometimes stumbling and 
collapsing like a landslide. When he was nearly up to me, 
and 1 could neither stop shouting nor tear the ring from my 
finger, I was forced to cut off the finger with the ring and to 
fling it at him. Thus by the loss of a finger did I save my 
whole body from imminent destruction.” 

This version differs from the Homeric account in several 
important. respects. It represents the giant as merely 
blear-eyed instead of one-eyed; it describes the blinding of 
him as effected by a stratagem which the hero of the tale 
practises on the giant with his own consent instead of as a 
violence done to him in his sleep; and it adds an entirely 
new episode in the trick of the magic ring and the consequent 
sacrifice of the hero’s finger. These discrepancies, which 
recur, a8 we Shall see, in other versions, confirm the view that 
the source from which the monk John drew the story was 
oral tradition rather than the narrative in the Odyssey. 

(2) All the distinctive features which we have just remarked 
in the version of John of Haute-Seille meet us again in a 
West Highland version of the story, which was told by a 
blind fiddler in the island of Islay. It runs thus: A certain 
man called Conall Cra Bhuidhe undertook with the help of his 
sons to steal the brown horse of the King of Lochlann; but 
in the attempt they were caught by the king, who would 
have hanged them, if Conall had not saved their lives by telling 
the story of his adventures. One of his adventures was like 

1 Joannes de Alta Silva, Dolopathos sive de Rege et Septem 
Sapientibus, herausgegeben von H. Oe6csterley, pp. 66-68 ; 
td., herausgegeben von A. Hilka (Heidelberg, 1913), pp. 73~75. 
There are a few minor discrepancies in the texts of these 
editions. According to Oesterley’s text, the hero was obliged 
to cut off (abscidere) his finger; according to Hilka’s text, 
he was compelled to bite it off (dentibus abscidere). The word 
dentibus is wanting in the Luxemburg manuscript. The 
parallel versions are in favour of cutting off, as against biting 
off, the finger. See below, pp. 412, 413 #g., 415, 416, 418, 419, 
421, 422. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

that of Ulysses in the cave of Polyphemus. “I was there 
as a young lad,’ said Conall, “and I went out hunting, and 
my father’s land was beside the sea, and it was rough with 
rocks and caves and chasms. When I was going on the 
shore, J saw a smoke curling up between two rocks, and while 
I was looking at it, I fell; but the place was so full of manure 
that neither skin nor bone was broken. Then I heard 8 
great clattering, and what was there but a great giant and two 
dozen of goats with him, and a buck at their head? And 
when the giant had tied the goats, he came up and he said to 
me, ‘ Ho, Conall, it’s long since my knife is rusting in my 
pouch waiting for thy tender flesh.’ ‘Och,’ said I, ‘ it’s 
not much thou wilt be bettered by me, though thou shouldst 
tear me asunder; I will make but one meal for thee. But 
I see thou art one-eyed. I am a good leech, and I will give 
thee the sight of the other eye.’ The giant went and he drew 
the great cauldron on the site of the fire. I told him how to 
heat the water so that I should give its sight to the other 
eye. I got heather, and I made a rubber of it, and I set him 
upright in the cauldron. I began at the eye that was well, 
pretending to him that I would give its sight to the other one, 
till I left them as bad as each other; and surely it was easier 
to spoil the one that was well than.to give sight to the other. 

“ en he saw that he could not see at all, and when I 
myself said to him that I would get out in spite of him, he 
gave a spring out of the water and stood at the mouth of 
the cave, and he said that he would have revenge for the 
sight of. his eye. I had to stay there crouched all night, 
holding my breath that he might not feel where I was. When 
he heard the birds calling in the morning, and knew that 
it was day, he said, ‘ Art thou sleeping ? Awake and let out 
my goats.’ I killed the buck. He cried, ‘I will not believe 
that thou art killing my buck.’ ‘Iam not,’ said I, ‘ but the 
ropes are so tight that I take long to loose them.’ I let out 
one of the goats, and he caressed her, and he said to her, 
‘ There thou art, thou shaggy white goat, and thou seest me, 
but I see thee not.’ I let them out one by one, as I flayed the 
buck, and before the last one was out I had flayed him 
bag-wise. Then I put my legs in place of his legs, and my 
hands in place of his fore legs, and my head in place of his 
head, and the horns on top of my head, so that the brute 
might think that it was the buck. I went out. When I 

qty 

was going out, the giant laid his hand on me, and he said, 

* There thou art, my pretty buck; thou secest me, but I see 
thee not.” When I myself got out, and I saw the world about 
me, surely, oh King! joy was on me. 

“ When I was out and had shaken the skin off me, I said 
to the brute, "1 am out now in spite of thee.’ * Aha!’ said 
he, ‘ hast thou done this to me ἢ Since thou wert so stalwart 
that thou hast got out, I will give thee a ring that I have here, 
and keep the ring, and it will do thee good.’ ‘I will not take 
the ring from thee,’ said I, ‘ but throw it, and I will take it 
with me.’ He threw the ring on the flat ground, I went 
myself and I lifted the ring, and I put it on my finger. Then 
he said, ‘ Does the ring fit thee ?° I said to him, * It doea.’ 
He said, " Where art thou, ring?’ And the ring said, ‘I 
am here.” The brute came towards where the ring was 
speaking, and now I saw that I was in a harder case than 
ever I was. I drew a dirk. I cut off my finger, and I threw 
it from me as far as I could on the loch, and the place was very 
deep. He shouted, ‘Where art thou, ring?’ And the 
ring said, ‘I am here,’ though it was at the bottom of the 
ocean. He gave a leap after the ring, and down he went in 
the sea. I was pleased when I saw him drowning, and when 
he was drowned I went in, and I took with me all he had of 
gold and silver, and I went home, and surely great joy was on 
my people when I arrived. And as a sign for thee, look thou, 
the finger is off me.’’? 

(3) In another Highland story, recorded in Argyllshire, 
@ one-eyed giant carries the hero of the tale into his cave, 
intending to devour him; but with the help of a king’s 
daughter, whom the giant "had detained for seven years, the 
hero contrives to blind the monster by thrusting a red-hot 
bar into his single eye while he sleeps. There is no mention 
of sheep or goats in this story, and the episode of the talking 
ring is also absent.? 

——— 

1 J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, 
New Edition, f (Paisley and London, 1890), pp. 105-114 
(Tale V). I have slightly abridged the story and changed a 
few words for the sake of the English idiom. 

2D. MacInnes, Folk and Hero Tales (London, 1890), 
aa 263, 265, 267 (Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition, 

rgy shire Series, No. II). 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

(4) The incident of the ring and the severed finger occurs 
also in two Basque stories of the same t One of them 
was told by the parish priest of Esquiule, in La Soule, as 
follows : 

‘‘In my infancy I often heard from my mother the story 
of the Tartaro. He was ἃ Colossus, with only one eye in the 
middle of his forehead. He was a shepherd and a hunter, 
but a hunter of men. Every day he ate a sheep; then, 
after ἃ snooze, everyone who had the misfortune to fall 
into his hands. His dwelling was a hugé barn, with thick 
walls, a high roof, and a very strong door, which he alone 
knew how to open. His mother, an old witch, lived in one 
corner of the garden, in a hut constructed of turf. 

‘** One day ἃ powerful young man was caught in the snares 
of the Tartaro, who carried him off to his house. This 
young man saw the Tartaro eat a whole sheep, and he knew 
that he was accustomed to take a snooze, and then after 
that his own turn would come. In his despair he said to 
himself that he must do something. Directly the Tartaro 
began to snore he put the spit into the fire, made it red-hot, 
and plunged it into the giant’s one eye. Immediately he 
leapt up, and began to run after the man who had injured 
him ; bat it was impossible to find him. ‘ You shall not 
escape. It is all very well to hide yourself,’ said he, ‘ but 
I alone know the secret how to open this door.’ 

‘‘The Tartaro opened the door half-way, and let the 
sheep out between his legs.) The young man takes the big 
bell off the ram, and puts it round his neck, and throws over 
his body the skin of the sheep which the giant had just eaten, 
and walks on all fours to the door. The Tartaro examines 
him by feeling him, perceives the trick, and clutches hold 
of the skin; but the young man slips off the skin, dives 
between his legs, and runs off. 

“ Immediately the mother of the Tartaro meets him, 
and says to him: ‘O, you lucky young fellow! You have 
escaped the cruel tyrant; take this ring as a remembrance 
of your escape.’ He accepts, puts the ring on his finger, 
and. immediately the ring begins to cry out, ‘ Heben nuk / 
Heben nuk /’ (‘Thou hast me here! Thou hast me here! 7) 
The Tartaro pursues, and is on the point of catching him, 

‘ when the young man, maddened with fright, and not being 

able to pull off the ring, takes out his knife, and cuts off his 

own finger, and throws it away, and thus escapes the pursuit 
of the Tartaro.”* 

(5) Another Basque story of the same sort was told by 
Jean Sallaber of Aussurucq as follows : 

Two soldiers of the same district, having got their furlough, 
were returning home on foot together. Night fell as they 
were traversing a great forest. But in the twilight they 
perceived a smoke in the distance, so they turned their 
steps towards it and discovered a poor hovel. They knocked 
at the door, and a voice from within answered, “ Who is 
there?” ‘Two friends,” they answered. ‘‘What do 
you want?” asked the voice. “‘ A lodging for the night,”’ 
they replied. The door opened, they were admitted, and 
then the door closed. Brave as the soldiers were, they were 

et terrified at finding themselves in the presence of a Basa- 
Jaun. He had the figure of a man, but was all covered 
with hair, and had a single eye in the middle of his forehead. 

The Basa-Jaun set food before them, and when they had 
finished their supper, he weighed them and said to the 
heavier, “‘ You will do for to-night, and the other for to- 
morrow ”; and without more ado he ran a big spit through 
the fatter of the two, without even stripping him of his 
clothes, and after setting him to roast on the spit before a 
great fire, he ate him up. The other was in a sad fright, 
not knowing what to do to save his life. 

Having made a hearty meal, the Basa-Jaun fell asleep. 
Immediately the soldier laid hold of the spit which had served 
to roast his comrade, heated it red-hot in the fire, and plunging 
it into the eye of the Basa-Jaun, blinded him. Howling aloud, 
the Basa-Jaun ran about everywhere to find the stranger ; 
but the soldier had made haste to hide in the fold, among 
the sheep of the Basa-Jaun ; for he could not get out, because 
the door was shut. 

Next morning the Basa-Jaun opened the door of the fold, 
and, wishing to catch the soldier, he made all the sheep, 
on their way out, pass one by one between his legs. But 
the soldier had conceived the idea of skinning a sheep and 
clothing himself in its fleece, in order that the blinded giant 
should not catch him. As the Basa-Jaun felt all the sheep, 

1 Wentworth Webster, Basgue Legends (London, 1879), 
pp. 4 sg. 

XIII.—_ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

the skin of the flayed one remained in his hands, and he 
thought that the man had passed out under it. 

The soldier did escape, and very glad he was to do so. But 
the Basa-Jaun ran after him as well as he could, crying, 
‘* Hold, take this ring, in order that, when you are at home, 
you may be able to tell what a marvel you have done!”’ 
And with that he threw him the ring. The soldier picked 
it up and put it on his finger; but the ring began to speak 
and to say, “Here I am! Here I am!” Away ran the 
soldier, and the blinded monster after him. At last, worn out 
with his flight, and fearing to be overtaken by the Basa-Jaun, 
the soldier would have thrown the ring into a stream, but he 
could not wrench it from his finger. Bo he cut off the finger 
and threw it with the ring into the stream. From the bottom 
of the river the ring continued to cry, “‘ Here lam! Here I 
am!” and hearing the cry the Basa-Jaun rushed into the 
water and was drowned. Then the soldier crossed the stream 
on ἃ bridge and escaped, very happy, to his home.? 

(6) The episode of the talking ring and the severed finger 
occurs also in a Rumanian story of the same type. In it 
& man sends his three songs out with the flock of sheep and 
warns them not to answer if anyone should hail them by 
night. But they neglect his warning, and in the night, 
when 8 voice has hailed them thrice, they all answer, “‘ Here 
we are.” <A giant now appears and calls to them to roast 
their fattest wether for him, because he is hungry. When 
the wether is roasted, the giant swallows it at a gulp, and 
orders the three brothers to follow him with the flock. He 
leads them to his home, where they are obliged to leave the 
sheep in the walled courtyard. When they enter the giant’s 
house, they bid him good evening, but he answers that the 
eldest brother will serve him for supper that same evening, 
that the second brother will do the same the next evening, 
and that the youngest brother will be kept for the next day 
but one. He then made up a big fire, hung a huge kettle 
over it, and lay down to sleep, after telling the brothers to 
wake him when the water should boil. They did so accord- 
ingly, whereupon he seized the eldest brother, threw him 
into the kettle, boiled him till he was tender, and then ate 

1 J. Vinson, Le Folk-lore du pays Basque (Paris, 1883), 
pp. 42-45. 

him. Thereupon he put water to boil on the fire again and lay 
down, with an injunction to wake him at the time appointed. 
But the youngest brother skimmed off the fat of his boiled 
brother as it floated on the water, and having got it he 
secreted it. The giant slept till evening, then ing from 
his nap he sei the second brother and devo him. 
A third time he set water on the fire, ordering the surviving 
brother to waken him as usual. Meantime the survivor 
found a tripod in the kitchen, set his brother’s fat on it, 
and roasted it over the fire. Then he flung the roasted fat 
and the tripod at the sleeping giant, thus putting out both 
his eyes. Up started the giant in a fury and tried to catch 
the young man, but the youth threw him off the scent by 
dropping nutes, which he had in his wallet, one after the 
other on the floor. In his blind rage the giant seized the 
latch and wrenched the door open. The young man darted 
out into the courtyard, slaughtered a ram, and crept into 
its skin. Not suspecting the trick, the giant now opened 
the gate of the courtyard and let the sheep out one by one 
in the hope of catching his prisoner when he should 
attempt to escape. But the disguised youth slipped through 
and called out mockingly to the giant, ““Now you can 
do nothing to me.” Then the giant, making believe to 
be friendly, called after him, ‘‘ Take this ring from my little 
finger for ἃ memorial.’”” The young man picked it up and 
pat it on. Then the ring began to call out, “This way, 
lind man, this way!”’ Away ran the youth and the giant 
after him. The fugitive reached the water first, but the 
giant was close on his heels; so the young man cut off his 
own finger with the ring on it, and threw it into the waves. 
As the ring continued to call out, ‘ This way, blind man, 
this way 1 the giant leaped into the water and was drowned.} 
(7) The episode of an enchanted, though not talking, ring 
and a severed finger, meets us in two Italian stories of this 
type. One of them, recorded in the Abruzzo, tells of two 
brothers who were going to a fair. As they were crossing 
8 rugged mountain, night overtook them. They saw ὃ 
gleam of light in a cave, and approaching they called out, 
‘Master of the house, will you give us shelter?’ A voice 

1 W. Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem, pp. 15 eg., referring 
to Franz Obert (Ausland, 29, 717). 

XIII.— ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

from within answered, ‘‘ Wait.” They waited, and out 
came a giant who had an eye in his forehead. He said, 
ΚΕ Pray come in. Here there is no lack of anything.” The 
two brothers went in, but they were all of a tremble, all the 
more because Kye-in-his-forehead shut the door with a bolt 
which not a hundred men could lift. Standing in front of the 
fire, Eye-in-his-forehead said to the two brothers, “1 have’ 
a hundred sheep, but the year is long, and we must be as 
thrifty as may be. So which shall we eat first? Little 
Brother or Big Brother? You may cast lots for it.’? The 
two brothers cast lots, and the lot fell on Big Brother. So 
Big Brother was stuck on a spit and set on the hot coals. 
While Eye-in-his-forehead turned the spit, he said in an 
undertone, “ Big Brother to-day, Little Brother to-morrow.” 
Little Brother racked hig brains to think how he could escape 
from the danger. Meantime Big Brother was roasted, and 
Eye-in-his-forehead began to eat him. He wished Little 
Brother to eat too, and Little Brother pretended to eat, 
but he threw the meat behind his back. Dinner over, Eye- 
in-his-forehead went to sleep in the straw, but Little Brother 
remained beside the fire. When he perceived that Eye-in- 
his-forehead snored, he heated the point of the spit red-hot 
and thrust it, fizzing, into the giant’s eye. The giant started 
up to catch Little Brother, but Little Brother nimbly mixed 
with the sheep, and though the giant searched the sheep, 
feeling them one by one, he could not discover the fugitive. 
However, he said, “111 catch him at break, of day.” 
Little Brother thought it was all up with him unless he could 
hit on some dodge or other. So he killed the ram, skinned 
it, and dressed himself in the skin. At break of day Eye- 
in-his-forehead removed the bolt and stood straddling in the 
doorway. And first of all he called for the ram with the 
bell on its neck. Little Brother came forward, jingling the 
bell and going on all fours. As he passed between the legs 
of Eye-in-his-forehead, the giant caressed him, and so he did 
to the rest of the sheep. But groping about in the cave he 
lighted on the carcass of the ram which Little Brother had 
killed and skinned. Then he perceived the trick which 
Little Brother had played him, and sniffing about in his 
direction he threw him an enchanted ring. Little Brother 
picked it up and put it on his finger, but having done so he 

found himself compelled, instead of running away, to draw 

| 417 
APOLL. II. E E 

near to the giant. In vain he tried to pull the ring from his 

finger; the ring would not budge. So in order not to fall 

‘into the hands of -Eye-in-his-forehead he cut off the finger 

on which was the ring, and threw it in the face of the giant 

who ate it and said to Little Brother, “ At least I have tasted 
ou.” 

(8) Another Italian version of the story, recorded at Pisa, 
tells of a man of Florence who set out on his travels. On 
the way he picked up a curate and ἃ workman, and the three 
agreed to try their fortunes together. Walking through 
a wood for a long time, they came at last to a very fine palace 
and knocked at the door. A giant opened the door in person 
and asked them where they were going. ‘“‘ Oh, just taking 
a turn,” said they. ‘“‘ Very well,” said the giant, “ just 
turn in here. There’s a vacancy in the curacy of my parish, 
and a vacancy in my workshop, and I'll find some job or 
other for him,” alluding to the Florentine. All three closed 
with the offer, and put up in the giant’s house. He gave 
them a room and said, “ To-morrow I'll give you your jobs 
to do.” Next day the giant came to them, took the curate, 
and led him away to another chamber. Instigated by the 
passion of curiosity, the Florentine followed on tiptoe, and 
applying his eye to the keyhole of the chamber in which 
the curate was getting his job, he saw the giant showing 
him some leaves, and while the clergyman was looking at 
them, what does the giant do but whip out a scimitar, and 
in less than no time he had the curate’s head off and his 
body in a grave, which was in the chamber. ‘Good idea of 
mine to come here,’’. thought the Florentine to himself. 
When they were at dinner, the giant said, ‘“‘ The curate 
has got his job. Now I'll give the workman his.”’ So after 
dinner he led the workman to the same chamber. The 
Florentine followed as before, and again applying his eye 
to the keyhole, he saw the giant taking some leaves from 
his writing-desk and showing them to the workman, and 
while the workman was gazing at them, the giant performed 
the sword-trick once more. ‘‘ My turn next,’ thought the 
Florentine to himself. 

That evening at supper the giant remarked that the work- 

1 Antonio de Nino, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi: (Florence, 
1879-1883), III. 305-307. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

man had got his job, and that he, the giant, would*soon 
find a job for the Florentine too. But the Florentine had 
no wish to do the job in question, and he cudgelled his brains 
as to how he could get out of it. At last he thought of a 
plan. It happened that one of the giant’s eyes was defective ; 
so he said to the giant, ‘‘ What a pity that with that fine 
figure of yours you should have such an eye! But look here, 
I know a cure for it, it is a certain herb which I have seen 
here in the meadow.” “Really?” said the giant, ‘“ here 
in the meadow? Then let’s go and find it.”” When they 
were in the meadow, the Florentine picked up the first herb 
he saw, and bringing it back with him put it in a pot of oil, 
which he set on the fire. When the oil was boiling, the 
Florentine said to the giant, “1 warn you that the pain will 
be great; but you must keep steady, and it will be well that 
I should tie you to this marble table, for otherwise the opera- 
tion will turn out ill.” The giant, who was bent on having 
his bad eye put right, told the Florentine to tie away. The 
Florentine did as he was desired, and then poured the boiling 
oil on both the giant’s eyes. ‘‘ You have blinded me,”’ 
roared the giant; but the other stole softly down the stair, 
opened the door, and cut away. The giant had now lost 
both his eyes, but such was his strength that he rose to his 
feet with the marble table on his back, and made after his 
foe. ‘“‘Come here! Come here!” he cried, “fear not. 
At least take a keepsake.’’ And he threw a ring to the 
Florentine, who picked it up and put it on his finger. But 
no sooner had he done so than his finger was turned to marble, 
and he could not budge from the spot. In vain did he tug 
at the ring; he could not stir it from his finger. And now 
the giant was all hut up with him. In despair the fugitive 
drew a knife, which he had in his pocket, and cut off his 
finger. Then he could move again, and away he tore, and the 
giant, encumbered by the table on his shoulders, could not 
catch him up. The wanderer reached Florence in a state of 
exhaustion, and by this time he had had enough of it. The 
wish to scour the world and to tell of his travels never came 
back on him.! In this version we miss the characteristic 
episode of the hero’s escape under a ram or clad in a sheepskin... 

1D. Comparetti, Novelline popolari Italiane (Rome, Turin, 
and Florence, 1875), No. 44, pp. 192-195. 

EE 2 

(9) A Serbian story of this type relates how a priest and 
his scholar were once walking through a great mountainous 
region when night overtook them. Seeing a fire burning 
in 8 cave some way off, they made for it. On reaching the 
cave they found nobody in it except a giant with one eye 
in his forehead. They aaked him if he would let them enter, 
and he answered “ Yes.” But the mouth of the cave was 
blocked with a huge stohe, which a hundred men could not 
have stirred. The giant arose, lifted the stone, and let 
them in. Then he rolled back the stone into the mouth of 
the cave and kindled a great fire. The travellers sat down 
beside it and warmed themselves. When they had done so, 
the giant felt their necks in order to know which was the 
fatter, that he might kill and roast him. Finding the parson 
the fatter of the two, he knocked him on the head, stuck him 
on a spit, and roasted him over the fire. When he was 
done to a turn, the giant invited the scholar to partake of 
the roasted flesh, and though the scholar protested that he 
was not hungry, the giant forced him to take a mouthful, 
which, however, he spat out on the sly. Having eaten 
his fill, the giant composed himself to slumber beside the 
fire. While he slept, the scholar sharpened a stick and 
thrusting it into the giant’s eye, blinded him. ‘“‘ You 
have robbed me of my one eye,” roared the giant, “ be- 
cause I had not the sense to put out both of yours. But 
no matter. Thank God, you will not escape me.” He 
groped about in the cave, but could not find the scholar, 
because there were many sheep in it, and the scholar had 
drawn a ram’s skin over his body and in that disguise had 
mingled with the flock. Then the giant went to the mouth 
of the cave, pushed the great stone a little aside, and let the 
sheep pass out, one after the other, and the scholar in the 
ram’s skin slipped out with them. Having escaped into the 
open, he cried to the giant, “Seek for me no more. I am 
οὔ." When the Giant saw that his prisoner had given 
him the slip, he held out a staff to him, saying, “ Though you 
have escaped me, take this staff to shepherd the sheep with ; 
for without it you will not get a single sheep to budge.” 
The simple scholar took it, and no sooner had he touched it 
than one of his fingers clave fast to the staff. He now gave 
himself up for lost and began to run round and round the 
giant, till he remembered that he had his clasp-knife on him. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

Whipping it out, he cut off the finger that clave to the staff, 
and so he escaped. Afterwards, driving the flock before 
him, he mocked and jeered at the blinded giant, who pursued 
him till he came to the edge of the water, into which he 
fell and was drowned.} 

(10) A Russian story, which belongs to the same class, 
tells how once upon a time there was a smith. ‘“‘ Well now,” 
says he, “ I’ve never set eyes on any harm. They say there’s 
evil (skho) in the world. I'll go and seek out evil.”’ So he 
went and started in search of evil, and on the way he met 
ἃ tailor, who agreed to join him in.the search. Well, they 
walked and walked till they came to a dark, dense forest, 
and in the forest they found a narrow path, and along the 
path they walked till they saw a large cottage standing 
before them. It was night, and there was nowhere elee to 
go to. So they went in. There was nobody there. All 
looked bare and squalid. They sat down, and remained 
sitting there some time. Presently in came a tall woman, 
lank, crooked, with only one eye. “ Ah!” says she, “‘ I’ve 
visitors. Good day to you.’ ‘‘Good day, grandmother. 
We’ve come to pass the night under your roof.” ‘‘ Very 
good: I shall have something to sup on.” 

Thereupon they were greatly terrified. As for her, she 
went and fetched a great heap of firewood. She flung it 
into the stove, and set it alight. Then she took the tailor, 
cut his throat, trussed him, and put him in the oven. When 
she had finished her supper, the smith looked at the oven 
and said, ‘‘ Granny, I’m a smith.”’ ‘‘ What can you forge ?”’ 
‘‘ Anything.” ‘‘Make me an eye.’ ‘Good,’ says he; 
“but have you got any cord? I must tie you up, or you 
won't keep still. I shall have to hammer your eye in.” 

She went and fetched two cords, one rather thin, the other 
thicker. Well, he bound her with the thinner, but she broke 
it. So he took the thick cord, and tied her up with it famously. 
She wriggled and writhed, but break it she could not. Then 
he took an awl, heated it red-hot, and applied the point of it 
to her sound eye, while he hammered away at the other end 
with a hatchet. She struggled like anything and broke the 

1 W. 5. Karadschitsch, Volksmdrchen der Serben (Berlin, 
1854), No. 38, pp. 222-225 ; F. S. Krauss, Sagen und Madrchen 
der Stidslaven (Leipsic, 1883), No. 5, Vol. I, pp. 170-173. 

cord; then she went and sat down at the threshold. “ Ah, 
villain !” she cried, “ you shan’t get away from me now.” 

By and by the sheep came home from afield, and she drove 
them into her cottage for the night. Well, the smith spent 
the night there, too. In the morning she got up to let the 
sheep ‘out, He took his sheep-skin pelisse and turned it 
inside out, so thet the wool was outside, passed his arms 
through its sleeves, and pulled it well over him, and then 
crept up to her as if he had been δ sheep. She let the flock 
go out one at a time, catching hold of each by the wool on 
its back, and shoving it out. Well, he came creeping uj 
like the rest. She caught hold of the wool on his back anc 
shoved him out. But as soon as she had shoved him out, 
he stood up and cried, ‘Farewell, Likho! I have suffered 
much evil (likho) at your hands, No, you can do nothing 
to me.” “ Wait a bit!” she replied, “you shall endure 
still more.” 

‘The amith went back through the forest the narrow 
path. Presently he saw a golden-handled hatchet sticking 
in a tree, and he felt a strong desire to seize it. Well, he dic 
seize that hatchet, and his hand stuck fast to it. What was 
to be done? There was no freeing it anyhow. Hoe gave 8 
look behind him. There was Likho coming after him and 
crying, “There you are, villain! you've not got off yet.” 

6 smith pulled out a knife and began hacking away at his 
hand; he cut it clean off and ran away. When he reached 
his village, he showed the stump of his arm as a proof that 
he had seen Likho at last. 

(11) A story which resembles this Russian tale in some 
points is told by the Esthonians. They cell the farm-servant 
who has the superintendence of barns and corn the Barn- 
carl (Riegenkerl).2 One day when 6 Barn-carl sat casting 
knobs in a mould, up comes to him the devil, bids 
good-day, and asks him what he is dob “T am casting 
éyes,” says the Barn-carl, i 
“Can you cast new eyes for me ? 
carl, “but just at the moment © 

1 W. R. 8 Ralston, Russian 
178-181; W. ΨΥ. Strickler 
k-lore Stories (London, 1907), 
Riege is“ ajbuilding for drya 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

‘“‘ But perhaps you could do it some other time ?”’ asks the 
devil. ‘“‘ That I could,” says the Barn-carl. ‘‘ When shall 
I come then ?”’ asks the devil. ‘‘ When you please,” says 
the Barn-carl. Next day the devil came to get his new pair 
of eyes. ‘‘ Do you want big eyes or small ones 7. ᾽᾽ asks the 
Barn-carl. ‘“‘ Right big ones,” says the devil. The man 
set a lump of lead to melt on the fire and said, “1 can’t 
mould you the eyes when you are like that. You must let 
yourself be tied up fast.’”? With that he made the devil lie 
down on his back on a bench, took a strong cord, and bound 
him tight. When the devil was bound tight, he asked the . 
Barn-carl, “ What is your name?” ‘ My name,” he said, 
“is Myself”? (186). ‘“‘ That’s a good name,” quoth the 
devil, “1 never heard a better.’ By this time the lead was 
molten, and the devil opened his eyes wide, expecting to get 
new ones. ‘‘ Here goes,” quoth the Barn-carl, and with 
that he pours the molten lead on the devil’s eyes. Up jumps 
the devil with the bench tied to his back and makes off at a 
run. Some people were ploughing in a field, and as the poor 
devil tore past them, they asked him, ‘“‘ Who did that to 
you?” “ Myself did it,” says he. They laughed. But 
the devil died of his new eyes, and has never been seen since.! 

Here the trick of ‘‘ Myself ’’ played by the Barn-carl on 
the devil resembles the trick of “ Nobody ” played by Ulysses 
on Polyphemus. 

(12) A similar trick is played on a blinded giant in a Lapp 
tale, which in other respects resembles the Homeric story 
still more closely. Many hundred years ago, we are told, 
when there were still giants and trolls among the mountains 
and hills, a man might easily stumble on a troll against his 
will when he passed the boundary of his home-land. Well, it 
chanced once on a timo that four Lapps, who had gone out 
to seek their reindeer, lost their way on the mountains. 
Three whole days and as many nights did they wander about 
without coming to a human habitation, and they were near 
dead with hunger and weariness when at last they spied a 
light that seemed to shine at the foot of a mountain, whose 
top reached the clouds. Joyfully they hastened to it, 
expecting to find a human dwelling. But when they reached 

1 W. Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem, pp. 16 sq. ; J. Grimm,. 
Deutsche Mythologie, II. 858 sq. 

the foot of the mountain, they found that the light glimmered 
from a cave under the crag. After a moment’s deliberation 
they resolved to enter the cave. When they had penetrated 
it might be a couple of musket shots into the bowels of the 
mountain, they found themselves in a great hall, of which 
the roof and the walls were of purest silver and so bright 
that you could see yourself in them as in a looking-glass. 
Not a human being was to be seen, but there were more than 
a hundred gigantic goats, both billy-goats and nanny-goats. 
In one corner of the hall there was a great hearth with a fire 
blazing merrily on it, and over the fire hung a prodigious 
big kettle with the flesh of a whole ox boiling in it. As the 
Lapps were very sharp set, they gathered round the kettle 
and began to eat the beef. 

When they had satisfied their hunger, they put out the 
fire by pouring the hot water from the kettle on it, and having 
done so they filled the kettle with cold water. What was 
left of fhe beef in the kettle they hid. Then, poking about 
in the cave, they discovered great store of gold and silver 
and other precious things, but they did not dare to lay hands 
on them as not knowing to whom all these riches might 
belong. Suspecting that the owner might be no mere man, 
they made up their minds to quit the cave after they had 
rested a little from their weary wanderings. So they hid 
in a dark corner of the cave and fell asleep. Hardly had 
they done so when they were awakened by a noise so loud 
that they thought their last hour was come. Next moment 
they saw a man stride into the cave, and he was so big that 
they were all amazed, for they knew at once that he was a 
giant. To escape was impossible, and they made up their 
minds to keep quite still. 

‘The giant stopped short in the middle of the cave and began 
to crinkle his nose and to sniff and snuff on all sides. ‘‘ Very 
odd,” he muttered at last, ‘‘ it can’t be that there should have 
been somebody here.”” Then he went up to the hearth, and, 
lifting the lid from the kettle, he looked in and was not a little 
surprised to find nothing in it but water. In a rage he flung 
the lid at the silver roof, where it stuck; then he began to 
rummage every corner and crevice of the cave. It was not 
long before he lit upon the terrified Lapps, dragged the 
biggest of them out, and threw him into the kettle to boil, 
forgetting that the kettle could not boil without fire. The 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

rest of the Lapps he chained up to the wall of the cave, then 
lay down to sleep till the Lapp in the kettle should be boiled. 

Not many minutes passed before he snored so loud that 
the mountain shook and the cinders danced on the hearth. 
Then the Lapp stepped out of the kettle, freed his comrades 
from their chains, and with them hastened to the mouth 
of the cave. But to their dismay they found that the giant 
had barred it with a stone so huge that all four of them 
could not stir it. 

After laying their heads together for an hour they turned 
back into the cave, resolved by hook or crook to play the 
giant a trick. The beef which they had hidden they put 
into the kettle again, and the three Lapps went back to the 
places where the giant had chained them up; but the fourth 
Lapp hid behind a great coop near the door. 

The giant now woke up and hurried to the kettle to see 
whether the Lapp were boiled, but not finding him in it he 
went to the other prisoners and threatened to knock them 
on the head out of hand if they did not tell him where their 
friend had gone. One of the Lapps swore that sure his 
friend must be in the kettle, and that the giant’s eyes must 
be blear not to see him. ‘‘ That would be odd,” said the 
giant, who was a little ashamed of his hastiness, ‘‘ but now 
that I think of it, I do believe that of late my sight has 
been a bit dim.” ‘“‘Well,” said the Lapp, “ a good eye-salve 
will soon set that right.” “‘ Can you make up such a salve ? ~ 
asked the giant. “ΤῸ be sure,”’ says the Lapp; “as soon 
as you get my salve in your eyes you will see fifty miles just 
as well as fifty yards. But you must know that it smarts 
horribly.” “ΝΟ matter,” says the giant, “‘just you make 
up the salve and let me have it as quick as may be.” “‘ With 
all my heart,’ says the Lapp, “if you will pay me well for 
it.” ‘You shall live with me fourteen whole days,” says 
the giant, “‘ till I have eaten up your friends. But you must 
tell me your name, lest I should eat you up instead.”’ The 
Lapp said that his name was Nobody, and the giant repeated 
it ten times to make quite sure that he should'not forget 
it. A fire was now made on the hearth, the Lapp heated 
five pounds of lead on it, and when it was molten he poured 
it on the giant’s eyes, which of course were quite put out by it. 

The giant soon perceived that Nobody had tricked him, 
so he began to call his neighbour to help him to serve out the 

1900 His neighbour came running and asked who had 
hurt him, that he howled so dolefully. ‘‘ Nobody has done 
it,” answered the giant. On that the neighbour, thinking 
that he was joking, flew into a rage and said, “‘ Then you can 
help yourself. Don’t call me another time, or it will be the 
worse for you.”” And with that he went away. 

As he got no help from his neighbour, the giant now made 
shift to search the cave and catch his foes; but they hid 
behind the goats, so that he could not find them. After 
groping about in this way for a long time he came to see that 
the beasts were in the way of his search. So he went to the 
doorway, took away the big stone which served as a door, 
and let out the goats one by one, after making sure that none 
of the Lapps slipped out with them. 

When.the Lapps saw what he was up to, they killed four 
billy-goats with all speed, skinned them, and wrapped them- 
selves up in the. skins, after which they crawled out of the 
cave on hands and feet, taking as much gold and silver with 
them as they could carry. When the last Lapp was about 
to leave the cave, the giant detained him, caressed him, and 
stroked his back, saying, ‘“‘My poor big billy-goat, you will 
now be without a master.’’ After caressing the supposed 
billy-goat, he let him go; then he shut up the mouth of the 
cave with the big stone, and with a grin cried out, “ Now 
I’ve got you in the trap! Now we shall see which of us can 
chouse the other best, my dear Mr. Nobody!” 

Nobody knows what afterwards befel the silly giant. As 
like as not, he went round and round the cave looking for the 
Lapps, till he died of hunger. 

(13) A Lapp variant of the preceding story runs as follows : 
Once on a time Slyboots? lost his way and came to the abode 
of a Stalo. This Stalo owned a house, a kitchen, and sheep. 
It was his way, whenever he got hold of a poor little oaf of 
a Lapp, to keep him by him for a time, so as to fatten him 
before he made a meal of him. He thought to do the same 
thing to Slyboots. But Slyboots thought of a dodge to blind 

1 J. C. Poestion, Lappldndische Mdrchen (Vienna, 1886), 
No. 29, pp. 122-126. 

2 Aschenputtel, equivalent to the ‘“ Boots” of our fairy 
tales, a general name for the youngest son, who is supposed 
to be slyer than his elder brothers. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

the Stalo. So he made believe to be very sharp-sighted 
and to be able to see all sorts of funny things ever so far off. 
The Stalo glowered for all he was worth in the same direction, 
but could make out just nothing at all. “ Look here, young 
man,’’ says he, “ however do you come to be so -sighted?”’ 
‘** Oh,” says Slyboots, “108 in this way. I let them drip a 
drop of lead in my eyes. That’s why I am so sharp-sighted.”’ 
“ΟἿ, that’s it, is it 2?’ says the Stalo. ‘‘ Come on, my dear 
chap, and pour a little molten lead in my eyes. I should 80 like 
to be as sharp-sighted as you.” “‘I’ll do it with all my heart,” 
says Slyboots, ‘‘ but you could not stand it, for it hurts 
rather.” ‘‘ Not stand it?” says the Stalo. “ Ill stand any- 
thing to be as sharp-sighted as you.” 

So Slyboots must needs, as if against his will, pour lead 
into the Stalo’s eyes. He made him lie on his back and 
poured the lead first into one eye. The Stalo whimpered, but 
said, ‘‘ Look sharp, my dear fellow, and pour the lead into 
the other eye also.”” The young man did so. ‘“ Now,” said 
he, ‘‘ you will be blind for-a while, till your eyes have grown 
accustomed to the change; but afterwards you will see like 
anything.” 

It was now arranged that so long as the Stalo was blind, 
the young man should take charge of the household. So he 
picked out ἃ fat ram from the Stalo’s sheep and slaughtered 
it, and next he took the Stalo’s old dog and slaughtered him 
too. In the evening he boiled the fat mutton for himself in 
one pot, and in another pot he cooked the dog’s flesh for 
the Stalo, and when all was ready he served up the dog’s flesh 
to the Stalo ina trough, while he devoted his own attention to 
the mutton. The Stalo heard him pegging away and smacking 
his lips, while he himself could hardly get his teeth into the 
tough old dog’s flesh. ‘‘ Look here, young man,” says he, 
‘* what’s all that smacking and licking of the lips that I hear, 
while my jaws only creak and clatter?” But the Slyboots 
fobbed him off with some answer or other. 

However it was not long before the Stalo perceived that 
Slyboots had made a'‘fool of him, for the sharp sight which 
had been promised him was still to seek. In fact he was 
blind and remained so. So he now racked his brains to 
know how he could pay Slyboots off for the trick he had 
played him. At last one day he told Slyboots to go into 
the fold and count the sheep. ‘‘ That’s easily done,’’ says 

Slyboote, and in he goea. But blind as the Stalo was, 
he came on the heels of Slyboote and set himself plump in 
the doorway. ‘“ Aha!” thinks he to himeelf, “now I’ve 
got you in the trap! you shan’t slip from my claws!” But 
Slyboote was not so easily to be cast down. “Let all my 
sheep out, one after the other,” said the Stalo, “ but my 
big ram last of all.’’ ““ All right,” said the youth, “50 be 
it.” Then he let the sheep out between the legs of the Stalo, 
who stood straddling in the doorway. But Slyboots slaugh- 
tered the big ram and skinned him. And when it came to his 
turn, he put on the ram’s skin amd crawled on all fours 
between the Stalo’s legs. ‘“‘ Aha!” said the Stalo, “‘ that’s 
my fine, fat ram!’ and he clapped the supposed ram on the 
back. At last the Stalo said, “Νοῦν come out yourself, 
my fine fellow!” Then Slyboots cried to him from without, 
“I’ve been out ever so long.’’! 

(14) A Finnish tale of the same general type, but lacking 
some characteristic features of the Homeric story, is as 
follows. A poor ostler, named Gylpho, sets out to free three 
king’s daughters, who are kept prisoners spellbound in a 
subterranean cave. He arrives in an iron chamber, where 
one of the princesses is watched by the old rock-spirit Kammo, 
who has a great horn on his head, and a single eye in the 
middle of his forehead. The monster smells human flesh, 
but the maiden contrives to lull his suspicions. His eye had 
grown dim, and the eyelashes had grown into it, so that he 
could not see the young man. The stove was heated, and 
beside it stood a great iron poker with which the rock-spirit 
used to poke the fire. Gylpho took it quietly, heated it red- 
hot, and then poked it into the spirit’s eye. Up got Kammo 
and screamed so loud that the rocks echoed with the shriek. 
He groped about, but could not find his foe, who seized a 
chance of hewing off the spirit’s head.? . 

(15) The Finnish scholar Castren records, with some surprise, 
that in Russian Karelia, which borders on Finland, he met 
with a tale like that of Ulysses and Polyphemus in Homer. 
The hero of the Karelian story is shut up in a castle, where 

1 J. C. Poestion, Lapplandische Mdrchen, No. 36, pp. 152- 
164. 

2 W. Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem, Ὁ. 17, referring to 
Bertram, Finnische Volksmdrchen und Sprichwérter, Ὁ. 9. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

he is watched by a giant blind of one eye. In order to escape 
from the castle the Karelian hero resorts to the same stratagem 
as that to which the Greek hero had recourse in a similar 
plight. He pokes out the giant’s eye by night, and next 
morning, when the giant sends out his sheep to graze, the 
hero hides himself under one of them, and so has the good 
luck to pass out of the castle gate.! 

(16) From Lithuania is reported a tale which bears a close, 
if not a suspicious, resemblance to the Homeric story. It 
runs thus. One day a ship put in to an island. The skipper 
landed with his crew. To cook their victuals they built a 
hearth of stones, and looking about for a big flat stone to 
serve as a hearth-stone, they spied just such a stone as they 
wanted at the foot of a mountain. Having pried it up 
by their united efforts, they saw to their surprise that the 
big smooth stone had covered a wide opening with steps 
leading down into a cave. They descended and soon saw 
that they were in a giant’s house. The house was so huge 
that you could hardly see the vaulted roof, in the middle of 
which was an aperture that allowed the sunlight to enter 
and the smoke to escape. 

While they ‘were looking about, they heard a sudden 
rumbling, and soon a giant, tall as a tower, came down the - 
steps, after closing the entrance with the big stone. Next he 
planted a whole forest of trees about the hearth and set them 
on fire. By the light of the fire the mariners saw to their 
horror that the giant had only one eye in the middle of his 
forehead. They tried to flee to the barred entrance, but the 
giant perceived them, seized one of them, and swallowed 
him at a gulp. The others he drove back into the inner part 
of the cave. Then he stirred the fire and began to milk the 
ewes, and next he set a huge kettle on the fire to boil the 
milk. When the milk boiled, he quaffed it, lay down on his 
bed of moss, and fell asleep. Soon he slept so soundly that 
the whole mountain quaked with his snoring. 

The sailors now plucked up courage, and the skipper 
unfolded a plan for their salvation. He had noticed a great 
iron spit belonging to the giant. The point of it he soon heated 
red-hot in the fire, and then with the help of the crew he 

1M. A. Castren, Retsen im Norden (Leipsic, 1853), pp. 
98 86. . 

rammed it into the giant’s eye. The glowing iron hissed, 
and the blood spouted up in a jet, falling back in drops that 
scalded like boiling water. Up started the giant, bellowing 
with pain, but though he groped and fumbled along the sides 
and floor of the cave, he could not catch his assailants, for 
they had hidden in the sheep-fold. 

Thus baffled, the giant fell into a terrible fury, hurling 
the burning brands in all directions to set fire to his foes. 
But instead of igniting them he only set fire to his own mossy 
bed, and soon the cave was filled with such a thick smoke 
that the giant was obliged to quit it and sit down in front 
of the entrance, plotting revenge. But the skipper devised 
a new device to effect an escape. He tied every one of his 
men under a sheep, and getting himself under the old tup 
that led the flock, he and the rest passed out with the sheep 
when they trooped out of the cave. Thus they all escaped 
from the giant. Once safe on board, the skipper could not 
help mocking the giant, who replied by hurling mighty rocks 
in the direction of the voice. One of the rocks smashed the 
stern of the ship and killed some of the crew. It was with 
difficulty that the skipper and the rest of the crew contrived 
to save themselves in the damaged vessel. "ὃ 

(17) A German version of the widespread tale has been 
recorded in the Harz mountains. A clever man, travelling 
with six companions, comes to a land ruled by a giant, twelve 
feet high, six feet broad, and furnished with only one eye, 
which is planted in the middle of his forehead and is as 
big as a cheese-bowl. The giant catches the seven and devours 
one of them a day. When only the clever man and one 
comrade are left, they devise a plan of escape. In the night 
they make an iron red-hot, thrust it into the giant’s one eye, 
and take to their heels. The giant makes after them with 
huge strides, but in his blindness fails to catch them.* 

(18) An English version of the Polyphemus story is re- 
ported from Yorkshire. At Dalton, in the parish of Sessay, 
near Thirsk, there is, or used to be, a mill, and in front of it 

1 Fr. Richter “ Lithauische Marchen. Der einéugige Riese,” 
Zettschrift fiir Volkskunde, I. (1889), pp. 87-89. The writer 
says nothing as to the source of the tale. 

2 W. Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem, p. 18, referring to 
H. Priéhle’s Kinder- und Volksmdrchen, Ὁ. 137. 

XIII—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

there was a mound, which went by the name of “ the Giant’s 
Grave.”’ In the mill was shown a long blade of iron, something 
like a scythe-blade, but not curved. This was said to have 
been the giant’s razor, and there was also exhibited the stone 
porridge-pot or lather-dish which had been the property of 
the giant. This giant used to reside at the mill and to grind 
men’s bones to make his bread. One day he captured a lad 
on Pilmoor, and instead of grinding him to flour as usual in 
the mill, he kept him as his servant and never let him go 
away. Jack served the giant many years without a holiday. 
At last he could bear it no longer. Topcliffe Fair was coming 
on, and the lad entreated that he might be allowed to go 
there to see the lasses and buy some spice. The giant surlily 
refused to give him leave, so Jack resolved to take it. The 
day was hot, and the giant was sleeping after dinner in the 
mill, with a great loaf of bone-bread beside him and a knife 
in his hand. Jack slipped the knife from the sleeper’s grasp 
and jabbed it into his single eye. Up started the giant with 
a howl of agony and barred the door. Jack was again in 
difficulty, but he soon found a way out of it. The giant 
had a favourite dog which had also been sleeping when the 
giant was blinded. Jack killed the dog, skinned it, and 
throwing the hide over his back, ran on all-fours barking 
between the legs of the giant, and so escaped. 

(19) A Breton version of the story relates how a young 
man, returning with a well-filled purse from La Vendée, was 
traversing a forest, when he saw a hut, and going up to it 
knocked at the door. A rough voice answered, “‘ Wait a 
moment and I will open to you.” Then there was a loud 
noise, the door opened and he beheld a giant with a single 
eye in the middle of his forehead, holding in his hand the 
bolt of the door, and the bolt itself was as big as an ordinary 
man. On entering the house the young man saw human 
arms hanging, along with chitterlings, in the chimney, and 
feet of men and pieces of human flesh boiling in a pot on 
the fire. He made an excuse for retiring from the house, 
but he could not lift the bolt. ‘“‘ You need not go out,” said the 
giant, ‘‘you may retire among the sheep there.” Now in 
the inner part of the house there was a flock of eight sheep, 

—— 

1§. Baring Gould, ‘The Giant of New Mills, Sessay,” 
Folk-lore, I. (1890), p. 130. 

every one of them as big as a colt. To hide his fear, the 
young man stepped up to the hearth and began to smoke his 
pipe. The giant asked him if he would eat some meat. 
Ὁ No,” said the youth, “1 am not hungry.” ‘ You shall 
eat all the same,” answered the giant. But the young man 
drew a pistol from his pocket, and firing at the giant put out 
his eye. ‘“‘ Wretch,”’ cried the giant, “1 will kill and eat 
you.”” The youth took refuge among the sheep. The giant 
sought him, but could not find him. Then he opened the 
door and caused the sheep to go out one by one, feeling each 
of them as it passed. When only three or four were left, 
the youth got under the belly of one of them, holding fast 
to the fleece. In passing the door he knocked against the 
giant, who stopped the sheep; but by this time the young 
man was out, and making his way through the forest with the 
sheep he sold them for a good price in the market. 

(20) In another Breton version of the story the hero goes 
by the name of Bihanic, and is, as usually happens with 
heroes, the youngest of three brothers. He is sent by a 
king to rob a certain giant of his treasures, which consisted of 
a wonderful parrot, endowed with the gift of second sight, 
a dromedary which could run faster than a bird could fly, 
and a carbuncle which radiated so brilliant a light that 
the darkness of night was turned to day for seven leagues 
round the giant’s castle. The hero succeeded in procuring 
the dromedary and the carbuncle without much trouble, 
but to capture the parrot was a much harder task. When 
Bihanic drew near the giant’s castle for this purpose, he 
met a young shepherd who was feeding the giant’s sheep. 
“Go to the castle,” he said to the shepherd, “and fetch me 
a light for my pipe. I'll give you a crown.” The unsus- 

ecting swain pocketed the money and ran to the castle. 
Meantime Bihanic took one of the sheep, the woolliest of the 
flock, killed it and skinned it. Then he put on the skin, 
and mixing with the flock at eventide, he entered into the 
castle, all unknown both to the giant and to the shepherd. 
Now it was the giant’s custom morning and evening to con- 
sult his oracular parrot, and that night, when he inquired of 
the oracle as usual, the parrot informed him that his enemy 

1 P. Sébillot, “Contes de la Haute-Bretagne,” Revue des 
Traditions Populaires, 1x. (1894), pp. 105 sqq. , 

XIIL—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

Bihanic, who had already robbed him: of his dromedary 
and his carbuncle, was again in the castle; more than 
that, the sagacious bird told him that the thief was lurking 
in the fold, disguised in the skin of a sheep which he had 
killed and skinned. The giant searched for him in the 
fold, but could not find him, though he felt the sheep with 
his hands, one after the other. Then he ordered the shepherd 
to let the sheep out, one by one, and as they passed out, 
the giant stood at the threshold and examined every one. 
When they were almost all out, the skin of one of them 
remained in his hands and he cried, ‘‘ Aha, 1’ve got him! ”’ 
** Alas,” thought Bihanic to himself, ‘“‘ it’s all up with me this 
time,” as he felt the grip of the giant’s fingers on his ribs. 
The giant carried him to the kitchen. ‘‘ Here’s that rascal 
of a Bihanic,” said he, showing him to the other giants and 
giantesses, “‘ he’ll not play us any more tricks. What sauce 
shall we eat him with ?”’ ‘‘ You must put him on the spit,”’ 
they all answered. So they stripped him stark naked, 
trussed him like a fowl, and threw him into a corner of the 
kitchen till it was time to stick him on the spit. The cook, 
left alone, complained to Bihanic that she had not wood 
enough to roast him. ‘‘ Just loose my bonds a bit, fair 
cook,” said he, “and 1] go and fetch some.’ Flattered 
by being called “‘fair,’’ the cook was mollified and undid 
the bonds. No sooner had she done so than the grateful 
Bihanic caught up a hatchet and brought it down on the 
head of the giantess with such hearty good will that he cleft 
her in two from top to toe. He then hurried to the parrot, 
stuffed it into his bag, and made off. When the giant came 
to the kitchen to see whether Bihanic was done to a turn, 
and saw his wife, the cook, dead and weltering in her gore, 
and the parrot gone, he howled and shrieked so that the 
other giants and giantesses came running, and between them 
all there was a terrible noise.+ 

(21) A Gascon version of the old heathen tale is enriched 
with some pious details for the edification of devout Christians. 
It runs thus: Once upon a time there lived a poor widow in 
a cottage with her two children, a boy and a girl. One day 
the boy said to his mother, ‘‘ Mother, from morning to night 

1 F. M. Luzel, Contes populaires de Basse-Bretagne (Paris, 
1887), 11. 231 «qq. 

. 433 
ΑΡΟΙ,. II. F F 

I, you, and my sister work to earn a bare livelihood. I will 
go and seek my fortune. I will go to the land of the Ogres! to 
gather golden horns, horns of oxen, and horns of sheep.” 
But his mother said, “‘ No, no, my dear. I will not let you, 
The Ogres dwell far, far from here, towards the setting sun 
They dwell in a wild black country, in a country of high 
mountains, where the streams fall from heights of three 
thousand feet. In that country there are no priests, nor 
churches, nor churchyards. The Ogres are giants seven 
fathoms tall. They have only one eye, right in the middle of 
the forehead. All the long day they watch their oxen and 
their sheep with golden horns, and at evening, at set of sun, 
they bring back these cattle to the caves. When they catch 
a Christian, they roast him alive on a gridiron and swallow 
him at one bite. No, no, my dear, you shall not go to seek 
your fortune. You shall not go seek golden horns, horns of 
oxen and sheep, in the land of the Ogres.” 

‘“‘ Excuse me, mother,” he said, “‘ but this time you cannot 
have your way.” Then the girl spoke. ‘‘ Mother,’’ she said, 
““ you see my brother is wilful. Since he will not listen to 
reason, I will go with him. Count on me to guard him from 
all harm.’”’ So the poor mother had to give her consent. 
“Hold, my child,” said she, “ take this Rittle silver cross, 
and never part with it, neither by day nor by night. It will 
bring you good luck. Go then, my poor children, go with 
the grace of God and the Holy Virgin Mary.” 

The brother and sister saluted their mother and set out, 
staff in hand, with their wallets on their backs. For seven 
months they walked, from morning to night, towards the 
setting sun, living on alms and sleeping in the stables of 
charitable folk. At last they came to a wild black country, 
a country of high mountains, where the streams fell from 
heights of three thousand feet. In that country there are no 
priests, nor churches, nor churchyards. In that country 
ive the Ogres, giants seven fathoms tall. These giants have 
only one eye, right in the middle of their forehead. All the 
long day they watch their oxen and their sheep with golden 
horns, and at evening, at set of sun, they bring back these 
cattle to the caves. As for good cheer, there is no lack of 

1 Bécuts. In the Gascon dialect Bécut means ‘‘ beaked ’’ 
and by extension an ogre. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

meat. For dinner they kill an ox, and for supper a sheep. 
But they take no account of their golden horns and throw 
them away. When they catch a Christian, they roast him 
alive on a gridiron and swallow him at one bite. ° 
Every day, from sunrise to sunset, the brother and sister 
sought for. the golden horns in the mountains, hiding them- 
selves as well as they could under the bushes and among the 
rocks, lest they should be seen by the Ogres. At the end of 
seven days their wallets were full. Sitting down by a stream, 
they counted them, “‘ One, two, three, four... ninety- 
eight, ninety-nine, a hundred golden horns. And now we 
are rich enough. To-morrow we will return to our mother.”’ 
At that moment the sun was sinking. An Ogre passed, 
driving before him his oxen and his sheep with golden horns. 
“The Ogre! the Ogre!” cried the children and fied at the 
top of their speed. But the Ogre had seen it all. He took 
them, threw them into a big bag, and repaired to his cave, 
which was shut by a flat stone weighing a hundred hundred- 
weights. With a push of his shoulder the Ogre shoved aside 
the stone and closed the entrance. That done, he shook out 
his big bag on the ground. ‘“ Little Christians,’’ said he, 
‘sup with me.” ‘‘ With pleasure, Ogre,” said they. The 
Ogre threw a heap of logs on the hearth, lit a fire, bled a 
sheep, skinned it, threw the skin and the two golden horns 
in ἃ corner, and spitted the flesh. ‘‘ Little Christians,” said 
he, ‘‘ turn the spit.” ‘‘ Ogre, you shall be obeyed,” said they. 
While they turned the spit, the Ogre laid a hundredweight of 
bread and seven great jars of wine on the table. 
“‘ Little Christians,” said the Ogre, “sit down there. 
Want for nothing, and tell me all about your country.” 
The boy knew a great many fine stories, and he talked till 
supper was done. “ Little Christian master,” said the 
gre, “1 am pleased with you. Now it’s your turn, little 
Christian miss.” The girl knew many beautiful prayers, 
in honour of the Good God, of the Holy Virgin, and of the 
saints. But at the first word the Ogre turned blue with rage. 
‘“‘Oh, you hussy,” cries he, “you are praying to God. Just 
wait a bit.” Straightway he seized the girl, stripped her of 
her clothes, laid her on a gridiron, and roasted her alive on a 
slow fire. ‘“‘ Little Christian master,” says he to her brother, 
‘“‘ what do you think of this steak ? Ill give you your share 
of it presently.”” But the boy answered, ‘‘ No, Ogre, Christians 

FF 2 

do not eat one another.” ‘“ Little Christian master, look, 
that is what I will do to you to-morrow, when you shall have 
told all your fine stories.” 

The boy was white with anger, but he could do nothing 
against the Ogre. He watched his sister broiling alive on a 
slow fire. The poor girl clasped in her right hand the little 
silver cross, which her mother had enjoined her never to 
part with, neither by night nor by day. “ My God,” cried 
she, “ have pity on me! Holy Virgin, come to my help!”’ 
“* Ah, hussy,”’ said the Ogre, “‘so you pray God even when 
you are broiling alive, just wait a bit.”” The Ogre swallowed 
her alive in one mouthful. Then he lay down on the ground, 
the whole length of the hearth, “ Little Christian master,” 
said he, “‘ tell me stories of your country.” The boy talked 
till midnight. From time to time the Ogre interrupted him, 
saying, “‘ Little Christian master, poke the fire. I am cold.” 

An hour after midnight the Ogre, glutted with meat and 
wine, was snoring like a hurricane. Then the boy thought to 
himself, ‘‘ Now we shall see some fun.”” Softly, very softly, 
he drew near the hearth, seized a glowing brand, and thrust 
it with all his strength into the Ogre’s eye. The Ogre was 
now blind. He ran about in the cave like one possessed 
by a devil, yelling so that he could be heard a hundred leagues 
off, “‘ Oh, all ye gods! I am blind! I am blind!” The boy 
laughed, hidden under the litter, among the oxen and sheep 
with the golden horns. 

At the cries of the Ogre his brothers awoke in their caves. 
“ἨΔ! ha! ha!” they shouted, “ what’s the matter there ? 
What’s the matter there?”’ And the Ogres came running 
in the black night, with lanterns as big as barrels and with 
staves as tall as poplars. “Ha! ha! ha!” they shouted, 
‘‘ what’s the matter there ? What’s all that there 7." With 
a push of the shoulder they shoved aside the stone weighing 
a hundred hundredweights which stopped the mouth of the 
cave, from which the cries still proceeded, ‘‘ Oh, all ye gods, 
I am blind! I am blind!” “ Brother,” said they, “ who 
has put you in that state?’ ‘‘ Brothers,” he answered, 
‘‘ it was a little Christian. Seek him everywhere in the cave. 
Seek him, that I may swallow him alive. Oh, ye gods, I 
am blind! I am blind!”’ The Ogres searched everywhere, 
but found nothing, while the boy laughed, hidden under the 
straw, among the oxen and sheep with horns of gold. At 

XII. —ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

last the Ogres were tired. “‘ Good-bye, brother,” they said, 
‘try to sleep. We will come back to-morrow.” So they 
shut up the cave and withdrew. 

Then the boy tried to roll away the big stone that barred 
the entrance, but he had to cry, *‘ Mother of God, this is too 
much for my strength.” The Ogre listened. “1 hear you, 
little Christian. I hear you, youcur. Blind as I am, you shall 
not escape me.”’ For three days and nights the boy, the 
Ogre, and the cattle remained in the cave without eating or 
drinking. At last the oxen and the sheep with golden horns 
bellowed and bleated for hunger. ‘‘ Wait a bit, poor beasts,”’ 
said the Ogre, “I'll open the cave for you. But as for you, 
little Christian, that is quite a different matter. Blind as 
I am, you shall not escape me.’’ While the Ogre groped 
about at the mouth of the cave, the boy put on the golden 
horns and the skin of the sheep that had been killed three 
days before. 

At last the big stone fell. The Ogre seated himself outside, 
on the threshold of the cave, and the oxen and the sheep 
passed out, one by one, the oxen first. Their master felt 
their horns and their backs, and he counted them, one by 
one. Then came the sheep, and their master felt their horns 
and their woolly coats, and counted them, one by one. 
Among the sheep the boy waited on all fours. When his 
turn came, he advanced fearlessly. The Ogre was suspicious. 
On feeling the wool of his back he perceived that the fleece 
fitted ill. ‘“‘ Ah, little Christian,’? he called out, “ah, you 
cur! Just wait a bit!’’ But the boy made off as fleet as 
the wind. 

The story ends by relating how the Ogre was sick and 
vomited up alive the girl whom he had swallowed, and how 
the brother and sister returned with great riches to their 
mother, } 

(22) If the Homeric story of Ulysses and Polyphemus 
survives anywhere in oral tradition, it might be expected 
to survive in Sicily ; and certainly a story of the same t 
has been recorded in that island from the lips of a girl eight 
years old. It is in substance as follows. ere were once 
two monks who went begging for the church every year. 

1 J. F. Bladé, Contes populaires de la Gascogne (Paris, 
1886), I. 32-42. 

One was large and the other small. They lost their way once 
and came to a large cave, and in the cave was a monster who 
was building a fire. However, the two monks did not believe 
it was a monster, but said, ‘Let us go and rest there.” 
They entered, and saw the monster killing a sheep and roasting 
it. He had already killed and cooked twenty. 

“ Eat!” said the monster to them. ‘‘ We don’t want to 
eat,” they replied, ““we are not hungry.” ‘“‘ Eat, I tell you!” 
he repeated. After they had eaten the sheep, they lay down, 
and the monster closed the entrance to the cave with a great 
stone. Then he took a sharp iron, heated it in the fire, and 
having stuck it in the throat of the bigger monk he roasted 
his body and desired the other monk to help him to eat it. 
“1 don’t want to eat,’ answered the monk, “1 am full.”’ 
“* Get up! ” said the monster, “ἢ you don’t, I will kill you.” 
The wretched monk arose in fright, seated himself at the 
table, and pretended to eat, but threw the flesh away. 

In the night the good man took the iron, heated it, and 
plunged it in the monster's eyes. Then in his terror he 
slipped into the skin of a sheep. The monster groped his 
way to the mouth of the cave, removed the stone, and let the 
sheep out one by one; and so the good man escaped and 
returned to Trapani, and told his story to some fishermen. 
The monster went fishing, and, being blind, stumbled against 
a rock and broke his head.? 

(23) A similar Greek story has been recorded at Pharasa 
in Cappadocia. It runs thus: ‘In the old time there was 
ἃ priest. He went to get a goat. He went toa village. There 
was another priest. He said, ‘Where are you going?’ 
The priest said, ‘I am going to get a goat.’ He said, ‘ Let 
me come also, to get a goat.” They rose up; they went to 
another village. There was there another priest. And the 
three went to another village. They found another priest. 
They took that priest also. They went on. They made up 
seven priests. 

“‘ As they were going to a village, there was a woman ; 

1G. Pitré, Fiabe Novelle e Racconti popolari Sicthans, 
II. (Palermo, 1875), No. 51, pp. 1-3; T. F. Crane, Italian 
Popular Tales (London, 1885) pp. 89 sqq. I have followed 
Crane’s summary of the story, as the Sicilian dialect is only 
partially intelligible to me. | 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

she was cutting wood. There was also a Cyclops.! The 
Cyclops ram up; he seized the seven priests. He carried 
them to his house. In the evening he roasted one priest ; 
he ate him. He was fat. He ate him; he got drunk. 

“The six priests rose up.. They heated the spit. They 
drove it into the Cyclops’ eye. They blinded the Cyclops. 
They ran away. Inside the stable the Cyclops had seven 
hundred sheep. They went into the stable. They flayed 
six sheep. They left their heads and their tails. They got 
into the skins. In the morning the Cyclops rose up; he 
drove out the sheep; he took them by the head and tail. 
He drove out the seven hundred sheep. He shut the doors. 
He went inside ; he searched for the six priests. He could 
not find them. He found the six sheep killed. 

“The six priests took the seven hundred sheep; they 
went to their houses. They also gave a hundred sheep to 
the wife of the priest, whom the Cyclops had eaten. The 
woman said, ‘ Where is my priest?’ They said, ‘He has 
remained to gain yet more.’ And the six priests took a 
hundred sheep each. They went to their houses, They 
ate, they drank, they attained their desires.’’? 

(24) Another modern Greek version of the Polyphemus 
story, recorded at Athens, runs as follows: A prince makes 
his way into an Ogre’s cave in the Ogre’s absence, and finds 
there a tub of milk and a cake almost as big as a threshing- 
floor. Having refreshed himself by drinking of the milk 
and eating of the cake, he looked about, and seeing a crevice 
in the rock hid himself in it. Soon the tinkling of sheep bells 
announced that the sheep were returning to the cave for 
the night, and the Ogre with them. On entering the cave 
the Ogre closed the entrance by rolling a great rock into the 
opening, and then he sat down to eat, noticing that his supply 
of milk and cake was short. However, after satisfying 
his appetite as well as he could, he raked up the fire and lay 
down to sleep. While he slept and snored the prince crept 

1 In Greek rerexd(ys. This word is explained to be a 
Turkish expression for a one-eyed giant, derived from tepe, 
“head” and géz, ‘“‘eye.”” See R. M. Dawkins, Modern Greek 
in Asia Minor, p. 650. 

3 R. ΜΝ. Dawkins, Modern Greek in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 
1916), p. 551. 

, the Prince thrust it into the Ogre’s eye and blinded 
him ; for the Ogre had only one eye, which was in his fore- 
head. The shrieks of the Ogre roused the whole neighbour- 
hood, and the other came to see what was the matter 
with their chief ; but finding the mouth of the cave barred 
by the great rock, they could not enter, and so went away 
again, supposing that the chief was drunk. Then the Ogre 
opened the cave by rolling away the stone, and sitting down 
at the entrance he began to let out his sheep, feeling them one 
by one. Now there was one big woolly ram, and clinging 
to its belly the prince contrived to escape from the cave, 
while the Ogre stroked the animal on the back.} 

(25) Another modern Greek version of the ancient tale 
was told to the German archaeologist, Ludwig Ross, by a 
native of Psara, an island off the west coast of Chios. In 
outline it is as follows: Three brothers, by name Dimitri, 
Michael, and George, landed from a ship on an unknown 
coast, and separating from their comrades wandered about 
till they came to a magnificent palace. Entering it they 
found in the forecourt a great flocksof sheep, and in the 
banqueting-hall a feast set out, but no human being was 
to be seen. They sat down and partook of the good thi 
and hardly had they done so when a huge, ugly, blind Ogre 
appeared, and in a voice which curdled the blood in their 
veins cried out, “1 smell human flesh, I smell human flesh !”’ 
Pale with terror, the three brothers sprang to their feet, 
but the Ogre, guided by the sound, stretched out his hideous 
claws and seized first Dimitri and then Michael, and dashed 
them to pieces on the floor. George, being nimble, contrived 
to escape into the forecourt, but there he found the gate 
shut and the walls so high that he could not scale them. 
What was he todo? Drawing his knife, he killed the biggest 
ram of the flock, stripped off its skin, and throwing the carcass 
into a well he wrapped himself up in the skin and attempted 
to creep out on all fours, as if he were a ram. Meantime the 
Ogre had finished his horrible meal of human flesh, and came 
waddling down the marble staircase, shouting, “‘ You shall 

1G. Drosinis, Land und Leute in Nord-Eubéa, Deuteche 
Uebersetzung von Aug. Boltz (Leipsic, 1884), pp. 170-176. 

_ XIIL—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

not escape me! You shall serve me for a savoury supper !”’ 
Then he went to the gate and opened it just wide enough to 
let out one sheep at a time. He next called all the ewes by 
name, and as each came he milked it and let it out. Last 
of all came the rams, amongst which George, wrapt in the 
ram’s skin, had taken his place. He approached the Ogre 
with fear and trembling, but the monster stroked his back, 
praised his size and strength, and ἰοῦ him go through the 
gateway. So George escaped.! 

In this version the hero does not blind the monster, and 
thus one of the most characteristic incidents of the story is 
wanting ; but in other respects the tale conforms to the 
common type. 

(26) Auother modern Greek version of the story, recorded 
at Lasta in Gortynia, a district of the Morea, relates how a 
man of old set out to wander through the world and came to 
a land where the men were of great stature, but had only 
one eye each. The traveller lodged in the house of one of 
these one-eyed giants, and at evening the giant’s wife hid 
him ; for during the day the giant, who was a wicked cannibal, 
was not at home. When the giant came home, he told his 
wife that he smelt something, and though she tried to per- 
suade him that it was nothing, he searched the house and 
discovered the man. At first he made as if he would devour 
the man, but after putting him into his mouth, he took him 
out again and spared him for the sake of his wife. However, 
next day he repented of his mercifulness and would have 
gobbled the man up, if his wife had not made him drunk, 
and secretly fetching out the man urged him to fly. But 
before he fled, the man took a burning coal and thrust it into 
the giant’s eye, thus blinding him. So the wicked cannibal 
was punished and never devoured men afterwards.? This 
version omits the characteristic episode of the hero’s escape 
by the means of a sheep or a sheepskin. 

(27) An Albanian version of the story, recorded in Sicily, 
runs as follows: Once on a time there were two men travel- 
ling. Night fell upon them by the way, and it rained and 
thundered. Poor fellows, just think what a plight they were 

1 Ludwig Ross, EZrinnerungen und Mitthetlungen aus 
Griechenland (Berlin, 1863), pp. 287-289. 
"53 K. Dieterich, “‘ Aus neugriechische Sagen,” Zettsthrift des 
Vereins fur Volkskunde, XV. (1905), p. 381. 

Ά 

in! They saw a light far off and said, “‘ Let’s go and see 
if we can pass the night where that light is.” And they 
went and came to the cave, for a cave it was where the light 
shone. They went in and saw that there were sheep and 
rams and two Cyclopes, who had two eyes in front and two 
behind. The Cyclopes saw them come in and said one to 
the other. “Go to, here we have got something to eat.” 
And they proposed to eat the two men. The poor fellows 
stayed there two days; then the Cyclopes felt the back of 
their necks and said, ‘‘Good! We'll eat one of them to- 
morrow.” Meantime they made them eat to fatten them. 
For in the evening they would take a sheep and ἃ ram, 
roast them on spits over the fire, and compel the poor wretches 
to devour them, entrails and all, just to fatten them. And 
every now and then they would feel the back of their necks, 
and one would say to the other, “‘ They’re getting on very 
well!’ But the two men said to each other by words or 
signs, “‘ Let us see whether we can escape.” Now, as I said, 
two days passed, and on the second day the Cyclopes fell 
asleep and slumbered with all their eyes open. Nevertheless, 
when the two men saw the Cyclopes sleeping, they took the 
spits on which the sheep had been roasted, and they heated 
them in the fire. Then they took rams’ skins and clothed 
themselves in them, and going down on all fours they walked 
about in the rams’ skins. Meanwhile the spits were heated, 
and each of the men took two, and going softly up to the 
sleeping Cyclopes, they jabbed the hot spits into their eyes. 
After that, they went down on all fours like sheep. ‘The 
Cyclopes awoke blind, and gave themselves up for lost. 
But they took their stand at the door, each at a doorpost, 
just as they were, with all the spits sticking in their eyes. 
They let out all the sheep that were in the cave, saying, ‘“‘ The 
sheep will go out, and the men will stay in,”’ and they felt 
the fleeces of the sheep to see whether the men were going 
out too. But the men had the sheepskins on their backs, 
and they went on all fours, and when the Cyclopes felt them, 
they thought they were sheep. So the men escaped with their 
life, and when they were some way off, they put off the skins. 
Either the Cyclopes died or they know themselves what they 
did. That is the end of the story.! 

1 D. Comparetti, Novelline popolari Italiane (Rome, Turin, 
and Florence, 1875), No, 70, pp. 308-310, 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

A peculiar feature of this version is the multiplication of 
the eyes of the Cyclopes from one to four apiece. 

(28) A Hungarian story of this type tells of three travelling 
craftamen, Balzer, Laurence, and John, who, after sailing 
the sea for seven days and seven nights, landed in a great 
wood. There they lighted on a sheep-walk and followed it 
till they came to a stall. They entered the stall and found 
there a huge giant who had only one eye in his forehead. 
He asked them what they wanted, and when they had told 
him, he set food before them. Evening soon fell, and then 
the giant drove the sheep into the stall. Now the sheep 
were as big as asses are with us. To shut the stall the giant 
had nothing but a big stone, which sixteen men like you and 
me could not have stirred from the spot. 

When the sheep had all been let in, the giant sat down by 
the fire and chatted with his guests; at the same time he 
felt the neck of each of them to see which was the fattest. 
Poor Balzer was the man, as the giant perceived; so he 
took a knife, cut off his head, and gave him to his sheep to 
devour. The two surviving friends looked anxiously at 
each other and consulted secretly together; and when they 
saw that the giant was sleeping on his back by the fire, 
John took a firebrand and poked it into his eye, so that he 
could see no more. ᾿ 

When morning broke and the birds began to twitter, the 

iant took the stone from the doorway and let the sheep out ; 

ut he was so sly that he straddled his legs and let each sheep 
pass between them. Now John was by trade a shoemaker ; 
so he had with him a paring-knife and an awl. He showed 
Laurence what to do and gave him an awl in his hand; he 
was to hang on to the tail of a sheep, and just when the sheep 
was in the doorway he was to jab the awl into its paunch ; so 
would the animal run through the doorway like lightning. 
John did just the same himeelf, and both came safely through. 
When the ‘sheep were all out, the giant shut the door and 
groped all about, but found nobody. Then he set up such 
a shriek that the two on the shore fell all their length to the 
ground. And at his roar twelve more giants, each as big 
as he, came at a run; and when they saw him in that sorry 

light they seized him straight off and tore him to bits. 
Thon they ran all twelve to the sea, but by this time the two 
fugitives were twelve fathoms from the shore, so that the 

to shriek and roar so terribly that the sea rose in great 
waves, and the two wretches were almost drowned. But God . 
in his mercy saved them, and they sailed on till they came to 
a wood, where they landed and walked for pleasure.! 

(29) A modern Syrian version of the old tale runs as follows : 
Once upon a time there was a prince who had two sons. 
One of them set out with a book, which he owned, to go toa 
monastery. He journeyed till nightfall, when he tarried 
among the mountains and slept till about midnight. Then he 
heard someone crying. He thought, “ I will go and see what 
it is.” He went and found a cave in which a fire was blazing. 
Entering the cave, he saw a blind giant sleeping by the fire. 
The youth sat down and pricked the giant with a needle. 
The giant got up and searched for him, but could not find 
him. After a while the youth pricked the giant again. 
The giant arose. Little by little the day broke, and the goats 
began to pass aut of the cave. The giant stood straddling 
at the mouth of the cave and let the goats pass out one 
by one. The young man crouched under the belly of the he- 
goat, and so got out. In the sequel the youth professes to be 
the giant’s son, and after undergoing a peculiar test of sonship 
he is accepted as such by the giant and allowed to lead the 
goats to grass. He even recovers the giant’s lost eyes from 
a she-bear, which had apparently abstracted them.? 

This story differs from all the rest in that the hero, instead 
of blinding the giant, restores his lost sight. But in other 
respects, particularly in the mode of the hero’s escape from 
the cave, the tale conforms to the ordinary type. 

(30) In the “ Third Voyage of Sindibad the Sailor,”’ which 
is incorporated in The Arabian Nights, the voyager and his 
companions are landed on an island, where they find and 
enter a giant’s house. Presently the giant, a huge black 
monster with two eyes blazing like fire, arrived, and finding 
his uninvited guests, he seized them and felt them 45 a butcher 
. feels the sheep he is about to slaughter. The first whom he 

thus treated was Sindibad himself, but finding him lean 

Foren could not take vengeance on them. Then the giants 

1G. Stier, Ungarische Volksmdrchen (Pesth, n.d., preface 
dated June 1857), No. 14, pp. 146~150. 

3 EK. and A. Socin, Syrische Sagen und Maerchen 
(GSttingen, 1881), No. 32, pp. 115 sq. 

Φ . 
ΧΙΠΠ].---ΟἹἨ ΥὙΘΘῈ 5. AND POLYPHEMUS 

from the excessive fatigue which he had undergone on the 
voyage, he let him go. In this way the giant picked out the 
master of the ship, a fat, stout, broad-shouldered man, broke 

' his neck, spitted him, and roasted him on the spit before the 

fire, after which he devoured him, tearing the flesh to pieces 
with his nails and gnawing the bones. Then he lay down and 
slept till morning. This proceeding he repeated on the two 
subsequent days; but on the third night, when three of their 
number had thus perished, Sindibad and his fellows took two 
spits, which they thrust into the fierce fire till they were red- 
hot like burning coals. These they grasped firmly and thrust 
with all their might into the giant’s two eyes while he lay 
snoring. Thus rudely awakened from slumber, the giant started 
up and searched for his assailants right and left, but could 
not find them. So he groped his way to the door and went 
out, followed by Sindibad and his friends, who had prudently 
prepared rafts for their escape from the island. Presently 
the giant returned with a giantess, taller and uglier than 
himself ; but by this time the fugitives were on board the 
rafts, and they now shoved off with all speed. The two giants 
pelted the runaways with rocks, which killed most of them ; 
Sindibad and two others alone escaped on their raft to 
another island. 

(31) In “The Story of Seyf El-Mulook,”’ which also forms 
part of The Arabian Nights, we have another slightly different 
version of the same story. A certain man Saed, brother of 
Seyf El-Mulook, relates how he was shipwrecked and drifted 
ashore on a plank with a party of memlooks (male white 
slaves). He and two of the memlooks walked till they came 
to a great wood. There they met a person of tall stature, 
with a long beard, long ears, and two eyes like cressets, who 
was tending many sheep. He greeted them in a friendly 
way and invited them to his cave. There they found a 
number of men whom the giant had blinded by giving them 
cups of milk to drink. Warned by them, Saed pretended to 
drink the milk offered him by the giant, and he made believe 
to be blinded by it ; but really he poured the milk into a hole 
in the ground. His two companions drank the milk and 
became blind. Thereupon the giant arose, and having closed 

1 The Arabian Nights’ Entertainment, translated by E. W. 
Lane, III. (London, 1839-1841), pp. 26-30. 

° 
᾿ APPENDIX 

the entrance, of the cave, drew Saed towards him and felt 
his ribs, but found him lean with no flesh on him. Wherefore 
he felt another, and saw that he was fat, and he rejoiced 
thereat. He then slaughtered three sheep, skinned them, 
spitted them, and roasted them over a fire, after which he 
brought the roast mutton to Saed’s two companions, who 
ate it with him. Next he brought a leathern bottle of 
wine, drank the wine, and lying down fell asleep and snored. 

While he slept, Saed took two spits, heated them red-hot 
in the fire, and thrust them into the giant’s two eyes. The 
blinded giant arose and pursued his enemy into the inner 
part of the cave; but, directed by the blind men, Saed found 
a polished sword, with which he hewed the giant through the 
middle, so that he died. 

It is to be observed that both the versions of the story in 
The Arabian Nights omit the characteristic episode of the 
hero’s escape in a sheepskin or under the belly of a sheep. 

(32) A story resembling the Homeric tale of Ulysses and 
Polyphemus is reported to be widely current in the mountains 
of Armenia. It is told orally as a popular tale in Erzerum, 
Kars, Bajberd, Erzinka, Keghi, and other towns; and 
Armenian emigrants carry it with them to their new homes 
in Alexandropol, Achalzich, Achalkalak, Gumush-chane, 
and soforth. The tale is known as the ‘“ Story of the Eye in the 
_ Forehead.” There are a number of different versions of it. 

One of the best, closely resembling the Homeric version, is 
said to be the one told at Gumush-chane, to the south of 
Trebizond. The version told at Achalzich runs as follows : 

One day a rich man, looking out of his window, saw a 
porter approaching with a sack of meal on his back. When 
he came to the wall of the house, the porter put down his load 
to take breath, and began to bemoan his hard fate. ‘‘ What 
an unlucky wretch am I!’ he complained, ‘“ what a hell of a 
life I lead! When will God deliver me from my horrible Ἰοὐ 
and s0 on in the same strain. The rich man sent his servants 
to call in the porter, and when the fellow said that he could 
not leave his sack, the other had the sack despatched to its 
destination by one of his servants. It happened that the 
gentleman had invited friends to dinner that day, and by this 

1 The Arabian Nights’ Entertainment, translated by E. W. 
Lane, III, 353-355. 

XIII—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

time the guests had begun to assemble. But the best place 
at table was reserved for the porter. When they were all 
seated, the host stood up and said, “ Listen, gentlemen, and 
you, my friend,” turning to the porter, “‘listen you too, I 
have something to tell you. When I have finished my story 
you, gentlemen, and you, my friend’’ (meaning the porter) 
‘“‘shall judge whether the present lot of our friend here, of 
which he has just been complaining, is harder and more un- 
endurable than the experience I have undergone in my life. 
“41 was a merchant and a handicraftsman. Once I sailed 
in a ship on business with twenty companions. A great 
storm overtook us, and our ship was cast on the rocks and 
broken in pieces, but we were carried ashore by the wind. 
So far as our vision extended, there was not a living being 
anywhere, neither man nor devil. For long we had nothing 
to eat or drink, and we wandered about till we came to a 
wood. In the wood we saw a building. We went in and 

_ waited. About the time when the sun went down, there 

appeared a frightfully big man, who had an eye in the middle 
of his forehead. When he saw us, he began to laugh, his 
face beamed with joy, and he made curious grimaces. He 
blinked with his eyes, kindled a great fire in the oven, and 
put an iron spit in it. Then he came up to us, felt every one 
of us, and choosing the strongest and fattest stuck him on 
the spit, held him over the fire for a little, and ate him. We 
were horrified, but could do nothing, and waited to see what 
would befall. Next evening he came again, stuck another of 
us on the spit, roasted him, and ate him. We saw that this 
could not last, and that something must be devised to save us. 

‘*The giant with one eye in his forehead, who devoured our 
companions, laid him down every evening before the door 
and fell asleep, after he had partaken of his supper. In the 
morning he went away and walked about till evening. The 
third evening, when he had lain down and was sleeping 
quietly, whereas we could not sleep for fear, one of us by my 
advice got up, heated the spit in the fire, and thrust it, red-hot, 
into the giant’s eye. The blinded giant shrieked dreadfully. 
We ran hastily to the sea, and embarking in a boat, rowed 
away at once from the shore. The giant’s mates heard his 
shrieks and observed us. They hastened to him, and threw 
great stones at us from a distance, so that the whole sea rose 
in billows. At last our boat was hit by a stone and knocked 

. 447 

to bits. All my comrades were drowned, I alone was saved, 
for I tied myself to a board, and so came to shore.” ! 

In this version there is no mention of sheep, and no 
explanation is given of the hero’s escape from the abode of 
the giant. 

(33) A version of the tale which presents the main features 
of the Homeric story has been recorded in Mingrelia, a district 
on the southern slope of the Caucasus and on the eastern shore 
of the Black Sea. It is as follows : 

Once upon a time a traveller on the road from Redut-Kale 
to Anaklia (on the eastern shore of the Black Sea) was over- 
taken by night, a dark and rainy night. In the midst of the 
forest, far from every human habitation, a pack of wolves beset 
him, and some of them tried to tear him from his horse. But 
the horse stood stock still, and neither soft nor hard words 
could induce him to stir from the spot. What booted it that 
the wanderer had tied sticks to the tail of his horse to keep 
the wolves at bay? They attacked him in spite of the 
talisman. <A cold shudder ran over the poor man, his sword 
hung powerless in his limp hand. All he could do was to 
cry aloud for help. And lo! a light appeared in the distance, 
the wolves vanished, and the horse galloped towards the 
light. It was ἃ torch in the hand of a man who inhabited a 
lonely house hard by. The traveller warmed himself in the 
hut and told his host of his adventures. But his host had far 
worse experiences to relate. ‘ Brother,’ quoth he, “ you are 
unhappy because the insects in the wood have attacked you. 
But if you only knew what I have endured, you would deem 
yourself lucky that nothing worse has befallen you. 

“You see we are all here in mourning. We were seven 
brothers, all fishermen. Often we would be months at sea 
with our ship, only sending a boat home once a week with 
our catch. One day when we had cast our lines we 
noticed that our ship was moving away from the shore ; 
something was pulling it, and we could not stop it. Thus 
we were drawn on, and after some weeks we saw before us a 
rocky shore with a stream of honey flowing into the sea. 
Our ship drew in towards the honey stream, and when we were 
near it, a huge fish, with a mouth a fathom wide, bobbed up 

1 Senekerim Ter-Akobian, “ Das armenische Marchen vom 
* Stirnange,’”’ Globus, XCIV. (1908), p. 205. 

448 ° 

XIIL—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

out of the water beside our ship. It swallowed the honey so 
greedily that the brook almost ran dry. Our hooks had caught 
in its gills, and it had been towing us along all the time. 
While it was busy gorging itself on the honey, we cut loose 
our lines, and let the fish go free. We loaded the ship with 
honey and wax, and the evening before we were to make sail 
for home, we saw 8 flock of sheep and goats approaching the 
honey stream. The shepherd was a one-eyed giant. In his 
hand he held a staff as thick as a pillar, and he twirled it like 
a spindle. A dreadful fear came over us. The giant drew our 
ship to the shore, and drove us with his flock to a great 
building, which stood in the middle of a wood. The trees 
were so high that we could not see the tops. The very rushes 
were as thick and tall as oaks are with us. ᾿ 

“The enormous edifice was built of huge, unhewn blocks of 
stone and divided into various rooms for the flocks; the 
goats, the sheep, the lambs, and the kids had their separate 
compartments. The one-eyed giant shut us in and then drove 
his flock away. We tried to break open the door, but in vain. 
Like mice in a trap we ran about from morning to night. At 
evening the giant returned, shut up his beasts, and made a fire. 
He laid on whole trunks of trees. Then he took a spit, fetched 
a fat wether, and roasted it, without skinning it. Nay, he 
did not even kill it, but stuck it alive on the spit; the animal 
writhed in the fire till its eyes burst. Then he ate it up, lay 
down, and began to snore. 

‘“*‘ Next morning he ate two more wethers, and in the evening 
he took the fattest of us, stuck him on the spit, and began to 
roast him. Our brother writhed horribly and shrieked for 
help, but what could we do? When our brother’s eyes burst, 
the giant tore off one of his legs and threw it to us; but the 
rest of our brother he ate. We buried the leg. The next days 
it came to the turn of my other brothers; at last only I 
and our youngest brother were left. We were almost beside 
ourselves with fright and longed for death, but not such a 
terrible one. 

‘Well, when he had eaten our fifth brother and lay by the 
fire and snored, we slunk up to the spit which he had stuck 
at his side in the ground, and with much ado we pulled it out. 
Then we thrust it into the fire, and waited anxiously till it 
was red-hot; and we thrust the red-hot spit into his eye, . 
Blinded, he bounced up with such force in his pain, that we 

APOLL. IT. GG 

thought he would have broken through the roof, but he only 
hurt his head. With a frightful yell he ran through the whole 
house, trampling on sheep and goats; but he could not find 
us, for we dodged between his legs. 

‘In the morning the beasts began to bleat, being fain to 
go out to graze. The giant opened the door, stood in front of 
it, and let the sheep and goats pass out one by one between 
his legs, but he felt the back, head, and belly of each. So he 
did tillnoon. Then he grew tired, and contented himself with 
feeling the back of each beast. Luckily my brother had still 
a knife, and with it we skinned two sheep. Then we wrapped 
ourselves up in the skins and resolved to creep between his 
legs. Half dead with fear, I was the first to try my luck. 
The giant remarked nothing, and [ was out. y brother 
followed. We sought our ship, which was still in the same place. 
Our hope of escape rose. Meantime the giant’s flock came up. 
We picked out the best animals and took them with us on board. 
But scarcely had we cut the cable when the giant arrived and 
felt for the ship. When we were out of reach, we called to him 
our names, that he might know who had played him such a 
trick. In a rage he flung his club at us, with such violence 
that the sea foamed up, and our ship nearly went down. 
After long wanderings along the coast and many hardships, 
we at last came home.’’? 

(34) A version of the tale which also resembles the Homeric 
story is told by the Ossetes of the Caucasus, a people who 
speak an Iranian tongue.. Their version runs as follows: 

rysmag rode with his companions a long, long way, till 
they could hardly stir a step for weariness and hunger. 
Then Urysmag suddenly remarked at the foot of a mountain 
a shepherd of gigantic stature with a flock of sheep. So 
he rode up to him, and dismounting from his horse, caught 
the best ram, which was as big as an ox. But he could not 
hold the ram ; nay, the ram drew him bit by bit, till he fell 
into the hands of the one-eyed giant. “Ὁ Bodsol,’’ said the 
giant, addressing the ram, “1 thank you for procuring me 
a right good roast.” So saying he thrust Urysmag into 
his shepherd’s pouch. Being hungry, Urysmag at once 

1 A. Dirr, Kaukasische Marchen (Jena, 1920), No. 65, pp. 
248-251. The Mingrelian language is akin to the Georgian 
(‘d., p. 290). 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

addressed himself to the giant’s provisions. ‘‘ What are you 
up to there 3 ’ said the giant to him, “ keep still, or 11 give 
you such a squeeze that I'll break every rib in your body.” 
Meantime the sun went down, and the one-eyed giant drove 
his flock home to a cave and rolled a great rock before the 
entrance. The rock shut the mouth of the cave so tight that 
not a single ray of light could penetrate into the cavern. ‘‘ Go, 
my son,” said the giant to his offspring, ‘‘ and bring me the 
roasting spit. I'll roast a tit-bit for you which the ram Bodsol 
has brought me home to-day.” The son quickly brought the 
iron spit. The giant took the spit, stuck Urysmag on it, and set 
it on the fire; then he lay down to sleep. Now the spit had not 
pierced Urysmag, but only paseed between his body and his 
clothes. So when the giant had lain down and began to snore, 
Urysmag disengaged himself from the spit, heated it red-hot, 
and thrust it into the giant’s eye. The giant roared and raged, 
and threatened what he would do to his little enemy when he 
caught him. Meantime Urysmag killed the giant’s son; and in 
his fury the giant bit his own ‘fingers, but that did not mend 
matters. In the morning the sheep began to bleat ; the day was 
breaking, and it was time to let them out to pasture. ‘‘ Now 
you'll catch it ! You shall not escape me,” threatened the giant, 
and rolling the block of stone from the mouth of the cave, 
he sat down on it and caused every sheep to pass before him, 
one by one. Now in the giant’s flock there was a big white 
ram with long horns, and it was the giant’s favourite. Urys- 
mag hastily killed this ram, drew off the skin with the horns, 
put the skin with the horns on himself, and thus disguised 
was the first to creep on all fours out of the cave. ‘ You 
are Gurtshi,” said the giant to the supposed ram as he felt him, 
“* go, my clever beast, go and guard the flock till evening, and 
drive them home. Alas! I’m blind, but I'll punish him who 
has outwitted me.’’ So saying he stroked the back of the sup- 
posed ram and let him go out. Thus Urysmag escaped, and 
he waited till the whole flock was out. Then he cried out, 
“And here I am after all, you blind donkey!” ‘The giant 
died of vexation. But Urysmag drove away the sheep to his 
companions and killed some rams to make a feast for his 
friends. 

1 Chr. H., ““ Ossetische Marchen und en,” Globus, XLI. 
(1882), pp. 333 sg.; A. Dirr, Kaukastsche Mdrchen, pp. 252- 

Ga 2 

(35) A story of the same type is reported from Daghestan, 
ὃ region situated on the north-eastern slope of the Caucasue. 
It is as follows: Two shipwrecked mariners meet a one-eyed 
giant, who is tending a flock of sheep. The giant seizes them 
and carries them to his abode, which is built of great blocks 
of stone in the forest. He sends one of the two to fetch water, 
and in his absence he roasts and devours the other, leaving 
nothing but a hand and foot, which he offers to the other 
shipwrecked mariner on his return. The mariner replies 
that he is not hungry. Then the giant shuts up his abode 
with an enormous rock and goes to sleep. The man puts 
out the giant’s eye with a red-hot bar of iron. Next morning 
the man kills a ram, wraps himself up in the skin, and so 
makes his way out along with the flock. The giant becomes 
aware of the trick and utters a shout: other Cyclopes come in 
haste; but the man reaches the shore and makes good his 
escape on & piece of the wreck. 

(36) A story of the type we are considering occurs also in a 
Mongolian work, dating perhaps from the thirteenth or 
fourteenth century, which professes to narrate the history of 
the Oghuz, a widely spread branch of the great Turkish family, 
who include the Turcomans and the Uzbegs of Bokhara and are 
said still to constitute perhaps the majority of the population 
between the Indus and Constantinople. The work in question 
includes eight narratives. It is in the eighth narrative, en- 
titled ‘‘ How Bissat killed Depé Ghoz,”’ that the story occurs 
with which we are here concerned. It runs as follows.* 
An Oghuzian herdsman surprised and caught at ἃ spring a 

254. There are a few unimportant variations, mostly verbal, 
between these two versions of the tale. In the former it is 
said that the outwitted giant “died of vexation’’; in the 
latter it is said that he “almost died of vexation and rage.” 
As to the Ossete language, see A. Dirr, op. cit., p. 290. 

1 A. van Gennep, Religions, Maurs, et Légendes (Paris, 
1908), p. 162. 

2 As to the Oghuz, see A. H. Keane, Man, Past and Present, 
revised by A. H. Quiggin and A. C. Haddon (Cambridge, 1920), 
pp: 8qq- 

* W. Grimm, Die Sage von Polyphem, pp. 7-12, referring 
to Diez, Der neuentdeckte oghuzische cyklop verglichen mst dem 
homerischen, 1815. 

XII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

fairy of the Swan Maiden type, and had by her a semi-divine 
son named Depé Ghoz, who had the form of a man, except 
that he possessed only a single eye on the crown of his head. 
His birth was attended with prodigies, and as his fairy mother 
flew away she prophesied that he would be the bane of the 
Oghuz. The prediction was unhappily fulfilled. The monster 
began a long career of villainy by killing the nurse who gave 
him the breast, and he soon began to carry off and devour his 
own people, the Oghuz. It was in vain that they sent troops 
against him, for he was invulnerable; his fairy mother had 
put a ring on his finger, saying, ‘“‘ No arrow shall pierce thee, 
and no sword shall wound thy body.’’ So no man could 
stand before him, and he put his foes to flight with great 
slaughter. Therefore they were forced to send envoys to 
negotiate a peace. Depé Ghoz at first, pitching his pretentions 
in a rather high key, stipulated for a daily ration of twelve 
men to be consumed by him ; but the envoys pointing out to 
him with much force that at such a rate of consumption the 
population would soon be exhausted, the Ogre consented to 
accept the more reasonable ration of two men and five hundred 
sheep a day. On this basis he made shift to subsist until 
a distressed mother appealed to the heroic Bissat to save her 
second son, who was doomed to follow his elder brother into 
the maw of the monster. Touched by her story, and burning 
to avenge his own brother, who had been one of the giant's 
victims, the gallant Bissat declared his resolve to beard the 
Ogre in his den and to rid society of a public nuisance. It 
was in vain that the princes endeavoured to deter him from 
the dangerous enterprise. He listened to none of them, but 
stuck a handful of arrows in his belt, slung his bow over his 
shoulder, girt his sword on his thigh, and bidding farewell to 
his father and mother set out for the giant’s home. 

He came to the rock where Depé Ghoz devoured his human 
victims. The giant was sitting there with his back to the sun. 
Bissat drew an arrow from his belt and shot it at the giant’s 
breast, but the shaft shivered at contact with his invulnerable 
body. A second arrow fared no better; the. monster only 
observed, “A fly has bothered me.’’ A third shaft likewise 
shivered, and a piece of it fell before the giant. He started 
up. “The Oghuz are waylaying me again,” said he to his 
servants. Then he walked leisurely up to Bissat, gripped him 
by the throat, and carried him to his abode. There he stuck 

him in his own ox-hide boot, saying to the servanta, “ I'll 
roast him on a spit for supper.”’ So saying he went to sleep. 
But Bissat had a knife, and he slit the ox-hide and stepped out 
of the boot. He asked the servants how he could kill the 
iant. ‘“ We know not,” said they, “there is no flesh on his 
y except in his eye.’’ Bissat went up to the sleepers 
head, and lifting his eyelid saw that the was indeed of 
flesh. He ordered the servants to heat the butcher’s knife in 
the fire. When the knife was red-hot, Bissat thrust it into the 
giant’s eye, destroying it entirely. Depé Ghoz bellowed so 
that mountains and rocks rang again. But Bissat sprang away 
and fell into the cave among the sheep. 

The giant perceived that his foe was in the cave. So he 
took his stand in the doorway, setting a foot on each side of it 
and calling out, “‘ Come, little rams, one after the other.”” As 
each came up, he laid his hand on its head. Meantime Bissat had 
killed a ram and skinned it, leaving the head and tail attached 
to the skin. Now he put on the skin and so arrayed drew near 
to the giant. But the giant knew him and said, ‘‘ You knew 
how to rob me of my sight, but I will dash you against the 
wall.” Bissat gave him the ram’s head into his hand, and 
when the giant gripped one of the horns and lifted it up, the 
skin parted from it, and Bissat leaped out between the giant’s 
legs. Depé Ghoz cast the horn on the ground and asked, 
‘*‘ Are you freed ?”’ Bissat answered, “‘ My God has set me 
free.”” Then the giant handed him a ring and said, ‘* Put it 
on your finger. en neither arrow nor sword can harm 

ou.” Bissat put the ring on his finger. The giant attacked 

im and would have wounded him with a knife. Bissat leaped 
away and noticed that the ring again lay under the giant’s 
feet. The giant again asked, ‘‘ Are you ?”? and Bissat 
again replied, ‘‘My God has set me free.’ Finally, the hero 
contrived to slay the monster by cutting off his head with a 
sword, but this conclusion of the tale does not concern us 
here, having no parallel in the Homeric story. 

In this Mongolian or Turkish version the giant’s offer of a 
ring to his escaped prisoner recalls the incident of the ring in 
some of the other versions already noticed ;1 but here the 
ring does not talk and thereby betray its wearer’s presence to 
his vengeful enemy. 

1 See above, p. 410, with the note. 

XIII.—ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS 

Wilhelm Grimm interpreted the eye of Polyphemus as the 
sun, and found the origin of the story in the physical conflict 
of the elements and in the moral contrast of rude violence 
with ‘crafty adroitness.!_ Such interpretations may safely be 
dismissed as erroneous. They illustrate the common tendency 
of learned men to attribute their own philosophic or mystical 
views to simple folk who are quite incapable, not only of con- 
ceiving, but even of comprehending them. To all appearance 
Polyphemus and his fellows are fairyland beings, neither more 
nor less, the creation of a story-teller who invented them for 
the sheer delight of giving the reins to his imagination and of 
exciting the wonder and admiration of his spellbound hearers, 
but who never dreamed of pointing a moral or of elucidating 
the dark, mysterious processes of external nature. Early 
man was not for ever pondering the enigmas of the universe ; 
he, like ourselves, had doubtless often need to relax the strain 
and to vary the monotony of ordinary life by excursions into 
the realm of fancy. 

1 W. Grimm, Die Suge von Polyphem, pp. 28 sqq.